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AMERICAN HISTORY 



1^^^ 



THE M ACM ILL AN COMPANY 

NEW YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO • DALLAS 
ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO 

MACiMILLAN & CO., Limited 

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCITTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE ^L\CMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. 

TORONTO 




George Washington 



AMERICAN HISTORY 

For Use in Secondary Schools 



BY 



ROSCOE LEWIS ASHLEY 

AUTHOR OF "THE AMERICAN FEDERAL STATE, 
"AMERICAN GOVERNMENT," ETC. 



REVISED EDITION 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 
I9I4 

All rights resewed 



.ASZ 



Copyright, 1907, 
By the M ACM ill an COMPANY. 



Copyright, 1914, 
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. 



Set up and electrotyped. Published June, 1907 Reprinted 
September, 1907; November. 1908; October, 1909; May, 
October, 1910; July, 1911; January, August, 1912. 

Revised Edition, May, 1914. 



NoriDooli 53rfss 

J. S. Cushin<r Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. 

Norwood, Mass.. U.S.A. 

JUN II 1914 



-^33 



PREFACE 

In this volume the author has treated the topics and 
suggested the methods that he has found most satisfactory 
with his own classes. As the development of the nation 
has been the main theme, many subjects often treated in 
high school texts have been discarded as non-essential. 
Many others not connected closely with our national 
development have been of sufficient interest or importance 
to 1 ceive attention in separate chapters. In order to 
make as clear as possible the general course of American 
development and to explain the character of the principal 
movement within each short period of the nation's life, 
the subjects have been grouped under topical heads. The 
author has hoped to indicate by this means the relation 
of each historical change to the movement of the times 
and the relation of this smaller movement to the larger 
phases of our development which are given in the chapters. 

The author regrets that in the preparation of this book 
he has not been able to consult the later volumes of The 
American Nation and cannot give references to these 
volumes. He washes to express to Messrs. Harper and 
Brothers his appreciation for the opportunity to examine 
proofs of two of these volumes, and to Messrs. Houghton, 
Mifflin & Company for the use of two maps from Winsor's 
Narrative and Critical Jlistory of Anierica. He takes 
pleasure in acknowledging the many helpful suggestions 
and criticisms offered by President Kendric C. Babcock 
of the University of Arizona, Mr. Haven W. Edwards of 
the Redlands High School, and Miss Anna V. McNair 
of the Pasadena High School. 

Pasadena, California, 
April, 1907. 



V.2- 



PREFACE FOR REVISED EDITION 

In this revision no attempt has been made to consider 
any events except those of the last quarter century. A 
consecutive account is given of the most important events 
of the twentieth century, and full recognition is given to 
important recent movements, political, economic, and 
social. 

Pasadena, California, 
February, 1914. 



SUGGESTIONS 

On account of the limited time at the disposal of high 
school pupils, the marginal references have been selected 
with care. Most of them will be found in the average 
public library, and a fair proportion in the ordinary high 
school library. Many of the groups of marginal refer- 
ences can be used for topics to supplement the lists given 
at the ends of the chapters. 

The following lists of books will probably be found most 
useful in connection with this text. As duplicates are 
always more useful for class use than even a large number 
of titles, a large high school library would probably con- 
tain a much larger number of books from the first and 
second lists than from the third. 

I. A SMALL LIBRARY 

One or more copies of each of the following: — • 
Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VIL 
CoMAN, Industrial History of the United States. 

MacDonald, Select Documents of United States History {\']'](i-\%(i\)^ 
Burgess, Middle Period. 
Dodge, Bird^s Eye View of the Civil War. 

Hart (ed.), American History told by Contetnporaj'ies, Vol. IV. 
American History Leaflets, Nos. 4, 5, 23, 30. 

II. A MEDIUM-SIZED LIBRARY 

Selected from the books given above and the following: — 
Epochs of American History, 3 volumes. 
Channing and Hart, Giiide to Ajnerican History. 
MacDonai.d, Select Charters Illustrative of American History. 
MacDonald, Select Statutes of United States History. 
The American Nation : — 

Bourne, Spain in America. 

Andrews, Colonial Self- G over nvient. 



viii Snirarestions 



<ii> 



Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution. 

Van Tyne, The American Revolution'. 

McLaughlin, Confederation and the Constitution. 

Turner, Rise of the New West. 

Hart, Abolition and Slavery. 
Chan N IN G, History of the United States, Vol. I. 
Parkman, Struggle for a Continent. 
FiSKE, Critical Period of American History, 
Ashley, American Federal State. 
Hart, Actual Government. 

Hart (ed.), American History told by Contemporaries, 4 volumes. 
American History Leaflets. 
Old South Leaflets. 

Dewey, Financial History of the United States. 
Foster, A Century of American Diplomacy. 
Johnston, American Political History, 2 volumes. 
Burgess, Middle Period. 

Burgess, Civil IVar and the Constitution, Vol. I. 
Stan wood. History of the Presidency. 
Andrews, The United States in our Ou>n Time. 
Larned (ed.). History for Ready Reference, Vol. VI. 
Elson, History of the United States. 

HI. A LARGE LIBRARY 

Selected from the books given above and the following : — 

WiNSOR, Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 volumes. 
* The American N^ation, rest of the 27 volumes. 
♦Fiske, 13 volumes on American history. 
♦Semple, American History and its Cctgraphic Conditions. 

Brigham, Geographic Lnflucnccs in American History. 

Ogg, Opening of the Mississippi. 

EGGLEsroN, Beginners of a Nation. 

Frothingham, Rise of the Republic. 

Lodge, Short Fli story of the English Colonies. 

Doyle, English Colonies, 5 volumes. 

Johnston (Woodburn) (eds.), American Eloquence, 4 volumes. 

Roosevelt, Winning of the West, 4 volumes. 
•Taussig, Tariff History of the United States. 

ScHOULER, History of the United States (17S3-1S65), 6 volumes. 
♦McMaster, History of the People of the United States (17S3-1S60) 
7 volumes published. 

White, Money and Banking. 
♦Rhodes, /Li story of the United States since the Compromise of /Sjo, 
7 volumes. 



Sjiggcstions ix 

American Statestnen Series; especially volumes on Franklin, * Wash- 
ington, *Hamilton, *Webster, *Clay, *Calhoun, Lincoln, 
lienton, Chase, Seward, and Blaine. 

American Commonwealth Series; especially volumes on Virginia, 
Maryland, Connecticut, Missouri, Indiana, Kentucky, Texas, 
Louisiana, and Kansas. 

Larned, History for Ready Reference, 6 volumes. 
•'Sparks, Expansion of the United States. 

Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress. 

Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation. 

Burgess, Civil War and the Constitution, Vol. II. 

Johnson, War of Secession. 

Wood-Edmunds, Civil War in the United States. 

Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 4 volumes. 

Burgess, Recotistruction and the Constittition. 

Foster, American Diplomacy in the Orient. 

Johnson, American Raihvay Transportation. 

Those starred in this list should be included in list II if possible. 



CONTENTS 

PART I 

THE COLONIAL PERIOD (1492-1763) 

CHAPTER I 

CONDITIONS AFFECTING COLONIZATION IN 
AMERICA. 1-23 

ION PAGB 

Introduction I 

Geographical Conditions : 

Geography and American colonization .... 2 

Climate and rainfall « 3 

Natural resources 5 

Geographical divisions of the United States ... 7 

Influence of geography on English colonization . . 8 

Geographical advantages of the P^rench colonies . . lO 

The North American Indian : 

The Indian tribes .... 
Life and character of the Indians 
General relations of Indians and Whites 
Help given to the English by the Indians 
Results of Indian v^^ars 



Europe during the Fifteenth Century: 

13. Connection between the history of Europe and America . 17 

14. Political Europe after 1450 18 

15. Trade with the East before 1475 '9 

16. Search for new sea routes to India 20 

17. Summary 21 

CHAPTER II 

THE FIRST CENTURY (1492-1600). 24-39 

The Discovery of a New World : 

1 8. Preparation of Columbus ..... c . 24 

19. Columbus's first voyage o 25 

xi 



xii Contents 

SECTION PAGE 

20. The Pope's division of the earth o- . , . ,26 

21. Later voyages of Columbus 27 

22. The Cabots 28 

23. Vespucius and the naming of America .... 29 

24. The Pacific Ocean ........ 30 

Explorations in the United States (15 13-1543) : 

25. Florida (1 5 1 3-1 5 36) o 30 

26. The Southwest (1539-1543) 31 

27. De Soto » 32 

28. Verrazano and Cartier 32 

The Close of the Sixteenth Century : 

29. The situation in Europe ....... 33 

30. The French in Florida (i 562-1 565) 34 

31. The English in the New World (i 562-1 583) ... 35 

32. The Ralegh colonies (1584- 1590) 36 

33. The results of the first century 37 

CHAPTER III 
EARLY ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1600-1660). 40-62 

Virginia (1606-1625) : 

34. The charter of 1606 40 

35. The settlement at Jamestown ...... 41 

36. The influence of tobacco culture . . . . .42 

37. The first Virginia assembly (1619) 43 

38. Virginia becomes a royal province (1624) . ... 43 

New England before 1628 : 

39. The Plymouth Company and the Council for New England 44 

40. The English Puritans 46 

41. The Puritans and the English monarchs . . . ' . 47 

42. The Pilgrim migrations ....... 48 

43. Early history of New Plymouth ...... 48 

Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay (i 628-1 636): 

44. The Massachusetts Bay Company ..... 49 

45. King Charles and the Puritans ...... 50 

46. Character of the Massachusetts Bay colony . . .51 

47. Political problems and dangers 52 

48. Religious difficulties 53 

Expansion in New England ( 1 635-1645) : 

49. Providence plantations and Rhode Island „ . . 54 

50. The Connecticut Valley , . . . , , =55 



Contents xiii 

SECTION PAGE 

51. New Haven 56 

52. Northern New England 57 

53. The New England confederation (1643) . • » • 57 

Maryland : 

54. The charter of Maryland (1632) 59 

55. The proprietor and the freeman 60 

56. Religious toleration ........ 60 

57. Summary 61 

CHAPTER IV 

LATER ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1660-1700). 63-85 

58. Commercial situation of England about 1660 

59. England and the Colonies (i 660-1 685) 

New York (i 609-1685) : 

60. The founding of New Netherland 

61. The province of New Netherland 

62. New Netherland and its neighbors . 

63. Conquest of New Netherland (1664) 

64. The English in New York (1664-1685) . 

The Quaker Colonies : 

65. New Jersey and the Quakers 

66. Penn and his colony 

67. The government of Pennsylvania 

68. Boundaries of Pennsylvania ... 



The South after the Restoration (i 660-1 730) : 
Misgovernment in Virginia (i 660-1 676) . 
Bacon's rebellion (1676) .... 
The Carolina charters (1663-1665) . 
Proprietary government in Carolina (i 667-1 729) 

New England (1655-1685) : 

Problems of New England ( 1 655-1 675) . 

King Philip's war (1675-1676) .... 

Massachusetts and the Crown (i 675-1 684) 

The Great Revolution (1685-1700) : 

The Dominion of New England .... 

The revolution of 1689 in England and New England 
Revolutionary movements in the Middle and Southern 
Colonies ...... 

Results of the revolution in America 

The colonies in 1700 .... 



63 
64 

65 

65 
67 
67 
68 

69 

70 

71 
72 

73 
74 
75 
75 

76 

77 
78 



79 
80 

82 
83 
84 



XIV 



Conttnts 



CHAPTER V 



SECl 

Si. 



RIVALRY OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH (1689-1763) 
So- 103 

ION 

Introduction ....... 



S2. 
S4. 

85. 
So. 
S7. 
SS. 

S9. 

90 

91 
92, 

93 
94 
95 



French Exploration and Settlement : 
Fountling of New France 
Exploration of the West ... 
Louisiana (i 099-1 720) . 

French and English Colonies (16S9-1754) 
The Treaty of Utrecht ( 1 7 1 3) 

Georgia 

The English colonists and their governors 
Government of the French colonies 
Preparation for the final conflict 

Expulsion of the French (i 754-1 76 : 
The struggle for the upper Ohio valley . 
The situation in America and in Europe 
The first period of the war (1754-1757) . 
The second period of the war (175S-1760) 
The Peace of Paris (1763) 

Summarv 



PAGE 

86 



86 
88 
89 

S9 
91 
92 

"?}> 
94 

95 
95 
91 
9S 
99 

lOI 



CHAPTER Yi 



COLONIAL CONDiriOXS (.1750). 104-126 

Population and Society : 

96. Number of the people 

97. Classes of society . 

98. Indented servants . 

99. Slavery . 
100. Colonial life . 



Occupations : 
loi. Agriculture 

102. Commerce and shipping 

103. Industry and labor . 

104. Colonial currency . 

105. The professions 

Miscellaneous Conditions: 

106. Colonial churches . 

107. Superstition . 



104 

105 
106 
106 
108 



14 



115 
116 



Contents 



XV 



SECTION PAGE 

io8. Clime . c o • ^^7 

109. Education . 1 18 

no. Newspapers 120 

111. Travel .......... 121 

112. Colonial government . . . . . . .122 

113. Colonial law 123 



PART II 
THE FORMATION OF A UNION (1763-1789) 



114. 



115. 
116. 
117. 
118. 
119. 
120. 
121. 
122. 



123. 

124. 
125. 
126. 
127. 
128. 
129. 
130. 

131- 
132. 

134. 

135- 
136. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE BEGINNINGS OF REVOLUTION (1763-1775) 
127-153 
Colonial self-government and English control before 

1763 

The Old Colonial Policy of England : 
General methods of colonial control 
England's interference with colonial government 
England's control through colonial officials 
Control of colonial legislation .... 
Early acts of trade ( 1 660-1 696) 
Later Restrictive Legislation (1696-1760) 
General effect of the commercial system . 
The writs of assistance ..... 



The New British Colonial Policy (i 763-1 767) : 
The conditions in 1763 .... 
George III and his ministers (i 760-1 782) 
The establishment of a colonial army (1763) 
The Sugar Act of 1 764 . 
The Stamp Act 

Reception of the Stamp Act . 
The Stamp Act congress . 
The repeal of the Stamp Act . 
English and American ideas of representation . 
The Townshend Acts (1767) .... 

Disorder and Organized Opposition (i 767-1 775) : 
The reception of the Townshend Acts 
Growing disorder ( 1 768-1 770) 
The committees of correspondence (i 772-1773) 
The tea tax ....... 



127 

128 
128 
129 
130 

131 
132 

134 

135 
136 
137 
138 
139 
140 
141 
142 

143 
144 

145 
146 
147 
147 



XVI 



Contents 



SECTION PAGB 

137. The repressive acts (1774) 148 

138. The First Continental Congress (1774) .... 149 

139. The inevitableness of war 150 

140. Summary I^i 

CHAPTER VIII 



141 

142, 

143' 

144, 

145 
146, 
147 

148 
149 
150 

151 

152, 

153 

154. 
155. 
156. 

157- 
158. 

159. 
160. 
161. 
162. 
163. 
164. 

165. 
166. 
167. 
168. 



THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR (1775-1783). 154-188 

Revolt and Independence : 

Events around Boston (1775) . 

The W2S on the northern border (1775-1776) 

Change in the theater of war (1776) 

The Second Continental Congress (i 775-1 776) 

The movement toward independence 

The character of the Declaration 

The first state governments 

Conditions Affecting American Success: 

The theater of war 

British military organization and policy . 
The American army .... 

The loyalists 

The finances of the revolution . 
Continental currency .... 

The Campaigns of 1776 and 1777: 

The movement against New York (1776) 

The Trenton-Princeton campaign . 

The plan of campaign (1777), Philadelphia 

Burgoyne's advance (1777) 

The surrender of Burgoyne (1777) . • 

Changed Conditions (i 778-1 779) : 

French aid before 1778 .... 

The French alliance (1778) 

Attempted conciliation by the British (1778) 

Intrigue and neglect (1778) 

The naval war (1776- 1782) . 

The war in the North and West (i 778-1 779) 

The Close of the War (i 780-1 781) : 

British success in the South (1780) . 
The treason of Arnold (1780) 
Campaigns in the South (1780-1781) 
Yorktown (1781) 



Contents 



xvii 



The Treaty of Peace (1782-1783) : 

169. Conditions affecting the Treaty of Peace . 

170. Claims and negotiations (1782) 

171. Provisions of the Treaty of Peace (1783) 

172. Summary 



183 
184 
185 
i86 



173. 
174. 

175- 

176. 

177. 
178. 
179. 
180. 
181. 
182. 
183. 
1 84. 

185. 
186. 
187. 
188. 
189. 

190. 
191. 
192. 
193- 
194. 
195- 
196. 

197- 
198. 
199. 



CHAPTER IX 

CREATION OF A GENERAL GOVERNMENT (1781- 
1789) . 189-217 

The Articles of Confederation ; 
Formation of the Confederation 
Provisions of the Articles of Confederation 

The league of states 

The amendment of the Articles of Confederation 

The Critical Period (1781-1787) : 

Critical conditions ...... 

The old soldiers 

Land claims of the states .... 
Land cessions (i 781-1802) .... 
Ordinances for the government of western territory 
The West and foreign affairs .... 
Relations with Great Britain .... 
Internal disorder 



Formation of the Constitution (i 787-1 788) : 
The Annapolis conference 
The Connecticut compromise . 
Later history of the convention 
Feeling of the people .... 
Ratification of the Constitution by the states 

Character of the Constitution : 

Dispute over the nature of the Constitution 
The nation and the states .... 
Congress ........ 

The president 

The courts 

Amendment of the Constitution 
The sources of the Constitution 

The Organization of the New Government (1789) 

The presidency 

Beginnings of the new congress 

The executive departments .... 



189 
189 
190 
191 

192 

192 

193 

194 

195 
196 
197 
iqS 



200 
201 
202 
203 
204 

204 
205 
206 
206 
207 
207 
208 

209 
210 
212, 



xviii Contents 

SECTION PAGB 

200. The national judiciary . . . . , . .214 

201. Summary 214 

CHAPTER X 

THE CLOSE OF THE XVHI CENTURY. 218-230 

Social Conditions : 

202. The people 218 

203. The frontier 219 

204. The admission of new states 220 

205. The movement toward emancipation . . . .221 

206. The cotton gin and slavery ...... 222 

Political and Religious Changes : 

207. Voters and officeholders 223 

208. Tendencies toward democracy 223 

209. Religious freedom 224 

Economic Conditions : 

210. Commerce ....,.,<,. 225 

211. Industry » . . 226 

212. Currency .......... 227 

213. Improved means of communication 228 

PART III 
DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION (1789-1843) 

CHAPTER XI 
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PROBLEMS (1789-1811). 231-268 

214. Problems confronting the new government (1789) . 231 

Financial Policy and Political Parties (i 790-1 793) 

215. The national debt 233 

216. Assumption of state debts 234 

217. New national taxes 235 

218. The United States bank 236 

219. The formation of political parties 237 

Foreign Affairs (i 793-1 798) : 

220. Difficulties with France (1793) 238 

221. Grievances against England (1794) . . , . 239 

222. Jay's treaty (1794) » 240 

223. The close of Washington's administration . . . 242 



Co fit CI Us 



XIX 



SECTION 

224. Trouble with France (i 796-1800) 



225. 
226. 
227. 
228. 
229. 
230. 

231. 
232. 
233. 
234. 

235. 
236. 
237. 
238. 
239. 
240. 
241. 
242. 



Federalists and Republicans ( 1 798-1 802) : 
The Alien and Sedition laws (1798) 
The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions (i 798-1 799) 

The election of 1800 

Jefferson and his party ...... 

Reversal of Federalist practices .... 

The national courts 



Western Problems ( 1 800-1 806): 

Disputes over the lower Mississippi River 

The purchase of Louisiana 

Extent and importance of Louisiana 

The Burr conspiracy (1805- 1806) . . . . 

Commercial Warfare ( 1 805-1 81 1): 

European war and American commerce before 1806 
The impressment of American seamen 
Orders and decrees (1806-1807) 
The Embargo (1807) 
Indirect results of the Embargo 
The Non-Intercourse Act (1809) 
The Macon bill No. 2 (1810) . 
Summary .... 



PAGE 

244 
245 
246 

247 

249 

• 250 

252 

255 
256 

257 
259 
260 
260 
262 
263 
264 
265 



CHAPTER XII 

A NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1811-1824). 269-294 



The Second War of Independence : 

243. Events leading to war (1811-1812) 

244. Declaration of war (1812) 

245. War in the North (1812-1813) 

246. The war on the ocean (1812-1814) 

247. The last year of the war . 

248. TheTreaty of Ghent (1814) . 

Changed Conditions after the War of 181 2 

249. The new nationality 

250. Our altered international standing . 

251. Downfall of the Federalist party 

252. The tariff of 1816 . ^. . . 

253. The second national bank 

254. The Supreme Court 

255. The development of the West . 



269 
269 
270 

272 

273 
274 

275 
276 

277 
278 
279 
280 
281 



XX Contents 

SECTION PAGE 

256. Internal improvements 282 

257. Importance of the westward movement .... 283 

Slavery and Foreign Affairs ( 1 819-1 824) : 

258. The Missouri Bill (1818-1819) 284 

259. The Missouri problem 285 

260. The Missouri Compromises (1820-1821) . . . 286 

261. Florida c ... 288 

262. The Monroe Doctrine (1823) ...... 289 

263. Summary 291 

CHAPTER XIII 

NATIONAL DEMOCRACY (1824-1843). 295-316 

The Triumph of Democracy (i 824-1 829) : 

264. The presidential election of 1824 . . o . . 295 

265. New political parties . . . , . . . 297 

266. The election of Jackson (1828) . , » . . 298 

267. The importance of Jackson's election .... 298 

268. New political methods 300 

269. The spoils system . 301 

National Sovereignty verstis State Sovereignty (1826- 

1833): 

270. Controversies over Indian lands 302 

271. The Webster-Hayne debate (1830) . « . . 303 

272. Changes in the tariff ( 1 824-1 832) . . . o . 304 

273. The South and the tariff . 305 

274. Nulliticalion and the compromise tariff . . . 306 

Finance and Politics (i 829-1 843) : 

275. First attack on the United States bank .... 307 

276. Overthrow of the bank 308 

277. Government revenues and the panic of 1837 • • • 3^° 

278. Administration of Van Buren (1837-1841) . . . 311 

279. The election of Harrison (1840) 311 

280. Tyler and Whigs (1841-1842) 313 

281. Summary 314 

CHAPTER XIV 

A HALF CENTURY OF CHANGES. 317-338 

Transportation and Business (1S15-1860) : 

282. The steamboat 317 

283. The era of canals ........ 318 



Contents 



XXI 



SECTION PAGE 

284. Railways . 319 

285. Significance of improved means of transportation . . 320 

286. The telegraph and other inventions . . <, . 322 

287. Industrial changes after 1810 ...... 323 

288. The era of "free trade" (1846-1857) . . . .324 

Political and Social Changes: 

289. Opening of the government lands 325 

290. Development of Democracy 326 

291. Changes in the states 328 

292. Social legislation ........ 329 

293. Newspapers and education 329 

294. American cities ....•••. 33I 

Free and Slave States : 

295. Growth of the United States 331 

296. Foreign immigration 333 

297. The admission of new states ...... 334 

298. Early abolitionists 335 

299. Abolition and petition (1835- 1840) .... 336 



PART IV 

THE STRUGGLE OVER SLAVERY (1843-1877) 



CHAPTER XV 



SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES (1843-1857). 339-365 

Introduction ........ 339 



300. 

Territorial Expansion ( 1 843-1 848) : 

301. Texas before 1843 .... 

302. The annexation of Texas (1843-1845) 

303. Oregon territory to 1846 . 

304. War with Mexico (1846-1847) 

305. Conquest of California. Peace 

Slavery in New Territory (1848- 1 85 3) : 

306. The Wilmot proviso 

307. Oregon Territory ; election of 1848 

308. California 

309. The elements of a compromise (1850) 

310. Discussion of the compromise . 

311. Completion of the compromise of 1850 



341 
341 
343 
344 
346 

347 
348 
349 
350 
351 
352 



xxu 



Contents 



SECTION 

312. The fugitive slave law .... 

313. Attempts to gain more slave territory , 

Slavery in Old Territory (1S54-1857) : 

314. The Kansas-Nebraska bill (1854) . 

315. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) 

316. Reorganization of political parties . 

317. The struggle for Kansas (i 855-1 861) 

318. The case of Dred Scott (1857) 

319. Summary 



PAGE 

353 
354 

355 
356 
358 
359 
360 
^61 



CHAPTER XVI 



DISUNION AND CIVIL WAR (1857-1861). 366-398 



320. 
321. 
322. 
323- 
324. 
325- 

326. 

327- 
328. 

329- 
330. 
331. 

332. 
333- 
334- 

335- 

337- 
338. 
339. 
340. 
341- 
342. 
343. 



Approaching a Crisis (185 7-1 860) : 
The situation in 1857 
Political factions and parties . 
The Lincoln-Douglas debates (1858) 
Union and slavery .... 
Influence of John Brown's raid (1859) 
The election of i860 



The Secession Movement (1860-1861) : 

Secession in South Carolina (December, i860) 
Attempted conciliation (December- January) . 
The Confederate States of America 
Close of Buchanan's term 
Fundamental causes of secession 
Slavery and state sovereignty versus 



Lincoln; "The Three Months' 
Lincoln's policy 
Sumter . 
Preparation for war 
The border states 
Bull Run . 



War 



Conditions Affecting Union Success : 
Resources of North and South 
The southern armies 
The northern armies 
The navies; the blockade 
Foreign relations (1861-1865) . 
Bonds and a national banking system 
Greenbacks and taxes 



nationality 



366 

367 
368 

369 
370 
371 

373 
374 
375 
377 
378 
379 

380 
381 
382 

383 
384 

386 

387 
387 
389 
390 
391 
392 



Contents 



XXlll 



SECTION 

344. Southern finances and government 

345. Critical situation at the North . 

346. Summary .... 



PAGE 

393 
394 
395 



CHAPTER XVII 

PROSECUTION OF THE WAR (1862-1865). 399-430 

Spring and Summer of 1862 : 

Theater of war in the West .... 
Grant's campaign in the West (to February, 1862) 
Completion of the Western Tennessee campaign 

New Orleans (1S62) 

The theater of war in Virginia .... 

Monitor and Merrimac 

McClellan's peninsular campaign 

The Middle Period of the War (August, 1862-June, 1863) : 

The fall of 1862 

Events leading to emancipation .... 

Emancipation ........ 

Chancellorsville; Lee's second invasion . 

Union Advance (July, 1863- July, 1864): 

Gettysburg 

Vicksburg 

Operations around Chattanooga (1863) . 

Naval operations (1864) 

The advance on Atlanta (1864) .... 
Grant in Virginia (May-July, 1864) 

The Close of the War (July, 1864-April, 1865) : 
The Shenandoah valley; Hood in Tennessee 
Sherman in Georgia and the Carolinas 
The end of the war .... 
The people and Lincoln's government 

Summary of the campaigns 

Conclusion .... 



399 
401 

403 
404 

405 
407 
407 

410 
411 
412 
414 

415 
416 
418 
419 

421 
422 

423 
424 
424 
426 
427 
428 



CHAPTER XVIII 

POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1877) 
431-452 

370. Lincoln, Johnson, and Reconstruction 

Reconstruction (i 865-1 870) : 

371. The problem of reconstruction . . . . 



431 
432 



XXIV 



i ontoits 



SECTION 

37-- 
373- 
374. 
375- 

37 



ro. 



377- 
37S. 
379. 
3S0. 
3S1. 
3S2. 

3S4. 
385- 
3S6. 

3S7. 



Status of seceding states .... 
Restoration under Johnson (1S65).. 
Freedmen legislation .... 
Civil rights bill and amondmont XIV (1S66) 
Military reconstruction (1S67-1S70) 

Incidents of the Reconstruction Period (1S67-1 
The impeachment of Johnson . 
Carpetbag government in the South 
City government and corruption 
The administrations of Grant (1S69-1S77) 
National political scandals 
The disputed election of 1S76 . 

National Changes (1S61-1S77) : 
National development 
Changes in the written Constitution 
Changes in the unwritten constitution 
The national government 
New national industrial conditions . 



77) 



433 
434 
436 
437 
43S 

439 
441 
442 
443 
444 
445 

447 
44S 

449 
449 
450 



PART V 

THE NEW NATION (1865-1907) 



CHAPTER XIX 

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT (1S65-1SS6). 453-473 

38S. Changes following the war 453 

Financial and Industrial Readjustment (^1865-1879) : 

3S9. Bonds and taxes after the war 454 

390. The greenbacks 455 

391. Laws relating to silver 456 

392. Business after the war 457 

393. Agriculture and the West ...... 45S 

Transportation Problems (1S65-1SS7) : 

394. Development of the West by means of the railways . 460 

395. Railway abuses 461 

396. The granger movement and railway legislation . . 462 

397. The interstate commerce commission (1SS7) . o . 463 

Political Changes and Reforms (1S77-1SS6) : 

39S. Gartield and Arthur . . . . ^ . . 4^4 



Contents xxv 



SECTION 

399. The election of Cleveland (1884) . 

400. The spi)ils system and reform . 

401. Progress of civil service reform since 1883 

402. Reform of elections .... 

403. Changes affecting the presidency 

404. Summary 



465 
467 
468 
469 
470 
471 



CHAPTER XX 

THE END OF AN ERA (1886-1897). 405-422 

SECTION PAGE 

The Tariff: 

405. Proposed reform of the tariff ( 1 882-1 888) . . . 474 

406. The election of 1888 475 

407. The McKinley tariff (1890) ....,,, 476 

408. The Gorman- Wilson tariff ; the income tax (1894) . 477 

409. Recent tariffs „ . . . 478 

The Silver Controversy (1893—1897) : 

410. The Sherman silver act (1890) and the treasury . . 478 

411. The free silver movement in the West „ . „ , 480 

412. ^ Election of 1896 ........ 481 

413. Republican policies . . , . . o . 482 

Foreign Affairs (1865-1895) : 

414. Disputes with England . , . . . . . 483 

415. Samoa ...,,.... 485 

416. Hawaii ....,,,,.. 486 

417. Pan-American Congresses ..,.., 487 

418. The Monroe Doctrine and Mexico after the Civil War . 488 

419. The dispute over the boundary of Venezuela (1895) • 4^^ 

420. The settlement of the Venezuela controversy . . 489 

421. The Monroe Doctrine since 1895 49*^ 

422. Summary 491 

CHAPTER XXI 

EXPANSION (1898-1902). 423-448 

423. Fundamental changes in the United States after 1897 • 493 

The Spanish-American War : 

424. Our relations with Cuba before 1895 .... 494 

425. The United States and Cuban Insurrection (1895-1896) 495 

426. Dangers to American interests in Cuba (1897-1898) . 496 



XXVI 



Contents 



SECTION 

427. The spring of 1898 

428. The beginning of war .... 

429. War on the Atlantic .... 

430. War finance 

431. Army administration and reform 

The Care of Wider American Interests : 

432. The problem of the Pacific . . . 

433. The treaty of Paris (1898-1S99) 

434. Philippine insurrection and election of 1900 

435. The development of a colonial policy 

436. The Philippines since 1900 

437. Alaska 

438. Attempts to secure an Isthmian Canal before 

439. Securing a satisfactory route for the canal 

440. Construction of the canal 

441. Importance of the canal 

The United States as a World Power : 

442. The United States as a world power 

443. American influence on world peace 

444. Relations with Cuba since 1898 

445. Relations with Mexico 

446. Relations with China 

447. Relations with Japan 

448. Summary .... 



902 



PAGE 

497 
498 
500 
502 
503 

504 
505 
506 

507 
508 

509 
510 

512 
514 

515 
516 

517 
519 
520 
522 



CHAPTER XXII 



RECENT CHANGES (1901-1914). 449-466 

The Roosevelt Policies (i 901-1909) : 

449. McKinley and Roosevelt 526 

450. Roosevelt's " first term " . . . . . • • 5^7 

451. Foreign affairs under Roosevelt 5^8 

452. Internal policies of Roosevelt's " second term " . . 528 

453. Panic. Election of 1908 53° 

The Rule of the People (1906-1913) : 

454. The war against political misrule 53° 

455. The insurgent movement 53^ 

456. Reform of political party methods 532 

457. The initiative, the referendum, and the recall . . 533 



Contents 



xxvii 



SECTION PAGE 

The Movement toward Economic Reform (1909-1914) : 

458. The beginning of the Taft administration . . . 534 

459. Reform legislation 537 

460. The election of 191 2 538 

461. Constitutional changes 540 

462. The beginning of the Wilson administration . . . 541 

463. The Payne-Aldrich tariff 542 

464. Democratic tariff measures 544 

465. Other financial reform measures ..... 545 

466. Summary 547 



CHAPTER XXIII 



PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS. 467-486 

Commerce and Industry : 

467. Industrial progress since 1880 

468. Anti-trust legislation in the states . 

469. The Sherman anti-trust law of 1890 

470. Recent anti-trust activity 

471. Railway rate regulation . 

472. Commerce and shipping . 

Business and Labor : 

473. Prosperity and panics since 1865 

474. Labor unions and strikes (1877-1894) 

475. Recent labor problems . 

476. Labor legislation .... 

Political and Social Changes : 

477. Population and race problems 

478. Foreign immigration 

479. Growth of cities 

480. City problems 

481. Legal rights of women . 

482. The distribution of wealth 

483. The past and the future . 

The Nation and its Government — A Comparison : 

484. Changes of a century and a third . 

485. Characteristics of American political development 

486. The people, the nation, and the government . 



552 
554 
555 
556 

558 
559 
560 
562 

563 
564 
566 

569 
571 
573 
574 

575 
576 
577 



xxviii Contents 

APPENDIX 

PAGE 

The Declaration of Independenxe i 

The Constitution of the United States . . . . vii 

TABLE 

I. The Presidents xxv 

II. Presidential Elections xxv 

III. Congress since 1865 ....... xxvi 

IV. Chief Justices of the Supreme Court c , . xxvii 
V. The States xxvii 

VI. The Territories o , . xxviii 

VII. The Sections (1790-1860) xxviii 

INDEX 00. xxix 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



George Washington ... .... Frontispiece 

PAGB 

Indians. ByMacNeil. . o 12 

Columbus . . . „ . . o . . . 25 

Caravel of Columbus . . , 26 

Sir Walter Ralegh ..,.,,... 36 

Captain John Smith . .0 ...... 41 

A Puritan. By St. Gaudens 51 

Roger Williams .......... 54 

New York in the XVII Century (New Amsterdam) ... 66 

William Penn . . » 70 

Pine tree shilling 77 

Champlain 87 

William Pitt 99 

Fireplace in a colonial kitchen. From Mrs. Earle's " Home Life 

in Colonial Days " 108 

A colonial hall. Yxotsx Mrs. Earle's "Home Lite in Colonial 

Days" 109 

A colonial church 115 

Pillory 117 

Page from an old school book 118 

Harvard College . . , 119 

Conestoga wagon . <. . . . . . . .121 

James Otis 135 

George III 136 

Patrick Henry 140 

The first United States flag 159 

A Continental bill ..,,„,... 166 
Benjamin Franklin . . . , . . . . .174 
Nathanael Greene . . „ , „ . . . .181 

Marquis de LaFayette . <, . o . . . . 182 

Robert Morris . . . . , 19I 

James Madison o . . . • 200 

James Wilson ........... 202 

George Washington. By Savage . , o . . .211 

Alexander Hamilton ...00.... 213 

An eighteenth century coach . . . . o . . 228 

John Jay 24I 

xxix 



XXX 



Illustrations 



John AJanis ..... 

'Ihomas Jotferson .... 

Alboit Gallatin 

John Marshall 

The Capitol at Washington . 
James Monroe ..... 
John Quincy AJams .... 
Andrew Jackson ..... 
Martin Van Buren .... 
A log cabin of 1S40 .... 
Railway train in an early Jay i^Tho DeWitt 
Samuel F. B. Morse an>l his instrument 
Howe's original sewing machine . 
William Lloyd Garrison ... 

James K. Polk 

Calhoun, Webster, and (.'lay. By Brady 
Stephen A. Douglas .... 

Charles Sumner 

William II. Seward .... 
The rail candidate (cartoon of iSw) . 

Jefferson Davis 

Abraham Lincoln (the famous Brady photo: 
Joseph E. Johnston .... 
Salmon P. Chase ..... 

Ulysses S. Grant 

Robert E. Lee 

George B. McClellan .... 
Antietam bridge ..... 
Emancipation proclauialion (last page) 
Thomas J. Jackson .... 
Gettysburg Battlefield (^tVom Little Round T 
William T. Sherman . 
Libhy Prison .... 
Andrew Johnson .... 
Thaddeus Stevens . . . . , 
The Supreme Court (.luring the Reconstruc 
Edwin M. Stanton .... 
"Who stole the people's money? " ^^Xast 
Samuel J. Tilden .... 

Rutherford B. Hayes .... 
John Sherman ..... 
James A. Ciartield . . . ^ 

Chester A. Arthur .... 

James G. Blaine . . , , . 



graph) 



Clinton en 



op) 



tion peruH 



d rin 



gine 



IlliistratioHS 



XXXI 



900) 



Grover Cleveland .... 

Ik'njamin Harrison .... 

Inauj^uration of Clcvclaiul (1893) 
William J. Ikyan .... 

William McKinley .... 

Richard Olney ..... 

'I'iie A/ainf cntcriiij^' Havana harbor . 
Cartoon : " \^c careful "... 
William 'P. Sampson .... 

The Ort'gon ..... 

(leorge Dewey ..... 

Siirning the peace protocol at Washington 
Elihu Root ...... 

A Repul)lican appeal to voters (cartoon of 
("ulebra Cut, Panama, before 1902 
John Hay ...... 

'Pheodore Roosevelt .... 

Water power at Niagara Palls 

William H. 'Paft 

Sui)reme Court in 1910 

Woodrow Wilson .... 

President Wilson reading his lirst message to Congress 

Lower New York, sky line, 1914 

'i'homas A. Edison ..... 

Main Building, Centennial P'xposilion, 1876 

Court of Honor, Chicago, 1893 . 

(jrand Basin, St. l.ouis, 1904 

General View, San Francisco, 191 5 



566- 



4O7 
475 
479 
481 

483 
489 
496 

497 
498 

499 
500 

501 
503 
506 
512 
520 
526 
529 
535 
536 
540 
543 
■567 
568 
568 

569 
570 

571 



MAPS AND DIAGRAMS 



Relief Map of the United States. By Howell . . opposite 
Isothermal Lines (United States and Europe) . 

Average Rainfall in the United States 

Navigable Rivers and Portages of the United States . 
Location of the Principal Indian Families and Tribes . 

Europe a.d. 1490 

Trade Routes from Europe to the East . . , . 
Toscanelli's Map of the Occident . . » . „ 

Line of Demarcation (1494) 

America (1515) (Schoener). Simplified from Winsor's "Narrative 

and Critical History of America." .... 

America (1541) (Mercator). Simplified from Winsor's "America 
Exploration and Settlements before 1600 .... 

Land Grants under Charter of 1606 

Eastern North America (1621). From Dutch map in O'Callaghan 

collection 

New England Settlements 

Boundaries of Pennsylvania 

North Atlantic Coast (1650-1695) . . (^Colored^ opposite 
Treaty of Utrecht ; Territorial Changes (171 3) (^Colored) " 
Scene of the French and Indian War (1754-1759) 
Treaty of Paris ; Territorial Changes (1763) (^Colored) opposite 
Density of Population in English Colonies (1750) 

Boundaries of Quebec (1774) 

Boston and Vicinity (1775) . . « . . . 

Vicinity of New York (1776) 

Revolution in the North (i 775-1 780) . , . . 

Campaigns of 1777 in northern New York . 

Revolution in the South (i 778-1 781) .... 



Boundaries of the United States (i 779-1 783) 
Western Land Claims . 
Density of Population (1800) 
Election of 1800 
The United States (1800) . 
Louisiana (1803) 
Exports and Imports of the United States (1789-1811) 

xxxiii 



{Colored) opposite 
( Colored) " 



{Colored) opposite 



4 

5 
II 

12 

18 
20 
24 
27 

29 

29 

2>1 
40 

45 

58 
13 
82 
90 

97 
100 
104 
149 

154 
167 
170 
172 
180 
185 
185 
218 
246 
252 

255 
258 



xxxiv Maps and Diagrams 

PAGE 

Scene of War in the North (1812-1814) 271 

British Campaign against Washington (1814) .... 272 

New Orleans and Vicinity . . . . ■ . . . . 274 

Territory affected by Missouri Comjironiise (1820) . . . 287 

Election of 1824 295 

The United States (1825) .... {Colored) opposite 297 

Disputed Boundary of Maine 314 

Railroad Construction from 1830 to i860. From Coman's " Indus- 
trial History of the Unitetl States" . {Colored) opposite 320 

Adoption of Manhood Suffrage 327 

Density of Population (1850) 332 

Election of 1844 342 

Boundaries of Texas 344 

Scene of the Mexican War 345 

The United States (1850) .... {Colored) opposite 349 
Territory affected by the Compromise of 1850 . . . .352 

Territory affected by the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) . . 357 

Expansion of the Slave Territory (1844-1857), two maps . . 362 

Election of i860 373 

The United States (1861), showing fust and second secessions of 

slave states {Colored) opposite 376 

Railways and Rivers of the South (186 1 ) 400 

Routes of Invading Armies (1862-1865) ..... 401 

Western Kentucky and Tennessee (1862) 403 

Theater of War in Virginia 406 

The York-James Peninsula (1862) 408 

Gettysburg Battlefield (1S63) 416 

Country around Vicksburg (1863) . . . » . .417 

Country around Chattanooga (1863) ...... 418 

Restriction of Confederate Territory (1861-1865) 

{Colored) opposite 428 

The United States (1875) .... {Colored) « 445 

Election of 1876 o . 446 

Development of United States (1S70-1905) .... 458 

Decrease in Railway Rates ( 1 867-1900) . . . „ . 462 

Election of 1896 o . . . 484 

The Hawaiian Islands 486 

Operations around Santiago de Cuba (1898) .... 500 
Territorial Growth of the United States (double page) 

{Colored) behveen 508 and 509 

Route of the Panama Canal 513 

Profile of the Panama Canal 513 

Railways of the United States . . . {Colored) opposite 556 

Election of 1912 . „ 539 



Maps and Diagrams xxxv 

PAGE 

Wages and Prices, 1840-1913, in Gold ..... 561 

The United States (1914) . . . . {Colored^ opposite 564 

Immigration (i 864-191 3) 565 

Total and Urban Population (i 790-1910) . . . , . 566 

Density of Population (1900) . » „ ., - . . 567 



■s^ 



~%^-. 



K 




V^'" 



t; 



^ 









.•V^k\'^ 



r:^t:f^?^iK^t€W^ 



«^' ;^^: -, fev 









PART I 
THE COLONIAL PERIOD (1492-1763) 

CHAPTER I 

CONDITIONS AFFECTING COLONIZATION IN 
AMERICA 

I . Introduction. — Not many years ago the common What is 
opinion about history was expressed in the words, ''happy ^^^^o^'y'' 
is that people who have no history." To persons holding 
such a view, history was a record of wars and intrigues, of 
cruelty, misfortune, and destruction. This opinion of his- 
tory, common enough a generation ago, is held by few to-day, 
for we are beginning to realize that history is less a narrative 
of events than a record of progress — that it should not 
record the horrors of a nation's life but its achievements. It 
is hardly necessary to state that this must be quite as much a 
study of the means used to produce certain results, of the 
conditions which made possible and necessary certain 
achievements, as a description of the results themselves; 
for, after all, the purpose of studying history is not to learn 
facts, but to understand the causes and results of the great 
movements in the life of a people. 

This task is one of great interest and importance, but it choice of 
presents many difficulties. We cannot, in a short time and ^op'^s in 
within a brief text, examine very much of the material to be j^j^^^^ 
found on this broad subject. We must therefore decide 
what phase or phases of history should receive special con- 
sideration, and then seek to concentrate our attention on those 
topics which mark most clearly the path we wish to follow. 
Since we cannot study all the phases of American develop- 
ment, we shall devote ourselves particularly to the develop- 



America ft History 



ment of the American nation — a subject that is political 
rather than social — and seek to discover how the American 
nation became what it is to-day. Many militan- events \\*ill 
be examined in the course of this study, for our wars have 
greatly influenced our national development. Commercial 
activities and social Ufe wiU be considered to some extent, 
because without some knowledge of them we cannot under- 
stand certain changes in our countn,-. 
Two things to In connecuon with each subject studied we should note 
be noted. ^^^^q things : (i) what are the facts regarding the topic under 

consideration? (2) how is this event connected with other 
events we have studied ? The nrst involves not only an act 
of memory but discrimination between the details that are 
more important and those that are insignihcant; the second 
compels us to use the knowledge that we have gained in 
reasoning out the causes and results of the different move- 
ments. 
Three condi- Before taking up in a systematic way the record of -\meri- 
tions affecting can development, we must consider first three things that 
have influenced our progress greatly, especially during our 
early years. One of these is the geography of the United 
States, which has influenced our history from the beginning 
and is now a factor of the first importance in determining 
the character of our life and occupations. The second deals 
with the original inhabitants, the Indians, whose influence 
during colonial times was ver}' great, and the third witli the 
situation in Europe at the time the continent was discovered. 



American 
history. 



Four important 

geographical 

influences. 



Winsor (ed.), 
IV. s-xv. 



Geographical Coxditioxs 

2. Geography and American Colonization. — In aU ages 
the geography of ditt'erent countries has exerted a ver}- 
great influence on their history. In the development of 
the United States we can study the influence of physical 
conditions as, step by step, the territor}* was explored and 
opened to settlement. The effect of topography, soil, and 
chmate can be measured, because we have fairly full and 
exact information of ever}* early attempt to gain a foothold 



Geographical Conditions 3 

on this continent. During the colonial period, the geograph- 
ical characteristics which affected our history most were 
four in number: (i) The accessibility of the new continent. Accessibility, 
Its position with reference to Europe, the character of its 
coast line, the extent of its water systems, and the navigabil- 
ity of its rivers aided exploration and settlement. (2) The 
possibility of a food supply. As no colony could continue Food supply, 
to exist if dependent on Europe or on other colonies for its 
food, it was necessary that grains and vegetables should 
be raised easily within the colony. Climate, rainfall, the 
character of the soil, and many other physiographical con- 
ditions affected this problem. (3) Its defensibility. The Defensibility. 
dangers to which a colony was exposed and the ease with 
which it might be defended were matters of the first impor- 
tance. If located in the heart of the country, scattered settle- 
ments were out of the question. The neighborhood of un- 
friendly European colonies was also to be avoided, and 
especial care was necessary to prevent the destruction of a 
colony through disease caused by extreme heat or cold or 
by the fevers all too common in the low marshy coastal 
belt. (4) Its general resources. Permanency depended on General 
the development of certain industries, which would not only 'resources. 
help the colonists to sustain Hfe, but would produce articles 
which they could exchange for the necessaries that must be 
procured in Europe. The precious metals of Mexico and 
South America, the sugar and tobacco of Cuba, and the 
furs of New France explain the success of Spanish and 
French colonies. Topography and occupations account to 
a large extent also for the character of a colony. The com- 
pact little hamlets of New England could never have been 
developed in the broad fertile valleys of the South any 
more than the system of French trading posts could have been 
established in the narrow valleys of Massachusetts. After 
considering some of these physical conditions and the geo- 
graphical divisions of the United States, we shall note briefly 
how English and French colonization was affected by them. 
3. Climate and Rainfall. — The cHmate of the United 



America ft History 



Temperature 
of the coast 
and interior. 

Winsor fed.), 
America, 
IV, ii, vi. 

Farrand, 
Basis of 
Amer. History, 
17-21. 



States, while on the whole temperate, presents many varia- 
tions. Two things that had a very great influence on our 
early history should be noted carefully, (i) The tempera- 
ture of the Atlantic slope and of the Mississippi basin is 
much lower than that of Europe in the same latitude, be- 
cause the warm waters of the Gulf Stream wash the shores 
of western Europe. (2) The winters in the northern half of 
the United States are very severe, especially in the interior 
which possesses to a marked degree the characteristics of a 
continental climate. The earliest American colonies were 




Isothermal Lines 

established below the latitude of Rome and the extreme 
cold was thus avoided, but most of the English colonists of 
the seventeenth century settled farther north and found 
themselves face to face with all the hardships and privations 
that a long winter would be likely to cause. In several 
cases the intense suffering led to the complete abandonment 
of the settlement. This very struggle for existence, however, 
seems to have benefited those who were courageous enough 
to attempt or hardy enough to endure the life north of the 
fortieth parallel. 



Geographical Conditions 



The rainfall throughout the eastern half of the United Variations 
States is sufficiently abundant to insure good crops without '" rainfall. 
being so excessive as to prevent cultivation. It is heaviest 
on the Gulf slope, but almost as great along the Atlantic united states 
border. West of the Mississippi River the rainfall is less I, 15-20. 
abundant and beyond the one hundred and fifth meridian 
is too light for the production of most crops. How^ever, the 
great semi-arid plains of the West form one of the finest 
grazing regions in the world. 




Average Rainfall 



4. Natural Resources. — These climatic conditions have Agricultural 
made it possible for Europeans to live within the United food supplies 
States. They contributed very largely to the success of the 
early settlements, because of the ease with which a supply ^^2lrica 
of food could be raised. Without maize or Indian corn iv, xiii-xv. 
many of the early colonies would have been complete failures. 
Being a native product of this continent, maize was found 
growing wild to some extent. From the Indians who cul- 
tivated it in a crude way, all early settlers secured supplies 



Shaler, 
United States, 
I, 25-27. 



America?i History 



Non agricul- 
tural foods. 



Commercial 

value of nat- 
ural resources. 



Influence of 
natural re- 
sources m re- 
cent history. 



by purchase or force, and it remained the chief food of the 
immigrants during the colonial period. This was largely 
due to the ease with which it was grown in half-cleared 
forests where wheat could not be raised, and to the abun- 
dance of the crop. As it is sensitive to the cold, it cannot be 
raised in the North, much to the loss of the colonists in that 
part of the continent. The early settlers depended a great 
deal on the pumpkins and squashes grown with the maize 
in the clearings. In the Great Lake basin wild rice was one 
of the chief foods for a large part of the population. 

Besides the agricultural productions on which the colonists 
depended, they used as food the immense supplies of fish 
and game. Colonization would have been very difficult, 
perhaps impossible, in New England and around the St. 
Lawrence, but for the fisheries, the cod particularly being 
a source of considerable wealth because exported in large 
quantities. Frontiersmen found it possible to sustain life 
on the flesh of the animals killed. 

Far more valuable to the early settlers was the vast trade 
in peltries which engaged the attention of a large percentage 
of the population in New France and New Netherland. 
This fur trade determined the location of almost all of the 
frontier towns, which were at the beginning little more than 
trading posts. In the South the greater productivity of the 
soil and the mildness of the chmate made the question of 
food supply a less serious one, but the growth of tobacco 
in Virginia especially and the exportation of rice from the 
coast plantations aided greatly in the development of colonies 
in that section. The abundance of excellent timber along 
the coast furnished material for the construction of homes 
and stimulated industries hke ship building. Although the 
dense forests interfered somewhat with agriculture, they 
were a valuable aid to the colonists in other ways, lumber 
being one of the chief exports of the English provinces. 

From this fragmentary account we can appreciate perhaps 
the influence of natural conditions on colonial development. 
We can understand also how the favorable agricultural 



Geographical Conditions 7 

conditions in this country, coupled with its unexcelled Farrand, 
supply of coal, iron, copper, and other minerals, its numerous Basis of Amer. 

^ ^^ ^ . -1 1 r 1 History, 15-17. 

rivers and excellent harbors, have made it possible for the winsor(ed.), 
United States to develop with amazing rapidity since the America, 

, . , . J IV, viii-x. 

colonial period. 

5. Geographical Divisions of the United States. — The General, 
topography of the United States is very interesting. On the winsor (ed.), 
east and the west are two great oceans, the narrower America, 
separating us from those European countries from which ^V- "^-'^• 
almost all American settlers came. One half of the southern Farrand, 
border is a great arm of the sea, and nearly one third of the fj^.^" ofAmer. 
northern boundary is a system of lakes penetrating nearly 
one half of the distance to the Pacific. Two great systems of 
mountains divide the country into several distinct geograph- 
ical divisions. One, the Appalachian, running northeast 
and southwest, parallel with the Atlantic coast line, is low 
and comparatively narrow, with passes connecting the East 
with the West along the Mohawk, in Pennsylvania and at 
Cumberland Gap.^ The second, the Cordilleran system, 
averages one thousand miles across and is really a high table 
land fringed for the most part by high ranges on its eastern 
and western edges. 

East of the Appalachian system is the Atlantic slope, nar- Atlantic 
row and consequently rather steep at the north, giving that s'°P^- 
section short, rapid rivers, with narrow valleys, and often 
with numerous water falls; broader at the south, so that the united states, 
country is more nearly level, the valleys therefore wider, 1. 53-58, 61- 
and the rivers slower and navigable for a longer distance. '^' ^'^'^• 
Along the coast there are numerous bays and harbors, some 
of which are particularly fine. On the south Atlantic slope 
and on the eastern Gulf slope the coast is often marshy for 
a considerable distance inland. 

Between the great mountain systems lies the magnificent Mississippi 
Mississippi basin, the river and its tributaries comprising ^^^^"* 

1 The highest peaks are but little over six thousand feet. There are 
two ranges separated from Pennsylvania and North Carolina by a broad, 
fertile valley. 



8 



Auicrican History 



Shaler, UnifeJ 
States, I, I02- 
107, 127-130. 



Great Lake 
basin. 



Brigham, 

Geog-raphi^ 

Injiuences, 

105-114- 
Shaler, 
United States, 
I, 119-127. 



The Atlantic 
slope. 

Winsor (ed.), 
Ar?: erica, 
IV, xxiii-xxx. 



nine thousand miles of navigable streams more than three 
feet in depth, draining an area of about a million and a 
quarter square miles of the finest land on the globe. With a 
fertile soil and abundant rainfall, except in the West, a climate 
that is marked by short, hot summers, and in the North by 
long severe winters, the Mississippi basin is to-day the great- 
est agricultural region in the world. In colonial times 
comparatively little use could be made of these characteristics 
because it was not easily accessible before the days of steam. 
Mountain ranges shut it off from the Atlantic coast. Falls 
and rapids in the St. Lawrence basin practically closed that 
avenue of approach. Access by way of the lower Mississippi 
was precluded because of the river current and the swamps 
on either side which made the banks uninhabitable except 
in places for a long distance from the Gulf. Since the 
middle of the eighteenth century, however, the ^lississippi 
valley has been the scene of many of the most important 
contiicts in our history, and it has furnished the issues for 
numerous great national contests. 

North of the eastern ^lississippi basin and the Atlantic 
slope is the basin of the Great Lakes, covering a compara- 
tively small territory aside from the water area. Since it 
was closed to the outside world for one half the year, when 
the St. Lawrence was frozen over, and was inaccessible 
directly because of the rapids in the St. Lawrence River 
and Niagara Falls, the upper St. Lawrence basin was prac- 
tically unoccupied during the colonial period. The lower 
St. Lawrence basin, which is open to sea-going ships as 
far as Montreal, was the seat of a thriving colony, supported 
in large part by the fur trade with the interior. 

6. Influence of Geography on English Colonization. — 
All of the English colonies proper were confined to the 
Atlantic slope, which offered many advantages to the settler. 
It was the most accessible part of the continent, being almost 
directly across from Europe ^ and offering shelter to the 



' On account of the prevailing west winds in the north temperate zone 
and eastward direction of the north Atlantic currents, however, most of the 



I 



Geographical Conditions 9 

pioneers because of its many harbors. As far inland as the 
mountains the sloping character of the country, with the 
numerous short but navigable rivers, gave easy access to a 
region which was attractive and usually fertile. In the South 
the Atlantic slope was much broader than in the North. 
The valleys of Virginia and the Carolinas are broad and 
fertile. As the climate favored the growing of tobacco, 
rice, and cotton which can be raised most profitably on 
large plantations, a scattered agricultural population was in- 
evitable. In New England the stony clay soil of the narrow 
valleys was not well adapted for agriculture, while the 
abundance of small but sheltered harbors made it desirable 
for the people to keep near the coast and give their attention 
to commerce. The middle section, in this as in most other 
respects, was a mean between the North and the South and 
partook of the characteristics of each. The magnificent har- 
bor of New York, at the mouth of the Hudson River and at 
the eastern extremity of the only low pass from the coast to 
the West, gave that location advantages over every other, 
and made it the natural commercial metropolis of the East. 

During the colonial period, however, there was little com- Communica- 
munication between New York and the interior because the *^o" ^^^'^ ^^^ 
Iroquois controlled the Mohawk route and the French oc- 
cupied that part of the Great Lake basin beyond. Farther p^rrand 
south several passes permitted entrance to the Ohio valley. Basis of Amer. 
the key to the whole of that basin, the junction of the Al- ^"^^O'. 27-35. 
legheny and Monongahela, lying but a step beyond the last 
range of hills. Still farther south the great valley between 
the parallel ranges of the Appalachian mountains, and the 
gaps from that valley to the fertile region south of the Ohio 
River, made emigration to the West possible though not 
easy. 

The mountains were of special value to the colonies be- The Appaia- 
cause they could be crossed only with difficulty. They ^^/^"^ "^°""" 
afforded protection from attack from the interior and allowed 

early voyagers came by way of the Canaries and the West Indies, the trade 
winds blowing regularly from the east in that latitude. 



lO 



American History 



Brigham, 

Geographic 

Influences, 

76-89. 

Semple, Amer. 

Hist, and its 

Geographic 

Conditions, 

36-51- 

The great 

interior basins. 

Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
IV, xx-xxiii. 



Hold of the 
French on the 
interior. 



Farrand, 
Basis of Amer. 
History, 23-27. 



the English colonies to thrive in comparative peace, expand- 
ing with a natural and healthy growth into the foothills 
without danger of attack from their European rivals. The 
strength of the English colonies was to a great extent the 
result of compactness due partly to their agricultural and 
commercial pursuits, and in part also to the mountain 
barrier which confined them to the narrow sea border. 

7. Geographical Advantages of the French Colonies. — 
The territory occupied by the French presented marked 
contrast to that of the English. France was fortunate 
enough to gain possession of the two great basins — those 
of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi — which apparently 
were the gateways to the interior of the continent. Ap- 
parently, for it was by no means easy, as we have noticed, 
to pass from the lower St. Lawrence to the four great lakes 
beyond Niagara Falls, or to ascend the Mississippi as far as 
either of its important branches. Had the French been in 
search of homes, they could not easily have established them- 
selves in the lower St. Lawrence on account of the cold and 
the sterility of the soil, or have founded extensive colonies in 
the lower Mississippi valley because of the swampy,malarial 
condition of the country. Neither could they have pene- 
trated to the interior by either route readily had they been 
accompanied by their families and encumbered with house- 
hold necessities. 

With the French, however, actual colonization was always 
subordinate to their real work of exploring, trading, and 
occupying the country. For this task their geographical 
position was of the highest value. From Montreal, a t«rader, 
with comparatively little difficulty, might reach the viu^ey 
of the Ohio, the basin of the upper Great Lakes, the Missis- 
sippi and its many branches, and the entire system of water- 
ways northwest of Lake Superior, because short portages 
over comparatively level spaces connected the waters of the 
three great interior basins of the continent, which two cen- 
turies ago formed probably the richest fur-bearing region on 
the globe. Where the trader might go, the soldier could 



Geographical Conditions II 

follow. In time, for both commercial and military reasons, 
posts were established at the points where important water- 
ways or paths joined, giving the French control of the region 
to which these ways penetrated. The skill shown in the 
selection of these points is apparent from a glance at the map. 
Notice the position of Montreal, Fort Frontenac, Fort 
Duquesne, Detroit, Fort St. Marie, Fort St. Joseph, Fort 




BITERS AM) POKTAGES OF THE UNITED STATES 

Heavy single lines show deptL of 3 feet ur more Double lines show portages < 

Chartres, and New Orleans, and we cease to wonder why 
the French maintained a hold, slight to be sure, on the best 
part of the North American continent. 

The North American Indian 

8. The Indian Tribes. — A second influence during colo- Numbers, 
nial times, less important than physiography, but consider- customs, and 
able nevertheless, was that exerted by the native races. °^^^"^^^ '°"- 
There were no early settlers that did not come into contact Pan-and, 
with the red man, to be helped by him or hindered because ^«-f«"-^ of Amer. 
of his hostility. These savage hunters were especially ^^^^^ ^ 
numerous along the heavily timbered Atlantic slope, within 
easy reach of the great supply of fish on the one hand and 
the animals of the forest on the other. Although they had 



12 



American History 



Three great 
families. 



not reached a high degree of civiHzation, each tribe occupied 
a fairly definite territory which was rather extended because 

of the need of broad 
hunting grounds. 
Within the present Hmits 
of the United States, 
they numbered, at the 
beginning of the seven- 
teenth century, probably 
not more than a quarter 
million. 

Of the families en- 
countered by the French 
or English only three 
were particularly numer- 
ous or important, (i) 
Of these the Algonquins 
occupied much the 
largest territory, includ- 
ing most of the seacoast 
and the larger part of the 
upper basins of the Mis- 
sissippi and the Great Lakes. The tribes differed greatly from 
one another, those of the North and West being, as a rule, 
fiercer and more no- 
madic than their kins- 
men of the southeast, 
the Dela wares of Penn- 
sylvania and the Pow- 
hatans of Virginia, for 
example. (2) The 
Iroquois family oc- 
cupied the basins of 
Lakes Erie and Ontario 
and the Mohawk valley, 
as well as a large dis- 
trict in the southern 




MacNeil 



[NDIANS 




INDIAN FAMILIES 
AND TRIBES 

(COLONIAL PERIOD) 



The North American hidian 13 

Appalachian region. It included the "Five Nations" of 
New York whose political organization, the most per- 
fect of any north of Mexico, enabled them to conquer all 
their neighbors, either Iroquois or Algonquins, so that they 
often controlled the territory as far south as the Kenawha 
and as far west as the Wabash. Of great ability and cour- 
age unusual even among Indians, the Iroquois have left 
an impress on our history that is out of all proportion to 
their number. (3) From the Atlantic to the Mississippi, 
and from the Tennessee River south to the Gulf of Mexico, 
dwelt the Muskhogean family, of which the most numerous, 
ablest, and most civilized tribe was that called Creek. 

9. Life and Character of the Indians. — It is no part of Social 
our purpose to study the life and occupations of the Indian organization, 
except to appreciate his attitude toward the whites and un- 
derstand his influence on the colonization of America by Packman, 

struggle for 

Europeans. Living in villages that were often little more ^ confment, 

than headquarters for hunting expeditions and raids, the 460-464. 
Indians were not attached to the soil and removed their 

wigwams with ease. They found it difficult to fight success- Farrand, 

.,,,-,-. , , , , Basis 0/ Amer. 

fully with the colonists, not alone because bows and arrows fji^i^ry, 
were no match for muskets, but because they were seldom 215-218, 
united. Each tribe had its own village and lived its own life 240-247. 
under chiefs who recognized no higher authority. This 
separateness prevented concerted movements, except when 
some great common danger united the tribes for a brief 
period. 

The character of the Indians has never been portrayed Stem 
better than by the master hand of Francis Parkman. He ^^^^^^^s. 
gives us this picture. "Nature has stamped the Indian 
with a hard and stern physiognomy. Ambition, revenge, 
envy, jealousy, are his ruling passions, and his cold tempera- 
ment is little exposed to those effeminate vices which are the 
bane of milder races. With him revenge is an overpower- 
ing instinct; nay, more, it is a point of honor and a duty. 
His pride sets all language at defiance. He loathes the 
thought of coercion, and few of his race have ever stooped 



14 



American History 



Indian 

trickiness. 



The race and 
civilization. 



Differences 
in Indian 
policy of the 
Spanish, 
French, and 
English. 



to discharge a menial office. A wild love of liberty, an utter 
intolerance of control, lie at the basis of his character, and 
fire his whole existence. . . . With him the love of glory 
kindles into a burning passion, and to allay its cravings, 
he will dare cold and famine, fire, tempest, torture, and 
death itself. 

''These generous traits are overcast by much that is dark, 
cold, and sinister, by sleepless distrust and rankling jealousy. 
Treacherous himself, he is always suspicious of treachery 
in others. Brave as he is, — and few of mankind are braver, 
— he will vent his passion by a secret stab rather than an 
open blow. His warfare is full of ambuscade and stratagem." 

''Some races of men seem molded in wax, soft and melt- 
ing, at once plastic and feeble. Some races, like some 
metals, combine the greatest flexibility with the greatest 
strength. But the Indian is hewn out of a rock. You can 
rarely change the form without destruction of the substance. 
Races of inferior energy have possessed the power of expan- 
sion and assimilation to which he is a stranger, and it is 
this fixed and rigid quality which has proved his ruin. He 
will not learn the arts of civilization and he and his forest 
must perish together." 

10. General Relations of Indians and Whites. — It was 
perhaps fortunate for the English that the Indian was inca- 
pable of civilization, for it prevented the mixing of the races. 
The Frenchmen tried intermarrying with the natives, adapt- 
ing themselves to the standards of the Indians; but the 
English, a colonizing race, failing to raise the Indian to a 
level somewhere near their own, treated them always as in- 
feriors. It was as impossible for the Englishman to make 
a boon companion of the Indian as it was for the Spaniard 
to respect his rights, so that both were obliged to suffer the 
loss of his help, which the Frenchman enjoyed. Yet in 
spite of the difference between the attitude of these three 
European races toward the red men, it was found that as a 
rule the Indians responded to the treatment they received^ 
The old saying that an Indian never forsjets and never 



The North America^t Indian 15 

forgives is full of meaning in our early history. The Span- 
iard found to his cost that his cruelty was repaid with 
usury. He dared not venture into the interior unless his 
errand was purely one of peace and good wdll toward men, 
and it was with difficulty that he maintained on the coast a 
hold whose military character showed how feeble it really 
was. The English experienced the result of both kindness 
and folly. Without the friendship of the Indians some 
settlements must have perished, and without their hatred 
others would have expanded with much greater rapidity. 

1 1 . Help given to the English by the Indians. — The General help 
dependence of the whites on the Indians was especially giventoaiiof 

, , . , , ^ ,. , , _. . the settlements 

marked m the early English settlemenis. Time after time, 
the settlers would have died of hunger but for the food 
furnished by the natives. The first successful efforts of the 
colonists to raise a supply for themselves were but imitations 
of the crude Indian methods of agriculture. The Indians 
showed them how to plant maize in the half-cleared forests, 
how to fish through the ice, and how to trap game. They 
taught them to navigate the streams in birch-bark canoes. 
Clothing was made from skins after the Indian fashion. 
Erom the beginning the Indians exchanged valuable furs 
for trinkets, and the great development of the fur trade, which 
was a chief source of wealth in more than one American pos- 
session, was possible because the Indians brought so many 
pelts to the traders. Exploration of the interior would 
have been a very much slower process but for the use made 
of the numerous Indian trails and the help given by the 
Indian guides who led the way to the easiest portages. 

The Five Nations, or Six Nations as they became in 171 5, Aid given by 
exerted an exceptional influence on American history, the Six 
This was due to their location, their character, and their ^'^^^°"^' 
political organization. Occupying, as they did, the Mohawk 
valley and the territory south of Lake Ontario, they con- ^^^^-^ ofAmer. 
trolled the southern route from the St. Lawrence River to History, 
the Great Lake basin and the Ohio valley, and the best route ^53-i62. 
from the Atlantic coast into the interior. They became the 



i6 



American History 



Failure of 
uprisings 
against the 
colonists. 

Eggleston, 
in Century, 
XXVI (18S3). 

697-704. 



Contests in 
the West after 
1750- 



persistent enemies of the French, because the French leaders 
in the St. Lawrence valley found it necessary to ally them- 
selves with the Indians of their section, who were traditional 
foes of the Five Nations. This made it easy for the Dutch, 
and later the English, in New York, to gain and retain the 
friendship of this powerful confederacy. This friendship 
was exceedingly valuable to the English, because the Iro- 
quois prevented the French from gaining possession of the 
Mohawk and Ontario valleys and from making inroads on 
the English settlements during the colonial wars. It also 
gave the English their lirst real claim to the land beyond 
the mountains, for the Iroquois by treaty transferred to the 
colonists the rights which they enjoyed as conquerors of the 
territory a long distance to the south and west. 

12. Results of Indian Wars. — Many of the other Indian 
tribes played an important part in the history of several 
colonies, although none of them exerted an influence equal 
to that of the "Six Nations" on the great struggle of Euro- 
peans for the possession of the continent. All of the Eng- 
lish colonies were undoubtedly more compact than they 
would have been without the danger of Indian attacks. Yet 
there was never an important contest between the settlers 
and the natives that was not won by the colonists. In every 
case the Indians were pushed back from the coast without 
great loss to the whites, and, in the case of one colony, 
Connecticut, the only tribe worthy of consideration was 
practically exterminated during the first five years of the 
colony. Later Indian uprisings like that of King Philip 
(§ 74) were just as disastrous to the natives. 

The Indians from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi pre- 
vented the rapid settlement of that region. From the time 
when the French surrendered to the English their claim to 
the Ohio valley and the basin of the Great Lakes (1763), 
it was necessary to establish boundary lines between the 
territory belonging to the Indians and that opened to settle- 
ment. In the terrible war known in history as the conspiracy 
of Pontiac (1763), during which the frontier suffered terri- 



The North American Indian 1 7 

bly from Maryland to Lake Huron, the Indians were united 
against the immigrants. During Washington's adminis- 
tration as president, several armies were defeated until 
General Anthony Wayne won a decisive victory and left the 
northwest frontier safe once more. The final contests with 
the Indian tribes came about the time of the second war 
with Great Britain, when in 1811 General W. H. Harrison 
quelled the uprising of all the northern Indians under 
Tecumseh, and in 1814 General Andrew Jackson destroyed 
the encampment of the Creeks in the South, With the re- 
moval of the Indians to the Indian Territory soon after 1830 
and the occupation of Indian lands in the North (§ 271), 
the red man ceased to influence the history of the eastern 
United States. The Sioux and Apaches gave considerable 
trouble in the settlements of the West, but during the nine- 
teenth century Indian troubles were relatively insignificant. 

Europe during the Fifteenth Century 

13. Connection between the History of Europe and Dependence 
America. — It is scarcely too much to say that, during the of America on 
three centuries which followed the discovery of America by 
Columbus, the history of America was but a phase of Euro- 
pean history. If we wish to know why Columbus set out on 
his great voyage into unknown waters, why there was so 
much interest in exploring America, or why certain nations 
took part in colonizing movements, we must seek our answer 
in the history of the old world. The differences between the 
colonies of England and France, the final success of England 
in the struggle for possession of eastern North America, even 
the causes and results of both our wars with England, can 
be understood only when we know the situation in Europe 
during those years. It is not our desire to treat in this 
book the history of Europe during those formative centuries. 
Attention will be called at the proper places to the European 
events which exerted a direct influence on the development 
of this country. In these sections we shall consider briefly 
the situation in Europe during the fifteenth century, so that 
c 



Europe before 
1750. 



I8 



American History 



The separate 

nations 

(1450-1490). 



we may appreciate what Europe was like four or five hun- 
dred years ago, and know why America was discovered and 
settled in the way that it was. 

14. Political Europe after 1450. — The Europe of the 
fifteenth century was essentially a modern Europe in its 
awakening tastes and desires, but a mediaeval Europe in 
the degree of its progress and development. The intellectual 
revival which became prominent after 1450, the renewed 




Europe a.d. 1490 

interest in religious matters that followed in its wake, and 
the attempts to unite the little feudal dukedoms into which 
Europe was divided before 1400 were epoch-making move- 
ments that could not be completed in a few years. Ii> 
the half century preceding the discovery of America, France 
had succeeded in unifying her different feudal provinces 
under comparatively powerful kings, and all of the little 
kingdoms of the Spanish peninsula, except Portugal, had 
been united under the joint rulers, Ferdinand and Isabella. 
But Spain was too much absorbed in subduing the nobility 



Europe during the Fifteenth Century 19 

and driving the Moors from Granada to devote much at- 
tention to outside interests, and France was more interested 
in showy conquest than in solid development. The rest of 
the European countries were still much as they had been. 
Little Portugal and the cities of Italy were the most enter- 
prising and successful states at that time. Germany was 
divided into so many petty states that she frittered away 
her power and failed to exercise the influence which her geo- 
graphical position and natural resources might have given 
her. England was still a second-rate power even among 
the undeveloped nations of that day. Her agriculture was 
crude, her manufactures and commerce undeveloped, and 
her kingdom rent by the feuds of nobles until the strong 
rule of the Tudors established a monarchy worthy of the 
name. In Italy the pope still claimed the right to exercise 
temporal power, and his spiritual power was as yet recognized 
throughout western Europe, although soon to be denied by 
all of the northern nations. 

15. Trade with the East before 1475. — The intellectual Development 
sluggishness and commercial inactivity which were character- ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ 
istic of the middle ages were giving place in the fifteenth 
century to a renewed interest in learning, in industry, and 
in international commerce. The spirit of enterprise thus ^^^J^^^-^^' 
aroused expressed itself in no w^ay more emphatically than i, 274-292. 
by a desire to trade with the East, for the crusades had given 
the first insight into the wealth that lay beyond Constanti- 
nople and Jerusalem. Marco Polo and other travelers had 
brought back such glowing accounts of China and India 
that even the mysteries which seemed to pervade that distant 
portion of the globe were no longer sufficient to frighten 
away the timid travelers and merchants. Venice and 
Genoa, which had created a merchant marine by building 
ships to carry soldiers to the Holy Land, built up a trade of 
considerable proportions during the following centuries. 

Three routes were used most in carrying on with Asia a The three 
large and flourishing business in spices, silks, precious metals, ^^^^^ routes. 
and gems. One of these followed the Black and Caspian 



20 



American History 



Cheyney, 
European 
Background, 
22-27. 



The route 
around Africa. 



Fiske, Disc, 
of Avierica, 
I, 316-334. 




seas, a second crossed Syria to the Euphrates, and the third 
used the Nile and the Red Sea, connecting them by caravan. 
With the capture of Constantinople by the Turks (1453) and 
the invasions of those fierce warriors into Syria and Egypt 
a little later, these routes were closed or made too dangerous 
for traveling, and trade disappeared; but neither the mer- 
chants w^ho carried these precious articles nor the people 
of wealth who used them were willing to forego the desir- 

a b 1 e and lucrative 
commerce with Asia. 
Effort w^as redoubled 
to find a new route to 
India. In this work 
the navigators trained 
by Genoa and Venice 
rendered valuable ser- 
vice in the employ of 
other countries, since 
the location of Venice 
and Genoa made it 
impossible for them to compete with the nations bordering 
on the Atlantic. 

16. Search for New Sea Routes to India. — Two ways 
seemed possible to the school of navigators of that time: 
the one around Africa, the other directly west across the 
Atlantic. Under the rule of the able Prince Henry of Portu- 
gal, the coast of Africa and the islands to the west had been 
explored by the Portuguese, the belief being that the Atlantic 
and Indian oceans joined south of Africa, and that if the 
southernmost point of the African continent were rounded, 
India could be reached with little difficulty. This was 
finally proved to be true, but only after great delays. The 
Cape of Good Hope was discovered by Bartholomew Diaz 
as late as 1487, and India was first reached by Vasco da 
Gama in 1498. 

The route to the West did not attract the same amount 
of interest or effort because every one dreaded to risk the 



MAIN ROUTES TO THE EAST 



Europe during the Fifteenth Century 21 

dangers of the "sea of darkness." Many educated persons Ancient 
believed that the earth was spherical, but opinions as to its ^"'^ mediaeval 

11 • 1 1 r 1 A 1 • T 1 ' ^ views of the 

Size and the width of the Atlantic were exceedingly varied, sphericity of 
Most of the views in fact were borrowed from, the ancients, the earth. 
many of whose writings, after centuries of oblivion, were 
published during the fifteenth century. As early as the Fiske, Disc. 
sixth century before Christ, the Pythagoreans believed in the of America, 
sphericity of the earth. In the fourth century before Christ 058-^81°°' 
Aristotle had held that the earth was round and expressed 
the opinion that there was probably only one sea between 
Spain and India. 7^' century later Eratosthenes computed 
the circumference of the earth at twenty-five thousand two 
hundred geographical miles and thought that the distance 
from Europe west to Asia was so great that there might 
be one or two continents in this unknown region. The 
great Roman geographer, Ptolemy, came much nearer the 
fact, estimating the circumference at twenty thousand four 
hundred geographical miles. These views of the ancients 
were known during the middle ages or were republished 
during the fifteenth century. One of the most remarkable 
of these new books was a kind of encyclopedia of geographi- 
cal knowledge which was published in 1409 under the title 
of Imago Mimdi, and contained many of the Greek and 
Roman beliefs. A copy of this book was owned and care- 
fully studied by Christopher Columbus, who accepted the 
view that the earth was round. But Columbus believed it 
to be much smaller than it is and thought that the Atlantic 
Ocean was comparatively narrow. 

17. Summary. — During colonial times three chief Geography, 
influences on our history were physiography, the Indians, 
and conditions in Europe. The moderate temperature and 
adequate rainfall adapted the Atlantic coast and the Missis- 
sippi basin particularly to the support of life. Cod and corn 
were used chiefly as food. The abundance of furs in the 
interior, and of silver in Mexico, and the ease with which 
tobacco was grown in Virginia, influenced greatly the per- 
manent settlement in each of those regions. Because of its 



22 



American History 



accessibility almost all of the early settlements were made on 
the Atlantic coast, England gaining control of the slope and 
establishing compact settlements on the harbors or in the 
narrow valleys of the North and plantations in the broader 
valleys of the South. The mountains hindered expansion 
into the interior, but prevented attacks by other nations or 
the Indians from behind. As the French desired trade, 
they gained a slight hold on the Mississippi and St. Lawrence 
valleys by occupying strategic points. 
The Indians. The Indians were friendly to most of the early colonists 

and helped them by giving them food and teaching them how 
to live in a wilderness. Their hostility at a later time was due 
either to the cruelty of the settlers or to the encroachments of 
the whites on their hunting grounds. Only one family, the Iro- 
quois, resisted the advance of the whites successfully. These 
warriors kept off the French and usually aided the English 
because the latter did not care to penetrate so far inland. 
Influence of Until after the Revolutionary War, American history was 

Europe. \\\.\\^ more than a phase of European history. At the time 

America was discovered, Europe was composed of partly 
united kingdoms like France or Spain or of decentralized 
feudal states like Germany. The only wealthy countries 
were those that had engaged in commerce since the crusades. 
Venice and Genoa were most prominent, but the closing of 
the eastern trade routes destroyed most of their trade. The 
future belonged to the nations bordering on the Atlantic, 
first to Spain and Portugal, which were already aroused to 
the possibilities of commerce, and later to the -more slowly 
developing French, English, and Dutch nations. 



TOPIC 

The Iroquois Confederacy : Lamed (ed.), " History for Ready 
Reference," I, pp. S9-92 ; Fiske, "Discovery of America," I, pp. 66- 
77, II, pp. 530-531; Lee (ed.), "History of North America," II, 

PP- 143-153- 

STUDIES 

I. Western Europe and American exploration. (Semple, "Ameri- 
can Histor>' and its Geographic Conditions," pp. 1-18.) 



Conditions Affecting Colo7ii::ation 23 

2. Influence of the triangular shape of North America on its ex- 
ploration. (Cf. Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, Chapter XII.) 

3. Fur trade and fisheries. (Weeden, "New England," I, 
pp. 129-135.) 

4. The great Appalachian valley. (Semple, "American History 
and its Geographic Conditions," pp. 54-61.) 

5. The Hudson-Mohawk route. (Brigham, "Geographic In- 
fluences in American History," pp. 3-26.) 

6. French use of portages. (Semple, "American History and its 
Geographic Conditions," pp. 27-31.) 

7. Indian policy of French and English, (Parkman, "Struggle 
for a Continent," pp. 256-264.) 

8. Indian warfare and captives. (Eggleston, Century, XXVI 
(1883), pp. 704-718.) 

9. Pontiac's conspiracy. (Parkman, " Struggle for a Continent,'* 

PP- 473-513-) 

10. Consolidation of France. (Duruy,"]\'Iodern Times," pp. 8-26.) 

11. Unification of Spain. (Cheyney, "European Background," 
pp. 81-96.) 

12. Commerce of Venice. (Brown, "Venetian Republic" 
(Temple Primers), pp. 44-65, 75-81.) 

13. Henry the Navigator. (Cheyney, "European Background,'* 
pp. 62-69.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Make an outline showing the character of the soil, tempera- 
ture, and rainfall of each of the following geographical divisions: 
lower St. Lawrence, upper St. Lawrence, north Atlantic slope, south 
Atlantic slope. Gulf region, central Mississippi basin. 

2. Make a (companion) outline for the same divisions showing 
the accessibility, food supply, defensibility, and resources. 

3. Mention some of the conflicts of national importance that 
have taken place in the Mississippi valley. What are some of the 
national issues furnished by the West ? 

4. What was the influence of the Appalachian mountains on the 
expansion of the English colonies and the struggle for the interior? 

5. Locate Niagara, Duquesne, Detroit, Ste. Marie, Ne\y Orleans. 
What waterways or trails did they control? What portages made it 
easy to pass from the basin of the Great Lakes to that of the Missis- 
sippi ? 

6. Would the task of colonizing America have been easier had 
there been no native races? 

7. Cite at least eight instances before 1775 when events in Eng- 
land influenced American history. Trace the influence. Do the 
same with three events in America that influenced England. 



CHAPTER n 

THE FIRST CENTURY (1492-1600) 



English Rulers 



Henry VII (1485-1509) 
Henry VIII (1509-1547) 
Edward VI (i547-i553) 



Mary (1553-1558) 
Elizabeth (1558-1603) 



The Discovery oe a New World 

Columbus 18. Preparation of Columbus. — Christopher Columbus 

in Portugal and ^^^g ^qj.^ near Genoa, before the middle of the fifteenth 

^^^^'^' century. His parents were poor and he had comparatively 

few early advantages. Before reaching manhood he began 




Channing, 
United States, 
I, 14-20. 



TOSCANELLI'S MAP 

(Showing locatioa of the Ameripas ia clotted linesj 

his career as a sailor, spending part of his time when ashore 
studying navigation or geography and making maps. For 
several years he resided in Lisbon, the chief center of com- 
mercial activity in western Europe. While there he wrote 
to an Italian philosopher, Toscanelli, asking him for infor- 
mation regarding a direct voyage to India. Toscanelli 

24 



1492] TJie Discovery of a New World 



25 



replied, suggesting that Japan could be reached by sailing 
directly west, and inclosing a map according to which Japan 
was less than four thousand miles from Spain. Later 
Columbus asked the king of Portugal to aid him in making 
this voyage, but the monarch gave him no encouragement. 
Subsequently Colum- 
bus entered the service 
of Spain, endeavoring 
for several years to 
get governmental aid 
for his enterprise. 
But the times were 
unpropitious, for 
Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella were making a 
final effort to drive 
the Moors from the 
southern part of the 
peninsula. This was 
accomplished in 1492, 
and that same year 
they made an agree- 
ment to furnish the vessels for the expedition, to give Colum- 
bus absolute power as viceroy over the territories discovered, 
and to allow him one tenth of all the wealth obtained through 
his explorations. 

19. Columbus's First Voyage. — On August 3, 1492, he 
set sail from Palos with three caravels, the largest of which 
was less than one hundred feet in length. After a delay at 
the Canary Islands, the Httle fleet started out into unknown 
waters. In midocean they encountered a vast mass df weeds 
now known as the "Sargasso Sea." Going to the north of 
this, they proceeded westward, constantly finding indications 
of land. Great numbers of birds were seen, and as most of 
these proceeded southwest, Columbus was persuaded to 
change his course. In the early morning, October 12, land 
was sighted, and at daybreak Columbus landed on one of 




Columbus 



Bourne, 
Spam in 
America, 
8-19. 



Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
II. 1-9 



Crossing 
the Atlantic. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, I, 
No. 17, 
Channing, 
United States, 
I, 20-23. 

Bourne, 
Spain in 
America, 
20-23. 



26 



American History 



[1492 



Atn. History 
Leaflets, No. i. 



The return 
voyage. 



the easternmost of the Bahama Islands. Had he continued 
west, he would have been borne still farther north by the Gulf 
Stream and have reached the coast of the United States. 

After visiting several islands of the Bahamas, Columbus 
coasted along the shores of Cuba and reached San Domingo, 
where his largest vessel was wrecked and a garrison left. 
The return voyage was marked by a severe storm which 




Columbian Exposition Model 

A Caravel 



Bourne, 
Spain in 
America, 
23-28. 



Papal bull 
and treaty of 
Tordesillas. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I. No. 18. 



Bourne, 
Spain in 
America, 
29-32. 



separated the vessels, but, after many experiences, both 
reached Palos on the same day, March 15, 1493. The 
Spanish monarchs received the discoverer with every mark 
of esteem and he was treated with almost royal honors. 

20. The Pope's Division of the Earth. — As soon as 
Columbus returned to Spain, King Ferdinand sent at once 
to Rome and requested that Pope Alexander VI confirm 
his title to the lands discovered in the west. The pontiff 
accordingly issued a decree in which he proclaimed that 
Spain was entitled to the lands lying west of the meridian 
which was one hundred leagues west from any of the islands 
commonly called the Azores or Cape Verde. The right to 
heathen lands lying east of this 'line was confirmed to Por- 
tugal, whose claims to territories discovered in Africa had 
already been recognized by the Holy See. As Portugal was 



1496] 



TJie Discovery of a New World 



27 



dissatisfied with this division of the globe, negotiations were 
begun at once with Spain which ended in the treaty of Tor- 
desillas, signed June 7, 1494. The Hne of demarcation was 
to be drawn three hundred and seventy leagues west of the 
Cape Verde Islands. 

This line did not touch North America, but was not far 
east of the country discovered by the Cabots in 1497 (§ 22), 
so that in 1500 the Cortereal brothers explored the coasts 
of Newfoundland and Labra- 
dor with the hope that they 
might be claimed by Portugal. 
On the .other hand, a large 
part of South America lay east 
of the line, and when in 1500 
a Portuguese, Cabral, on his 
way to the Cape of Good Hope, 
accidentally sighted the coast 
of what is now Brazil, the way 
w^as open to the establishment 
of a Portuguese colony in the 
new world. On the other side 
of the world Portugal had an 
undisputed claim to most of the 
islands, but Spain gained pos- 
session of the Philippines before it was learned that they 
were located in Portugal's half of the globe. This papal 
division was ignored of course by many of the other nations. 

21. Later Voyages of Columbus. — Columbus did not 
remain long in Spain after his first voyage, because of 
the danger that Portugal would send out a fleet to seize the 
lands w^hich he had discovered. The equipment for the 
second voyage was a marked contrast to that of the first. 
A large fleet carried nearly fifteen hundred persons, among 
them many nobles in search of wealth. A number of the 
West India islands, including Porto Rico and Jamaica, were 
visited and a Spanish colony established on Hispaniola (San 
Domingo). 




Fiske, Disc, 
of America, 
I, 453-460. 



Influence of the 
division. 

Bourne, 
Spain in 
America, 
63-66, 73-75. 



Second 
voyage. 



Larned (ed.). 
Ready Re/., 
I, 50-51- 



28 



American History 



[1496 



Third 
voyage. 

Bourne, 
Spain in 
America, 
46-53- 

Fiske, Disc, 
of America, 
I. 4SS-503. 

Fourth voyage. 

Fiske, Disc, 
of America, 
I. 503-513- 



Voyages, 
1497-149S. 



Am. History 
Leaflets, 
No. 9. 

Charming, 
I 'nited States, 
1.33-37- 



Bourne, 
Spain in 
America, 
54-OI- 



Old South 
Leajiets, 
No. 37. 



Columbus returned to Spain in 1406 and did not start on 
his third voyage until two years later. On this expedition he 
first saw the mainland of South America, near the mouth of 
the great Orinoco River. Soon after a special envoy was 
sentlfrom Spain to investigate the charges of misgovernment 
which had been brought against Columbus as governor, and 
he was arrested without delay. On his return to Spain in 
chains, the monarchs disavowed the action of their repre- 
sentative, but Columbus never regained the authority thus 
taken from him. 

His fourth and last voyage in 1502 brought him to the coast 
of Central America, although he still believed he was off the 
coast of the Indies. His later years were full of bitterness, 
for he proved to be incompetent for the great task of gov- 
erning a colony, and being harsh in dealing with natives he 
made enemies who succeeded in stripping him of his honors. 
He died in 1506, obscure and neglected, without knowing 
that he had led the way to a new world, which was 
separated from Asia by an ocean larger than the Atlantic. 

22. The Cabots were merchants of Bristol, England, at 
the time news was brought that Columbus had discovered 
land by sailing west. In 1406 John Cabot obtained from 
Henrv VII a permit to sail westward. The permit was not 
used until the next year, and it was June 24, 1497. ^^'^^^i^ the 
Cabots sighted land in the neighborhood of Newfoundland. 
Six weeks later they were back in England, where the king 
made a gift of £:io '' to hym that founde the nevre isle.'' In 
140S a much larger expedition set out. The coast from Lab- 
rador to Cape Cod was explored, and many persons believe 
that the Cabots continued on their southern course until the 
capes otT North Carolina were reached. No attempt was 
made to follow up these voyages, John Cabot probably having 
died and his son Sebastian having entered the service of Spain. 
But several generations later, when England desired to estab- 
Hsh'a legal claim to the eastern part of North America, 
these voyages of discovery were deemed of the first impor- 
tance. 



I 



I54I] 



TJic Discovciy of a Nczv World 



29 




A.tiEKlCA, 1.-.15 

(From Suboiier's Globe) 



23. Vespucius and the Naming of America. — Americus 

Vespucius, or Amerigo Vespucci, like Columbus and tlie 

Cabots, was an Italian. In 1504 

he wrote a letter telling about 

'' Four voyages " that he claimed 

to have made to the new world 

while in the employ of Spain. He 

reported that on the earliest of 

these (in 1497) he had discovered 

South America and that, on his 

later voyages he had explored 

the coast of that region. Many 

modern investigators consider the 

claims of Vespucius ridiculous, but 

it is certain that they were believed by at least some of 

his contemporaries. 

Among these was Martin Waldseemiiller, a professor 
of geography at the college 
of Saint-Die in Lorraine. In 
1507 Waldseemiiller published 
a pamphlet entitled Cosmogra- 
pJiie Introdiiclio, in which he 
suggested that the land in the 
southwest, which did not cor- 
respond to any islands on the 
maps existing before 1492, and 
which for several years had been 
known as Mondo Novo, should 
be called "America." This 
name became quite common on 
maps of the time before it was 
learned that this southern region 
formed a continent connected 
with lands discovered by the 
Cabots and others at the North. 

When this connection was understood, the name America 

was applied naturally to the whole of the new world. 




AMERICA, 1541 

(From Meroator'a Map) 



Voyages of 
Vespucius. 



Bourne, 
Spain in 
America, 
84-96. 

0/d South 
Leaflets, 
Nos. 34, 90. 



First use of 
name America. 

Bourne, Spain 
in America, 
99-103. 



Winsor (ed.).. 
America, II, 
145-152. 



30 



American History 



[1513 



Discovery of 
the Pacific, 
1513- 



Channing, 
United States, 
I. 47-51- 



Magellan, voy- 
age around the 
globe. 



Channing, 
United States, 
I, Sc^54- 



Ponce de Leon 
(1513-1521). 

Bourne, Spain 
in America, 
133-136. 
Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
II, 232-236, 



24. The Pacific Ocean. — Little was known yet about 
this new world, but in the decade beginning with 15 13 
geographical knowledge of the uncivilized hemisphere was 
extended greatly. It was in the year 15 13 that Balboa, an 
adventurer and a rebel, in search of gold, crossed the Isth- 
mus of Panama and first beheld the waters of the Pacific, 
which he called the "South Sea," because the shore line 
runs east and west at this point. 

Six years later Fernando Magalhaens or Magellan, a 
Portuguese nobleman in the employ of Spain, started with 
five vessels to find a southwest passage through South 
America to the Indies. In this he succeeded, the strait 
which he discovered now bearing his name. With but two 
vessels he proceeded north a long distance, then changed 
his course to the northwest, and finally to the west, in 
order not to pass the Molucca or Spice Islands, of which he 
was in search and whose latitude he knew. After weeks on 
the quiet ocean, which he named the Pacific, he reached what 
is probably the Island of Guam, and soon after landed on 
the Philippines. Here Magellan lost his life, April 27, 
1 52 1. The larger vessel was soon after captured by the 
Portuguese, but the smaller succeeded in reaching Spain 
after circumnavigating the globe — certainly one of the 
most marvelous voyages in history, and one which caused 
remarkable changes in the geographical ideas of the times. 

Explorations in the United States (1513-1543) 

25. Florida (1513-1536). — For thirty years the Spanish 
made repeated efforts to explore the southern part of the 
United States, rumors of gold constantly leading them into 
the interior. The first to show the way to Florida, a name 
applied for at least a century to the entire southeastern part 
of the United States, was Ponce de Leon, who was attracted 
by the reports of an excellent climate and prospects of wealth. 
In 1 5 13 he explored both the east and the west coast of the 
peninsula and in 1521 attempted a settlement which failed 
because of the hostility of the Indians. 



1542] Explorations in the United States 31 

In 1526 a much more pretentious settlement was attempted Ayiion's settle- 

by d'Ayllon. Over five hundred persons, including some "^^"^ (1526). 

slaves, were taken to Chesapeake Bay, but the climate was -w^i^goj. ^^^ ^ 

so unhealthy that they lost their leader and more than one- America, 

half of their men within a year, and the enterprise was ii. 238-241. 
abandoned. 

The next to search for wealth in Florida was de Narvaez, Narvaez and 

who landed near Tampa Bay in 1528. The last survivors Cabezade 

of this ill-fated expedition were wrecked some months later 

on the coast of Texas, where they were held as prisoners y^J^T^ 

for several years. Under the lead of Cabeza de Vaca, who i, 62-67. 

had been employed as a ''medicine man," four of them Winsor (ed.), 

escaped and crossed the plains and mountains to the Spanish ^^"^^'-^^^y 

. 'i 240-244. 

settlements on the Gulf of California, bringing with them oid South 

rumors of large quantities of gems and precious metals to Leaflets, 

the north of the countries they had traversed and arousing li- ^'o-39- 

renewed interest in the exploration of the interior. 

26. The Southwest (1539-1543). — To ascertain the truth Coronado's ex- 

of the reports that the "Seven Cities of Cibola" were pos- pedition (1540- 

sessed of great wealth. Fray Marcos was sent "to spy out 

the land." He failed to reach the cities, but brought back Hart, Contem- 

stories more wonderful than any that had yet been told. P^^^anes, 

In a short time, Coronado at the head of three hundred ',* ' ^^' 

' Channing, 

Spaniards, many of them mounted, and nearly a thousand United states, 

Indians, set out for Cibola (1540). The cities proved to be l> 74-84- 

nothing but the unattractive dwellings of Pueblos, but there ^o^''^^. Spain 

• 1 1 1 1 r 1 1 r 1 1 1 ^^ America, 

was said to be a great deal of gold farther north and east. 169-174. 

A force was dispatched to investigate a great canon to the Amer. Hist. 

west, — that of the Colorado, — and Coronado's little army ^^^A^-^. 

. . No 13 

then pushed on across the plateau and plains until Quivera 
was reached, probably in the present state of Kansas. They 
found immense herds of bison and trackless wastes, but 
no gold. In disappointment the Spaniards returned to 
Mexico. 

Among the many explorers who at this time were inter- coast of Cali- 

ested in the country north of the Spanish settlements was fomia. 
Cabrillo. Setting out in 1542 with two vessels, he and his 



32 



Amcrica?i History 



[1539 



Hittell, Call. 



Explorations in 
the southeast 
(1539-1543)- 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, No. 23. 

Channing, 
United States, 
I, 67-72. 

Bourne, Spain 
in America, 
162-168. 



Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
II, 244-254. 



Verrazano's 
voyage (1524). 

Bourne, Spain 
in America, 
143-145- 
Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
IV, 5-^. 

Cartier's explo- 
rations and set- 
tlements 
(i535-i?4iV 



successor Ferrelo examined the western coast beyond Cape 
Mendocino with considerable care. Nothing came of this 
or of the other e.xplorations in the West, and it was a half 
century before any permanent Spanish missions were estab- 
lished within the United States, and a still longer time before 
the region proved attractive to less unselfish settlers. 

27. De Soto. — The last, and in some respects the greatest, 
of these early Spanish explorers in the United States was 
Fernando de Soto. Having served under the Pizarros when 
they conquered the country of the Incas, he was anxious 
to gain for himself fame and fortune in Florida, as Cortez 
had done in Mexico and the Pizarros in Peru. With a well- 
equipped force of nearly six hundred men and many horses, 
he landed at Tampa Bay during the summer of 1539. The 
Indians were treated with severity, the chief of each tribe 
visited being seized and held as hostage until provisions were 
forthcoming and his country had been crossed. For two 
years the Spaniards continued their search through the in- 
hospitable country without discovering traces of the wealth 
they sought and at length crossed the Mississippi. After 
further wanderings, broken and discouraged, Soto returned 
to the river to die (May, 1542). Nowhere had he found gold 
or signs of gold, and everywhere the Indians were fierce and 
hostile. Glad to escape from this land of dangers, the sur- 
\dvors of Soto's party, after several attempts, succeeded in 
getting out of the Mississippi and reached the Mexican 
coast settlements. 

28. Verrazano and Cartier. — Although far behind the 
Spanish in a desire to explore and colonize, the French 
were not entirely inactive. In 1524 the French sent cut 
Verrazano, an Italian like many of the other navigators of 
that day, who visited the eastern coast of North America 
and explored from the capes of North Carolina to Newfound- 
land, probably entering New York harbor. 

Ten years later Cartier explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
returning in 1535 and ascending the river. He penetrated 
as far as the large island just below the first series of rapids. 



1560] Explorations in the United States 33 

To the height on this island he gave the name Mont Real.^ Hart, Contem- 

No attempt was made to found a colony at this time, but in poraries, 

1 540-1 54 1, he and an associate, Roberval, sought to settle on ' °' ^^' 
the banks of the St. Lawrence. Roberval failed to aid 

Cartier until the latter had abandoned his settlement, and '^i^sor (ed.), 

the French hold on America after this time was represented jy „_-' 
by a few fishermen's huts on the Atlantic coast. 

The Close of the Sixteenth Century 

29. The Situation in Europe. — During the early part Spain. 
of the sixteenth century Spain had risen to the position 
of the first European power. Her king was ruler not only Schwiii, Mod- 
of the Spanish peninsula, but of the Netherlands, the Sicilies, ^^^ Europe, 
and a large part of America. As he was in addition emperor 
of Germany, the rule of Charles V was in consequence one 
of unusual splendor. The immense riches of Mexico and 
Peru added greatly to this power of Spain, but could not ' 
continue to sustain it, for the successor of Charles, Philip II, 
followed an unwise policy which undermined the sources 
of national strength. Freedom of thought was crushed 
by the inquisition, the Netherlands were lost by an unwise 
religious policy, while the Jews and Moors, the industrial 
backbone of the nation, were driven from Spain. The 
decline of Spanish power became evident in the latter 
half of the sixteenth century, and, after the defeat of the 
Armada in 1588, was rapid and continuous. 

France was in no position during these years to accom- France, 
plish much at home or abroad. Torn with the strife between 
the Catholics and the Huguenots, governed nominally by 
the worthless sons of Henry II and ruled really by the faction 
which was temporarily in the ascendant, she followed no Robinson, 
fixed policy until the accession of the able Henry IV in i t;8o. ^^^^^^"^ ^"" 

rope, 451-458. 

England meanwhile under Elizabeth was quietly develop- England, 
ing her resources and settling her religious differences. 
As yet neither an industrial nor 2. commercial nation, and, 

^ Mount Royal. 



34 



America fi History 



[1562 



Robinson, 
IlV.v/t'r// Eu- 
rope, 458-463- 



Port Roy;\l 
(^1562). 



Channing, 
United States 
I. 94-96. 



Fort Caroline. 
Menendt-z, 



Channing. 
United States, 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I. No. 36. 



Fiske. Disc. 
0/ America, 

II, ^I2-s2I. 



Bourne, Spain 
in America, 

176-1S9, 



as an international power, inferior to Spain and France, 
she gave encouragement to the seamen of the southern coast 
who engaged in trade with the Spanish colonies, and aided 
merchants who desired to form an East India company to 
trade with the far East. Elizabeth in fact permitted Sir 
Francis Drake and others to capture Spanish merchantmen 
and treasure ships in time of peace, thus developing that 
irregular navy which in 15SS harassed and in the end de- 
stroyed the unwieldy Spanish Armada. With Spain's navy 
crippled, the Dutch seized upon the greater part of the carry- 
ing trade of Europe. 

30. The French in Florida (i 562-1 565). — Under the 
auspices of the great Protestant leader, Gasper de Coligny, 
two settlements were attempted in the southern part of the 
United States in the land named Florida and claimed by 
the Spanish. The tirst of these was made in 1562 by Jean 
Ribaut at Port Royal, a little north of the Savannah River, 
but the next year the colonists constructed a ship, abandoned 
the colony, and reached Europe after a terrible voyage. 

In 15O4 a second settlement was started by Laudonniere 
on the river of ^lay, now called the St. Johns, where they 
built a fort named Caroline in honor of their king, Charles 
IX. Most of the settlers were men of broken fortunes and 
adventurers. Untrained to labor and desiring only gold, 
they quarreled with one another and with the Indians, some 
of them at length turning pirates and betra\ing to the Span- 
ish the presence of the little colony, ^Meanwhile the settlers 
prepared to abandon the colony, but before they were ready 
to sail, two fleets arrived off the coast of Florida : the tirst, 
French, under Ribaut bringing relief; the second, Spanish, 
under ^Menendez, threatening destruction. Before Menen- 
dez, a man of great vigor and earnestness, heard of the 
French colony, he had been expecting to secure a grant 
of Florida and colonize that region. When he learned of the 
Protestant settlement, he appHed to Philip II who helped him 
fit a great expedition for what they considered a crusade. Find- 
ing the French fort and tleet too strong to attack, he disem- 



15^3] TJic Close of iJic Sixteenth Century 35 

barked his men and constructed a fort which he named St. 
Augustine (1565). The elements now favored him, for Ri- 
baut's fleet was scattered and his ships wrecked by a great 
storm. Menendez immediately marched overland through the 
swamps, attacked Fort Caroline, which was practically unpro- 
tected, and put the inhabitants to the sword. Three different 
parties from Ribaut's fleet who had been wrecked on the coast 
south of St. Augustine were obliged to throw themselves on 
Alenendez's mercy. Most of them were foully slain. This 
ended the settlements of the French in the southern part of 
North America, for King Charles of France was not fond 
of the Huguenots and was completely under the domination of 
Philip, but it did not close the warfare between the French 
and the Spaniards, for two years later de Gourgues destroyed 
the Spanish forts in Florida and hanged the defenders. 

31. The English in the New World (1562-1583). — Hawkins and 
Numerous Englishmen were interested in the new world Drake, 
because of its commercial possibilities. The earliest of these, 
Sir John Hawkins, engaged in the slave trade with the Channing, 

Spanish West Indies. On the third of these vovaires his Y"^^'^^^^^^''^ 

' ^ \, 115-122. 

ships were attacked, treacherously he thought, by Spanish 

officials. With him on this trip was his cousin, Sir Francis 

-rx 1 1 r 1 • • 1 1 1 • i-r i • • <• Fiske, Old J'i>- 

Drake, who trom this time devoted his life to the injury of -^^^ j g 
Spain. With the consent of Elizabeth, Drake raided the 
Spanish mainand in 1577 sailed into the Pacific Ocean, where ^^^^ Contem 
he captured treasure ships on the way from Peru to Panama, pomries. 
Continuing northward until turned back by the cold, he i.Nos. 29, 30. 
returned to a harbor near San Francisco bay, where he re- 
fitted his vessel. The western part of the continent he 
named New Albion, claiming it for England. Returning to 
England via the East Indies and Africa, he brought back 
reports which aroused new interest in finding a northwest 
passage to the East. 

Frobisher had already (1576) searched for a northwest The northwest 
passage and Davis made three voyages (1585-1587) for the passage, 
same purpose. The most earnest advocate of settlement in 
northern America and of search for a way to Cathay was Sir 



36 



American History 



[1584 



Woodward, 
British Em. 
pire, 39-49. 

Tlie first coloiiv 
(1585)- 

Charming. 
United States, 
1, 124-128. 



Fiske. Old I »- 
finia, I. 3c^33. 



The " lost 
colony " 
VI587-1590) . 

Fiske. 0/d Vir- 
ginia, I. 35-39. 

Charming, 
United States, 
I. 12S-133. 



Humphrey Gilbert, who tried to form a colony on Newfound- 
land in 1583. The attempt was abandoned and on the 
return vovage Gilbert's vessel foundered. 

32. The Ralegh Colonies (1584-1590). — The next year 
Sir Walter Ralegh dispatched to America Captains Amadas 
and Barlow, with instructions to investigate and report the 
possibilities of colonization. So glowing was their report 
that Queen Elizabeth named the country Virginia in her 
own honor. The succeeding spring (1585) seven vessels 

set sail carrying over one 
hundred settlers, whose 
leader was Ralph Lane. 
They landed at Roanoke 
Island, off the coast of what 
is now North Carolina, but 
before the ships returned 
to England the commander 
of the tleet maltreated the 
natives, thus alienating tribes 
whose friendship would have 
been of the greatest value. 
As the colonists would not 
work, and could obtain no 
food from the now hostile Indians, they gladly took ad- 
vantage of the arrival of Sir Francis Drake and returned 
to England. 

Ralegh's devotion to his pet scheme led him to fofm a 
company which in 15S7 sent out a new expedition carrying 
women as^ well as men. Their destination was Chesapeake 
Bay, but they repaired first to Roanoke, where they decided 
to remain. Governor White of this " City of Ralegh." 
as the colony was called, returned to England for help later 
in the summer, but the ships sent out with supplies were 
used to prey upon Spanish commerce, with disastrous re- 
sults. Then came the Armada (15SS) which calleci forth 
the naval strength of England. Another year was frittered 
away by the men to whom Ralegh, now impoverished, 




Sir Walter Kai t: 



i6oo] 



TJie First Century 



37 



assigned his Virginia patent, and when in 1590 assistance 
arrived, no trace could be found of the "lost colony." Thus 
inauspiciously did the English begin the colonization of the 
new world. 

33. The Results of the First Century. — In the century 
following the discovery of America by Columbus the advance 
in geographical knowledge had been enormous. The shape 
of the earth had been proved beyond dispute and its size 
quite accurately ascertained. There was no longer a sea of 
darkness, but two immense oceans had been crossed; in the 
case of the Atlantic, repeatedly. A new continent had been 
brought to light, of which to be sure little was known except 
the shore lines. Almost every part of the eastern Atlantic 



Discovery and 
exploration. 




coast had been explored by Europeans and the western 
coast nearly as far north as the Oregon River had been ex- 
amined. The interior of the North American continent had 
been visited by but two leaders ^ Coronado and Soto — 
and the heart of the continent was little better known in 
1600 than a half century earher. Search had been stimu- 
lated, however, because of a desire to find a water passage 



coionizauon. 



38 American History [1492- 

from the Atlantic to the Pacitic which would make it pos- 
sible to sail from Europe west to Asia without going as far 
south as the Straits of Magellan. More than any other one 
cause, this desire led in the following century to the investi- 
nation of the waterways in the new world. 
Attempted South of the present limits of the United States, Portugal 

had established a colony and Spain had taken possession of 
several islands and many Indian countries. Within the 
United States the repeated attempts to form colonies had 
led to the establishment of but two permanent settlements — 
the insigniticant Spanish fortifications at St. Augustine and 
the little frontier mission at Santa Fe. Considering the 
amount of money and efltort expended, the results were dis- 
couraging indeed. In striking contrast to the Hmited ter- 
ritory occupied by Europeans at the close of the sixteenth 
century were the sweeping territorial claims of the rival 
nations. Spain asserted her right to a territory of continental 
extent. France claimed the northeastern coast and that part 
of the interior drained by the St. Lawrence River, and Eng- 
land asserted her right to the eastern part of North America, 
because of the Cabot discoveries, and to the western coast 
by virtue of Drake's exploration. 

TOPICS 

Columbus's Efforts to gain Help (1484-1402"^: Adams, 
"Columbus," pp. 34-73; Fiske, "Discovery of America," I, pp. 3S1- 
3S5, 305-410. 

The Voyages of the Cabots: AVinsor (ed.\ "America," III, 
pp. 1-7; Fiske, "Discover}- of America," II, pp. 1-16; Lee (ed.^ 
"Histon- of North America," I, pp. 297-300. 

Magellan's Voyage around the World: Bourne, "Spain in 
America," pp. 115-132; Winsor (ed.), "America," II, pp. 501-613; 
Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, 1S5-205. 

STUDIES 

1. The character of Columbus (^criticisms\ (AVinsor, "Colum- 
bus." pp. 400-5 1 J. "» 

2. Origin of the name "America." (Fiske, "Discover}- of 
America," II, pp. 129-155.) 



i6oo] TJic First Cent my 39 

3. Cortez in Mexico. (Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, pp. 
245-293.) 

4. The wanderings of Cabeza de \'aca. (Lummis, "Spanish 
Pioneers," pp. 101-116.) 

5. Coronado's explorations. (Johnson, "Pioneer Spaniards," 
pp. 219-253.) 

6. Spain's colonial policy. (Bourne, "Spain in America," pp. 
202-219.) 

7. Spain's American commercial policy. (Bourne, "Spain in 
America," pp. 2S2-29S.) 

8. Verrazano's voyage. ("Old South Leaflets," No. 17.) 

9. Religious wars in France. (Duruy, "History of ]SIodern 
Times," pp. 218-234.) 

10. Destruction of the French colony in Florida (1565). (Park- 
man, "Struggle for a Continent," pp. 27-54.) 

11. The English in the East (after 1580). (Woodward, "Expan- 
sion of the British Empire," pp. 69-85.) 

12. Reasons for English colonization in America. (Hart (ed.), 
"Contemporaries," I, Ncs. 44-46.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. What was the significance of the first voyage of Columbus? 

2. How did the discoveries of Vespucius and Magellan aft'ect the 
geographical ideas of the times ? 

3. What influences were most powerful in leading the Spanish to 
colonize? What were the chief characteristics of Spain's colonial 
policy? Was Spain a successful colonizing nation? 

4. Why did Soto fail, while Cortez and Pizarro succeeded ? Name 
several reasons why the Spanish failed to get a real foothold in the 
United States. 

5. How do you account for the comparative inactivity of the 
French and English during the sixteenth century? 



CHAPTER III 



Virginia com- 
pany and its 
sub-companies. 



MacDonald, 
Charters. No. i. 



Channing, 
United States, 
I, 157-163. 



EARLY ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1600-1660) 
English Rulers 



Elizabeth (1558-1603) 
James I (1603- 1625) 



Charles I (1625-1649) 
Commonwealth (1649- 1660) 



Virginia (1606-1625) 

34. The Charter of 1606. — During the early years of 
the seventeenth century several voyages were made to the 
coast of Virginia by English seamen who brought back 
glowing reports of the country and its climate. As Ralegh 
had been imprisoned and his charter 
annulled by James I, a new com- 
pany was organized in 1606 for the 
purpose of making settlements in 
Virginia. To certain members of 
this Virginia company, residing in 
London and usually called the 
London company, w^as granted the 
land lying between parallels 34 and 
38. The territory from 41° north 
to 45° was granted to members living in Plymouth, the right 
to occupy the middle strip from 38° to 41° being shared by 
both sub-companies, provided that neither settled within 
one hundred miles of the other. The Virginia company 
was permitted to coin money and to defend its possessions, 
while its colonists wxre to have all the rights enjoyed by 
Englishmen.^ 

* There was to be a resident council for the government of each of 
the two colonies established, and the general direction of the Virginia 
company's affairs in England was entrusted to a council appointed by 
the king. 

40 




LAND GRANTS 

UNDER CHARTER 
OF 1C06 



i6o7] 



Virginia 



41 



35. The Settlement at Jamestown. — In December, 
1606, three vessels fitted out by the London company set 
sail for the new world with more than one hundred colonists. 
According to the custom of those days, they went by way 
of the Canaries and the West Indies and did not enter 
Chesapeake Bay until April, 1607. As a site for the new 
settlement, they desired a place not too near the coast which 
might be fortified easily against the Spaniards, who objected 
to English settlements on land 
which they claimed. A low 
peninsula half buried at high 
tide was selected, the name of 
Jamestown being given to the 
settlement, in honor of the 
king. Most of the settlers 
were "gentlemen" unused to 
hard labor, so that the work of 
constructing homes and plant- 
ing crops progressed slowly. 
With summer came an epi- 
demic of fever, and within four 
months half of the colonists 
had perished. The councilors 

who had been sent over to govern the people proved in- 
efficient and quarreled with one another. Famine was 
averted by securing corn from the Indians and by sup- 
plies sent from England, but the communistic system, ac- 
cording to which all labored for the common store, did 
not encourage industry or thrift in a naturally shiftless 
set of men. 

The real leader of the party was John Smith. Although 
less than thirty years of age, Smith was a man of varied 
experiences and of considerable ability. Since coming to 
Virginia he had made friends with the Indians, and, in an 
open boat, had explored the shores of the Chesapeake Bay, 
making a map of the region which was remarkable for its 
accuracy. When be was elected president of the council. 




Captain John smith 



The first year 
(1607). 

Eggleston, Be- 
gi?iners of a 
Nation, 25-31. 

Channing, 
Utiited States, 
I, 163-170. 



Tyler, England 
in America, 
41-54- 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, Nos. 61-63. 



Rule of John 
Smith. 



Tyler, England 
in America, 
SS-60. 



42 .Iniiriiiin History [i(>oo 

K^>;lostv>n, /<v lu' iwliucd \\\c lolony to onliM-, \\\m\c [\w nilo (hat those 
^i^tHHfts, j,\ 40. ^^1^^^ ^Y\(\ not work should not oat. and pivvcntod starvation 
h\ siHuring {oo(\ from tho Indians tlirough liis skill antl 
lu^ldnoss. 
rh.utiiot itvH). Smith's rule camo to an cml when a now chartor was 
i^rantod whiih ohanj^od tho nictliod of govornmont and o\- 
MuPouaKI. tondi\l tho houndarii^s oi \\w tonitorv lontrolloil by tho 
i. i.i'Urs, London oonipany. Tho now ohartor gavo X'irginia all tho 

knul for two hundrod niilos north and south of Point Comfort 
"uj^ into tho land, throughout from soa to soa, wost and 
northwost." l>ooauso i^f tho word "northwost" X'irginia 
<.\uumtMoial aftorward olaimod tho Torritory in tho intorior of tho oonti- 
aml social ,^>,,j in^twoon (lu> Ohio RiwM ;uul thoT.riMt l.akos(^vJ OoV 

3(). The Inrtuence of Tobacco Culture. That \irginia 
survivod its Ovirly dilVuullios was duo in largo i>art to tho 
oharaotor of its lirst loadors. ospooially to John Smith and 
Ciovornor Palo. Its roal prosperity, howovor, bogins with 
tlio oultivation and exportation o{ tohaooo, for which the 
r\vV., 55-57. soil and olimato o{ the oolony wore partioularly adapted. 
Sn\all erops of tohaeoo had boon raised by the Indians bo- 
I'liuuiini;. fore the white settlors oame, but not until Palo had put 

an end to tho oommunisiio system were j^uintations started 
on which the raising oi tobaooo beeame a regular industry. 
King James was strongly opposed to the use of the "tilthy 
weed," but the market for their productions was so good that 
the planters soon can\e to devote their energies almost ex- 
clusively to tobacco growing. Settlors of a better class were 
attractovl to the cv^lony by the possibility of large protlts 
from a regular occupation, and the banks of the James 
River and the shores of C'hosapoake Hay wore soon lintnl with 
tho homes of men engaged in raising tobacco. Later, in- 
ducements were olTorod to poorer people, who paid for their 
passage to the new world by several years of service on tho" 
[plantations. .\ few negroes, thst brought to Jamestown in 
I (MO in a Hutch man of war. were also en\ployed at the 
more n\ei\ial tasks. (Vadually, as the plantations became 
larger and the t'leld workers more nun\erous, the distinction 









1 624] Virginia 43 

between landowners and I.iihIIcss he(ame more inark(;d, 
llie classes of society hein^ almost as widely sej>arat(;d as in 
Juigland. 

37. The First Virginia Assembly (1619). Iti llic years I'l'iiinin.iry 
imm(;diately j>n-(cdiii}^ '^^'9, d)(t alTairs of llie London *'^' "''^• 
company in I'aij^laiid and of the Virj^inia (olonisls in Americ a 
did not \fu smoothly. lames I tried to dominah; tin; a.ffa,irs -V''"'"'^;' , 
{;f the oni|)a,ny l>y diflalinj^ ihc laws that should he ma.de i, ,yj u/j. 
and the offjcers that should Ije elected.' The memhers of 
the compa.ny ohjet lerj nalurally, for, by the ( ha.rler of 1612, 'I yN-r, /'.////A///^/ 
they had acquired the rijdil lo liold meetings in London, '" ^'^'f'^^^^'^. 

. . "^h '60. 

transact general business, and govern the colony in America. 
As tin; company had not prov(*d a finajicial su( ( ess, the ma- 
jority of the stock in Hie Lond'ai (oin|>aiiy had (onie into 
the hands of Puritans who were opposed to arbitrary govern - 
m(mt in lOngland and ifi America. Since the g<;vernor of 
Virgir)ia had a.rous(;d the wrath of the settlers by his un- 
just and tyrannical ruK;, the company, under the lead of 
Sir Kdwin Sandys, dec ided that representatives of th(; peo[jle 
siiould meet with a iiew gov(;rnor and his advisers and lielj) 
th(;m make the laws, T'cjllc^wing his instruc tic;ns, (icjverncjr Mcttfinj? of the 
Yeardley asked the freemen in each of eleven plantatic^ns, •'^^''-''''^ly- 
towns, or hundreds to elec t two representatives, and on July ^^''''^' ^'""^''^'^- 
30, 1619, twenty-two burgesses met with the g(;vernor's j ^-0,65. 
councilors in the first l(;gislature in America. Two years 
later the- Loncjon ccjmpany [^asserl an c>rdinancc; j>rc>vicling 
ff^r a regular gc^vernment in Virginia cc^nsisting cjf a council, 
( hcjsen by the lOnglish stockhc;lders, which sii'^uld assist the 
gc;vernc;r, aiul a. general assembly c cjm|>osc;d u\ the; c cainc ilors 
ancl of burgesses elec;ted by the freemc;n. In this way the 
pcjpular government established in 1619 by the ]'>ngli.di 
Puritans was made; [)ermanent. 
^N.. 38. Virginia becomes a Royal Province ('1624). -'J'he Kndofthe 
^^uritan element in the Londc>n c;cjmi>any ncA c^uly advocated '''>f"|''f"-'^'n- 

' "^ ji;i.riy s ruk. 

' King J am(;.s opposed the politi* ;il discussions at the; mcrctings of 
th(; London fomi>any and f>hjcrtcd \m the < ritic isnns of the c rown hy 
rri(;mbers of the company. 



44 



American History 



[1606 



Cooke, Vir- 
ginia, 129-133. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, Nos. 66, 67. 



Tyler, England 
tn America, 
81-92. 



Plymouth 
company 
(1607). 



Tyler, 
England in 
America, 



Council for 
New England 
(1620). 



MacDonald 
Charters, '^o.^ 



constitutional government for their Virginia colony, but under 
their wise guidance hundreds of thrifty settlers were pur- 
suaded to try their fortunes in the new world. The colony 
had a new lease of life, its prosperity far exceeding that of 
any previous time. Its success aroused the enmity of the 
Indians and in 1622 a terrible massacre occurred, from 
which Virginia recovered with surprising rapidity. But 
this uprising furnished the excuse desired by the king and 
other enemies of the company in England for the over- 
throw of the company. This was accomplished in 1624 on 
flimsy pretexts, and Virginia became a royal province. No 
change was made, however, in the character of its colonial 
government, as Charles I, who came to the throne in 1625, 
desired to win the favor of his American subjects, and was 
wilhng to have assemblies that would provide money for 
the royal treasurv. 

New England before 1628 

39. The Plymouth Company and the Council for New 
England. —The settlements in the northern grant made to 
men of Plymouth in the charter of 1606 had not prospered 
like those of the South. During that terrible summer of 
1607 when the fate of Jamestown was yet doubtful, over one 
hundred colonists landed at the mouth of the Kennebec, 
but the extreme cold of the winter and the death of Sir John 
Popham, the chief justice of England and the ruling mem- 
ber of the Plymouth company, led to the abandonment 
of the enterprise. 

Nothing further was attempted until in 1620 the company 
was reorganized ^ and obtained from King James a patent 
to the land lying between parallels 40° and 48° and extend- 
ing from sea to sea, with a practical monopoly of the fisheries 
and fur trade. Various grants of land were made by the 
company to its members, but few settlements were made, 
even for purposes of trade, and the credit for establishing 



1 It was now called the Council for New England. 



1625] 



New England before 1628 



45 



41 







v?»»fc_/ 




n 



f^- y 









^- ^ 




p-%s.- _. - 


'\- "^^ 









SjTY^/^r 






-4-- -J 



46 



A^nerican History 



[1600 



Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
103-114. 



the first homes in New England belongs to some Separatists, 
usually called the Pilgrims, who located at Plymouth. 
Puritan policy. 40. The English Puritans. — To understand the early 
history of New England, a knowledge of conditions and 
events in England under the first two Stuarts is quite as 
essential as any information regarding the doings of the 
early settlers, for the colonization of New England was due 
directly to the contest which took place between the Puritans 
and the English kings, James I and his son Charles I. The 
Puritans comprised a large and ever growing class of the 
English people who beheved that the Anglican church, w^hich 
had been established by the Tudors in England at the time 
of the Reformation, retained too many of the old forms of 
the Roman Catholic church. They desired to purify the 
church of these "papist" forms and to introduce among the 
people a higher standard of living. But they stood for more 
than religious reform. They advocated any scheme or 
plan that would lead to social or political betterment. : It 
would be incorrect to imagine that they formed a sect 'with 
well-defined views, for the word "Puritan" three hundred 
years ago had a meaning but little more definite than that 
of "reformer" in our own time. In religious matters alone 
there was a vast difference between the moderate Puritan 
who favored a simplification of the church service, but w^ho 
was nevertheless very much attached to the church, and the 
radical Puritan who had severed his connection with the 
established church in England and was known as a "Separat- 
ist." , Between these two extremes was the liberal Puritan, 
who desired to remain in the church but wished to introduce 
radical changes in the church service and to leave the control 
of all local ecclesiastical affairs, including the selection of a 
pastor, to the members of the congregation. 

In spite of their desire for reform, the Puritans were 
often narrow and the importance that they attached to forms 
is amazing to a person of the twentieth century. Their 
desire to raise the low moral standard of their time made 
them go to the other extreme. Their opposition to amuse- 



f 



Three classes 
of Puritans. 



Puritan 
narrowness. 



i6o8] New England before 1628 47 

ments was so rabid that we are tempted to believe the state- Eggieston, 
ment that they objected to the cruel sport of bear baiting, ^^<^'^"^^^. 
less because it gave pain to the bear than because it afforded 
pleasure to the spectators. And yet, with all the narrow- 
ness which they so often showed, it may well be doubted 
whether any other political force has exerted as great an 
influence on America as that of the Puritans. 

41. The Puritans and the English Monarchs. — During Under 
the reign of Elizabeth, all of those who did not conform to Elizabeth. 
the practices of the established church, frequently known as 
non-conformists, were treated with considerable severity. Tyler, 
Since the monarch was the head of the church and of the "^ '^" 

America, 

state as well, those who refused to worship as the church 153-155. 
prescribed were thought to be guilty of disobedience little 
less dangerous than treason. For this reason there was no 
religious toleration in England, and those w^ho were unwilling 
to conform were punished. 

When the throne of England at the death of EKzabeth James I. 
w^as left to James VI of Scotland, there was a general feeling ^"d the 
among the Puritans that they might obtain some of the re- 
ligious reforms that they desired, since the established church 
of Scotland was controlled by the Puritans. Tames disap- jT^ . 

■^ J r Beginners, 

pointed the reformers very early in his reign, for in a religious 159-163. 
conference held at Hampton Court (1604) he showed very 
clearly that he believed thoroughly in his divine right to rule channing, 
both church and state. His experience with the Scotch Unifed states 
church had not been especially pleasant and he took occasion ' ^'^^~^ '^' 
to oppose the Puritan requests because they would lead to a 
church system like that of Scotland, ''which agreeth as well Gardiner, - 
with a monarchy as God with the devil." In conclusion he j^evohitlon. 
said of the Puritans, "I shall make them, conform them- 
selves, or I will harry them out of the land." This policy 
he followed with constantly increasing vigor, for the Puritan 
element was gaining in strength year by year. One of the 
earliest results of James's attitude was to drive from England 
many Separatist congregations v/hich were no longer allowed 
to hold meetings, open or secret. 



48 



Aifitrican History 



[1608 



In Holli^nd 
(1608-1618). 



Tyler, 
England in 
America, 
i^:;-i6i. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, Nos. 97-99. 



Atner. Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No. 29. 



Voyage to 

America 

(1620V 



Mayflower 
compact. 

MacDonald. 
Charters, 'So. '^. 



Dangers 
(1620-1623). 



42. The Pilgrim Migrations. — One of these Separatist 
churches had been organized in Nottinghamshire by William 
Brewster and John Robinson. Owing to the persecutions 
of James I, they tied in 160S to Holland, the only country in 
Europe where religious differences were tolerated. Making 
Levden their home, with many other refugees, they toiled 
for vears without being able to earn more than a bare living. 
As the prospect was no brighter for the future, and their 
children were influenced by the easy-going Dutch ways, 
often intermarrying with the Dutch as they grew up, some 
of them came to the conclusion that their condition might be 
improved by emigrating to America. The Puritans were 
now in control of the \'irginia company and from them these 
Separatists obtained liberal concessions and a grant of land 
in the northern part of Virginia. Lacking the money needed 
for so expensive a journey, they entered into an agreement 
with certain "merchant adventurers" of London by which 
all of the earnings of the colonists should remain joint prop- 
erty, and each adventurer who contributed ten pounds 
should, at the end of seven years, have an equal share with 
each colonist. After many dilliculties, including the abandon- 
ment of one of their vessels which proved unseaworthy, the 
Pilgrims set sail in the Mayjlimrr from Plymouth, Septem- 
ber 6, 1620. Two months later they came in sight of Cape 
Cod, and after six weeks of search for a suitable place for a 
settlement landed December 21 at a harbor which they 
called Xew Plymouth. 

43. Early History of New Plymouth. — Being far to the 
north of the territory under the jurisdiction of the Virginia 
company, the men of the party met in the cabin of the 
Mayjlaiirr and drew up a compact organizing themselves into 
a "civill body politick, for our [their] better ordering &: pres- 
ervation," and promising "all due submission and obedi- 
ence" to the "just & equall lawes" which they should enact 
from time to time 

The first winter, although unusually mild for that section, 
brought terrible hardships and sufl'ering. One half of the 



1 691] New England bcfoi^e 1628 49 

colony perished, but the rest kept bravely at their work, Tyler, 
being aided by a few others who came over from England ^^^£^^<^"din 

,, ... r • 11 America, 

or Holland, ine Indians of the vicmity were friendly, a 161-167. 
permanent peace being made with their chief, Massasoit, 
which lasted until his death forty years later. When the 
chief of the more distant Narragansetts tried to intimidate 
them by sending a bundle of arrows tied with a rattlesnake's 
skin. Governor Bradford returned the skin filled with powder 
and ball: Soon after the Indian uprising in Virginia (1622), 
a threatened plot was nipped in the bud by the valiant cap- 
tain. Miles Standish. By this mixture of diplomacy and 
force, Plymouth became singularly free from difficulties with 
the red men. 

Even the honest, hard-working Pilgrims could not make End of 
a success of communism, and in 1624 an acre was assigned communism, 
to each person as his separate property. Where previously 
there had been continual danger of famine, now crops were 
abundant and a surplus remained for sale. Two years 
later money was borrowed from leading men of the colony, 
and the interests of the merchant adventurers were purchased 
for £1800. 

Plymouth obtained a land grant from the Council of New Government 
England in 1630 and was allowed to govern itself unmolested. ^^^^"^^ ^^9i- 
So few were its settlers that until 16^8 there was an annual 

Tyler, 

meeting of all the people of the colony, but after that year p^n^i^nd in 
the example of Massachusetts was followed and a representa- America, 
tive assembly was held every year. Plymouth grew slowly, 172-182. 
and in 1691 was joined to Massachusetts (§ 77). 

Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay (i 628-1 636) 

44. The Massachusetts Bay Company. — North of the Organization 
colony of New Plymouth, a few pioneers began settlements ^^^ charter, 
during the years following 1620, making a precarious living 
usually in connection with the fisheries. One of these, Fiske, AVw 
composed of several earnest and religious men from Dor- 
Chester, had prospered for a time, only to be practically 
abandoned later. But this Dorchester venture had awak- 



so 



American History 



[1628 



Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
199-209. 



MacDonald, 
Charters, N o. 



Quarrels 
over political 
and religious 
questions. 



Robinson, 
Western 
Europe, 
478-484. 



Coman and 
Kendall, 
England, 
296-306. 



ened the interest of certain Puritan leaders at home, who 
beheved that America offered the best opportunity for the 
estabhshment of churches using the simple form of worship 
which was their ideal. With this in view they obtained 
(1628) from the Council for New England a patent to the 
land lying between boundaries three miles north of the 
Merrimac River and three miles south of the Charles, and 
extending from sea to sea. A year later King Charles re- 
affirmed this land grant in a royal charter which created 
the corporation known as "the Governor and Company of 
the Mattachusetts Bay in Newe England," with the right to 
admit new members and to govern its territory, provided 
that it did not make laws contrary to those of England. The 
officers were to consist of a governor, a deputy governor, and 
eighteen assistants, elected yearly by the members of the 
corporation. No place was designated for the meetings of 
these officers or of the "general courts" composed of all 
stockholders in the company, although all previous charters 
had such a provision. The omission was due probably to 
the desire of the incorporators to hold their meetings in 
either London or Dorchester, but there was nothing in the 
charter to. prohibit the company from establishing its head- 
quarters in America. 

45. King Charles and the Puritans. — The desire of the 
Puritans to have a colony in America was due in large part 
to friction with the king, Charles I, who had succeeded his 
father in 1625. Charles was a thorough believer in his 
divine right to rule England, and was less cautious and 
more obstinate than his father. The Puritan element now 
controlled the house of commons and forced the king in the 
Petition of Right (1628) to grant their political demands, 
but they were unable to obtain any religious concessions. 
Charles desired a high church ritual with greater uniformity 
throughout the realm. The commons insisted that a simpli- 
fied service should be used. The victory remained with 
Charles, for he had begun to make changes and dissolved 
parliament before the commons could do more than protest. 



II 



1630] Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay 5 1 

Charles then carried out his plans by enforcing through 
Archbishop Laud a ritual more elaborate than any used 
previously in the churches. But Charles's attempt to govern 
England without parliament (1629-1640) and in opposition 
to the wishes of a majority of his subjects, his extra-legal 




A Puritan ^*- ^^^^^ens 

levies of ship money (1635), and his attempt finally to force 
the English prayer book on the Scotch church (1637), al- 
though apparent evidence of his triumph over the Puritans, 
were in reality the chief causes of his final overthrow. 

46. Character of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. — When 
the most prominent members of the Massachusetts Bay 



52 



American History 



[1630 



The great 
migration 
(1630-1640). 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, I, 
Nos. 105, 106, 

Fiske, New 
England, loi- 
104, 137-146. 

Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
209-215. 

Charming, 
United States, 
I. 325-335- 



The colony 
acquires tlie 
company's 
charter. 

Channing, 
United States, 
I. 340-342. 



Contest 
between the 
officials and 
the people. 

Tyler, 
England in 
America, 
201-204. 

Channing, 
United States, 
1,342-351. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, No. 107. 



company left England in 1629, they decided to take the 
charter with them, intending to transact all their future 
business where no agent of the king might interrupt. The 
leading spirit in this movement was the new governor, John 
Winthrop, a man of exceptional scholarship and very 
noble character. Winthrop and about one thousand others 
embarked for their new home during the year 1630, the first 
of the eleven years of the ''great Puritan migration," for 
during the time that Charles attempted to govern England 
without parliament, nearly twenty thousand men, women, 
and children were transported to the shores of New England. 
They did not come for religious freedom but with the idea 
of establishing churches in which they might worship in the 
way which they preferred. 

The transfer of the charter, in itself a most remarkable 
event, was the beginning of political changes even more 
noteworthy. All church members in the colony were ad- 
mitted as members of the company. In this way the colony 
became identified with the company and gained all of the 
rights that the company had possessed, so that it now had the 
power, protected by the charter, to govern itself. This 
change was in fact completed before the king discovered 
that the charter of the company had been taken from Eng- 
land. 

47. Political Problems and Dangers. — Some of the leaders 
of the Massachusetts Bay company wished to make all of 
the laws and do all of the governing. They persuaded the 
people to keep them in office without holding elections 
yearly as the charter directed. The people submitted until 
the officials began to levy a special tax for a stockade at the 
most exposed settlement. Then they insisted upon annual 
elections and the right of every member of the colony to 
attend the annual meeting and help make the laws. As it 
was found impossible for the men from distant settlements 
to leave their homes for this annual meeting, they began 
in 1634 to send representatives who helped the governor's 
assistants to make the laws. In 1644 a dispute over a stray 



1636] Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay 53 

pig led to the separation of the assistants and the represent- MacDonald, 

atives, thus organizing the first bicameral legislature in Chatters, 

No. 17, 
America. The democratic faction protested against the 

powers which the officials still exercised by interpreting as 

they pleased the laws which were unwritten. The people 

demanded a bill of rights and a written code. In 1641 the 

officials yielded and passed a very complete and very liberal 

code of laws known as the Massachusetts Body of Liberties. 

The Massachusetts Bay company treated its neighbors Attempt 

so arbitrarily that some of them complained to the king. *° revoke 

King Charles realized that the colony was governing itself 

in opposition to his wishes, so that steps were taken to revoke 

the charter. Preparations were made to defend the colony J ^\' , . 

^ ■^ England in 

against attack, but the king was too busy carrying out his America, 

policy at home to give the matter his attention. 204-209. 

48. Religious Difficulties. — Quite as serious as the Religious 

threatened attacks made by England were the dangers policy of 
arising in Massachusetts from religious differences. Mas- 
sachusetts was a distinctively Puritan commonwealth. 

The church was not only closely connected with the affairs J ^\' . . 

■^ -^ England in 

of state, it was the foundation on which the political and America, 
social organization rested. Partly for this reason, partly 210-212. 
because the Puritans were by nature intense, sincere, but 
narrow, and partly because every nation of that time except 
the Dutch loathed the idea of religious toleration, the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts exercised a very strict supervision of 
church affairs. Although themselves non-conformists with 
the established church in England, the Puritan emigrants 
followed toward the irregulars the policy of James I toward 
themselves. Those were banished who insisted on worship- 
ing according to the rites of the Anglican church or in 
other non-Puritan ways. 

The most famous of these early dissenters was Roger Roger 
Williams, an able, large-hearted "but eccentric clergyman, ^^^^'^^'^s- 
He wrote a pamphlet claiming that the king had no right to Fiske, New 
issue land patents, for all the land belonged to the Indians. England, 
Williams' crowning offence was the assertion that nomagis- ^^'^ ^^ ' 



54 



American History 



[1636 



Tyler, 
England in 
America, 
212-218. 

Channing, 
United States, 
1,362-368. 



Anne 
Hutchinson. 

Fiske, New 

England, 

116-119. 

Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
329-339. 



Religious 

policy. 



Channing, 
United States, 
I. 393-398. 



Hart, Qyn tem- 
poraries, 
I, No. 115. 



trate should exercise any control in religious matters, such 
as enforcing Sunday laws or requiring an unconverted 
person to take an oath, which he considered a religious act, 
but that affairs of state should be separated from those of 
the church.^ He was tried (1635) and ordered to leave for 
England, but was permitted to make his way south, where 
he founded Providence (1636). 

WiUiams had exercised great influence, but had no large 
personal following, as was the case with Mrs. Anne Hutchin- 
son whose teachings in 1636 threatened to disrupt Massachu- 
setts. The entire population of Boston was divided into 
two hostile parties favorable or unfavorable to Mrs. Hutchin- 
son. The opponents of Mrs. Hutchinson finally triumphed 
and that lady with her followers was banished (1637). 
Some went north to New Hampshire, but the larger number 
settled on Rhode Island in Narragansett Bay. 

Expansion in New England (1635-1645) 

49. Providence Plantations and Rhode Island. — Settled 
by persons who had been driven from Massachusetts be- 
cause of their religious views, 
Providence and the Rhode Island 
towns were drawn together by 
bonds of sympathy, but remained 
politically separate until in 1644 
Roger WiUiams obtained from a 
parliamentary commission a semi- 
charter by which the towns around 
Narragansett Bay were united and 
authorized to govern themselves. 
The policy of Providence from the 
beginning and of the united towns 
after 1644 was one of perfect rehgious liberty. Liberal 
Puritans were welcomed, but freedom of thought was per- 

^ When supplying the pulpit at Salem, his extreme views gave 
offense. He was held responsible when one of his supporters, John 
Endicott, cut out from the British flag one arm of the cross which 




Roger Williams 



1637] Expansion in New England 55 

mitted to Catholics, Jews, Quakers, and atheists as well. 
Williams insisted that a man should be protected by the 
government without regard to his religious views. Through 
his influence Rhode Island became the first community in 
the modern world where there was perfect religious liberty. 
Yet the earliest results of this policy were somewhat disas- 
trous. Not only those with real depth of religious feeling 
made Rhode. Island their home, but many whose views on all 
subjects were unusual. 

The colony grew but slowly, making up in the eccentricity charter of 
of its people what it lacked in numbers. As the first semi- 1663. 
charter had been issued irregularly and did not define the 
territorial limits of the colony, Charles II was persuaded in MacDonald, 
1663 to grant a charter which gave the people complete ^'^^^^^^< 
powers of self-government, subject to the one limitation 
that the laws conform as near as might be to the laws of 
England. Perfect religious freedom was permitted, so that 
no change was made in the policy of the colony. 

50. The Connecticut Valley. — We have already noticed Settlement, 
(§ 47) the antagonism existing in Massachusetts between Dutch and 
those who favored an aristocratic government and those 
whose ideal was democratic. Although certain concessions 
were made to the liberals, several of the towns were still Channmg 

T . /- , 1 1.1 1 1 • 1 1 T • T Uttited States^ 

dissatisfied, as they desired to abolish the religious quali- 1^398-404. 
fications for voting. Another cause of discontent existed 
in the sterility of the soil, which they had found unsuitable pj^^^ ^.^^ 
for agriculture. Learning of the fertile Connecticut valley England, 
in the west, several hundred people set out in 1636. The 123-133. 
Dutch had already built (1633) within the present limits of 
Hartford a fort which they did not abandon for several Eggieston, 
years. The mouth of the river was seized by the English, ^^^^^^^> 
who erected a fort, from which the Dutch made a half- 
hearted attempt to drive them. Their real foes were not 
the Dutch but the Pequod Indians, who ruled the territory 

Endicott declared was a symbol of popery- This act the magistrates 
felt might be construed in England as an insult, and they forced from 
Endicott an apology. 



56 



Americait History 



[1639 



Constitution 
of 1639. 

Channing, 
United States, 
I, 404-407. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 14. 

Johnston, 
Connecticut, 
59-64. 75-79. 



Connecticut 
charter (1662), 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 

No. 24. 

Johnston, 

Connecticut, 

167-173. 

Theocratic 
character. 



from the Hudson to Narragansett Bay with severity. Diffi- 
culties arose almost at the start, and were increased by 
savage actions on both sides. In 1637 the people resolved 
to put an end to these outrages. One of the Pequod camps 
west of Narragansett Bay was attacked by less than a hun- 
dred men under Mason and Underbill. The attack was 
a complete surprise, the wigwams were set on fire, and several 
hundred Indians slain. The remaining Pequods were 
relentlessly hunted out of the country, and for many years 
there was peace and prosperity. 

As the people of Connecticut w^ere outside the jurisdiction 
of Massachusetts and unwilling to have that colony extend 
its authority over them, they met and drew up a set of 
fundamental laws for their government (1639). The con- 
stitution which was adopted in 1639 established a govern- 
ment similar to that of Massachusetts, with a governor, 
magistrates, and deputies, who looked after common inter- 
ests. Unlike Massachusetts, Connecticut did not restrict 
the privilege of voting to those who were church mem- 
bers, and she left with the towns a much more complete 
degree of self-government than had been enjoyed in the parent 
colony. This set of laws, remarkable for its democratic 
character, is still more remarkable because it is the first 
written constitution compiled by a people for their own 
government. 

This very liberal political system was recognized and con- 
tinued in the charter which Connecticut obtained from 
Charles II in 1662. The new colony, however, included not 
only the Connecticut valley settlements, but New Haven as 
well, and extended from the Pawtucket River to the Pacific. 
Under this charter, slightly modified when Connecticut 
became a state in 1776, the people lived until 1818. 

51. New Haven. — Strangely enough the later colony 
and state of Connecticut was composed of two quite different 
elements: the Connecticut valley settlements, the most 
liberal, and the New Haven settlements, the most conserva- 
tive, of those made by the New England Puritans. The 



1643] Expansion in New England 57 

founders of New Haven desired to establish a town ruled Fiske, New 

according to Scripture, which to them meant the Mosaic ^^i"^^^^* 

code. Other towns were founded by their friends, and in 

1643 these were united in much the same way as those of Tyler, Efigland 

Connecticut under the constitution of 1639. In New Haven ^^ ^nenca, 

^ ^ 260-264. 

only church members might vote, and the general court 

enacted rather searching laws regulating religious and other Channing, 

matters. These were caricatured soon after the Revolu- t ^ "tx 

1, 407— 4II' 

tionary War by a loyalist, Peters, whose book on the ''Blue 
Laws of Connecticut " was supposed for many years to be 
historically correct. 

52. Northern New England. — A number of attempts Settlement. 

had been made to colonize the coast north of Massachusetts. R^'^^^o^s with 
o 1 r 1 1 . 111/-. -1 r -VT Massachusetts. 

Several grants of land were issued by the Council for New 

England, notably that to Mason and Gorges. In 1629 
these men divided their territory, Mason taking that between il JmerUa '^^ 
theMerrimac and the Piscataqua, to which he now gave the 266-276, 279- 
name New Hampshire, and Gorges that from the Piscata- 2^^- 
qua to the Kennebec, a district known as Maine. Large 
sums were spent by both, but their settlements were little 
more than fishing hamlets. At the beginning of the Civil 
War in England, Massachusetts annexed the New Hamp- 
shire towns on the ground that her charter of 1629 gave her 
all territory east as well as west from a point three miles 
north of the source of the Merrimac River, but the towns 
were allowed to govern themselves and to send representa- 
tives to the general court of Massachusetts until in 1679 
New Hampshire became a royal province. During the 
Commonwealth Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction 
over most of the towns in Maine also, and although obliged 
by a commission from England (1665) to relinquish her 
control temporarily, she reasserted her authority until 
Maine was purchased from the Gorges heirs by Massa- 
chusetts (1678). The territory east of the Kennebec River 
was granted to several court favorites, but was practically 
unoccupied because of the opposition of the French. 

53. The New England Confederation (1643). — Between 



58 



American History 



[1643 



Origin. 

Fiske, New 

England, 

155-158. 



Government 



Fiske, XrM 

England, 

158-161. 



Channing, 
United States, 
1,415-420. 



several of these New England colonies there was a pro- 
nounced unity of feeling. Though representing different 
types of Puritan sentiment, the ideals in Massachusetts Bay, 
New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven were much 
the same. Some of these colonies had acted together in 
more than one undertaking, but no formal union had been 
considered wise, perhaps for the reason that it would have 

made supervision 
by the royal 
government so 
much easier. In 
1643, ^^ Q.\\''A 
War in England 
removed- this ob- 
stacle and these 
four little Puri- 
tan communities 
united to form 





>-\ V"^» V lYork U TLA a TIC 

HAMPSHIRE •gxetet I OCSAS 
^ap« Ann 



elaerwjokf Concorcl***, 3^"' 

/ H»dl«yfc ■,,^**'l y* *>\VJVmouth 










tAKLY COLO.MES 
A.NU SEITLEBE-NrS 



the New England 
Confederation, 
chiefly for the pur- 
pose of better, de- 
fense against the 
Dutch, the French, 
and the Indians. Maine, a settlement alien in its origin 
and customs, was not admitted, nor was heretical Rhode 
Island, which wished to join the league, its lack of stable 
government being assigned as the excuse for refusal. 

The Confederation carefully avoided interference with the 
local government of each of its members. Two commis- 
sioners were selected by each colony for the transaction of 
league matters. Any six of these had power to determine 
questions of peace or war, deciding how many men each 
colony was able to contribute for purposes of defense. 
Intercolonial disputes were to be settled by the commissioners. 
A sort of intercolonial citizenship was established and ser- 
vants or criminals escaping from one colony to another 



J 



1632] Maryland 59 

were to be surrendered. The authority of the commissioners MacDonald, 
was more apparent than real, but the Confederation was of ^'^^^^^^' 
great value in deaUng with both the Dutch and the Indians. 
The injustice done to Massachusetts, which was larger than 
the other three together, and the desire of that colony to 
manage the affairs of the Confederation, caused its decline, 
but it remained in existence until 1684. 

Maryland 

54. The Charter of Maryland (1632). — While the A proprietary 
Puritan emigration to New England was taking place, a <^oio"y- 
colony of a new type was being founded in the region north 
of Virginia. The land was granted and the power to govern 
the colony assigned to a proprietory who controlled the affairs 
of the colony in accordance with a charter given to him by 
the king. This proprietary form of government, although 
modified in many ways, was the one used after this time in 
the establishment of new English colonies in America. 

The founding of Maryland w^as due to the personal am- Calvert and his 
bition of George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, an enterprising charter. 
Catholic nobleman who had long enjoyed royal favor. He 
was anxious to estabhsh in the new world a place of refuge MacDonald, 
for Cathojies and to build up for his family a semi-feudal ^^^^^^' 
estate. Before his conversion to the faith of Rome, he had 
started a settlement on Newfoundland, which was soon ^. , ,,, , ^^. 

' Fiske, Old Vir- 

abandoned. He next tried Virginia, but the governors of gmia, i, 255- 
the colony would have none of him. He then obtained 256, 261-274. 
from the king a charter which gave him title to the land from 
the Potomac to the fortieth parallel and from Delaware Bay Eggieston, 
to the meridian passing through the head waters of the Po- ^^'^^^^^^ 
tomac. Over this domain he was to exercise almost regal 
powers, sending to the king two arrows yearly as a recogni- 
tion of royal suzerainty. He was free from taxation by the 
authorities at home, which were not allowed to interfere in 
other ways with his government. With the consent of the 
freemen, he might make the laws, which should not be 
contrary to those of England. 



6o 



American History 



[1635 



Contest over 
the right to pro- 
pose laws. 



Channing, 
United States, 
1,265-267. 



Browne, 
Maryland, 
35-37. 41-47. 



Religious 
classes. 
Law of 1649. 



MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 21. 



Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
242, 250-257, 



55. The Proprietor and the Freeman. — Interest in the 
early history of Maryland centers around two things, the re- 
ligious conditions and the development of democratic in- 
stitutions. George Calvert died before the charter was 
granted and his work was undertaken by his eldest son, 
Cecil, who remained in England and exercised his functions 
as proprietor through a resident governor. Being at such 
a distance, he was unable to meet with the freemen for the 
purpose of making laws, and the earliest laws which he 
proposed for the colony were rejected by the first assembly 
of freemen (1635), who claimed that they had the right to 
propose laws. This claim was not accepted by the proprietor, 
who in turn rejected the laws suggested by the freemen. 
Matters remained in this chaotic state for four years, each 
side refusing to yield, but in 1639 Baltimore gave his consent 
to a very full and cumbersome code of laws enacted by the 
assembly, at the same time instructing his governor to 
claim the power of veto only. Calvert could well afford this 
concession, because his authority over the colony was very 
great, and the legislature was composed of councilors 
selected by himself as well as the freemen who represented 
the people or were summoned to the assembly by the pro- 
prietor. The later history of the colony is largely concerned 
with the attempt on the part of the freemen and of the pro- 
prietor to extend their legislative intluence at the expense of 
the other. 

\ 56. Religious Toleration. — From the first the majority 
of the settlers in Maryland were Puritans, the proportion 
increasing with great rapidity during the closing years of 
the Civil War in England, especially when Virginia in 164S 
drove many Puritans from its borders. As the proprietor 
could not establish Catholicism as a state religion, and would 
not permit an established church of any other faith, there 
had been little interference on account of religious beliefs 
during the early history of Maryland. Foreseeing that the 
Catholic majority in the legislature could not be maintained 
on account of the Puritan immigration, Baltimore proposed 



i66o] Maryland 6 1 

to the freemen a law giving religious toleration, and at the 
same time sent over a Protestant governor. The legislature 
rejected Baltimore's law because it denied to the proprietary 
the right of initiation, but the next year (1649) passed a 
somewhat similar law. This famous "Toleration Act" pro- 
vided the death penalty for those who blasphemed or denied 
any person of the Trinity, but declared "that noe person or 
persons . . . professing to beleive in Jesus Christ, shall 
from henceforth bee any waies troubled. Molested or dis- 
countenanced for or in respect of his or her religion." 

57. Summary. — After a half century of successful Extent and 
colonization we fmd the English in possession of the Atlantic character ol 
coast from the Kennebec nearly to the Hudson, and from the settlements 
northern part of Chesapeake Bay to Cape Fear River. (1660). 
The intervening territory was occupied by the Dutch, who 
had lately conquered the tiny Swedish settlement on the 
Delaware. To the south, though separated by an extensive 
wilderness, were the Spanish, while but little closer neighbors 
on the north were the French. In 1660 the English settlers 
lived in eight distinct colonies, two of which, Massachusetts 
and Virginia, included more than one half of the total 
population. The emigration to the American provinces of 
England had been almost exclusively from the mother 
country, most of the settlers coming between the years 161 9 
and 1640, although a large number of cavaliers sought 
Virginia when the fortunes of Charles I declined. As the 
majority of these settlers were hard-working, courageous 
men and women whom the dangers of the forest could not 
daunt nor the hardships of the frontier discourage, the future 
of the colonies was assured. With increasing prosperity 
and continued expansion, the Dutch settlements would of 
necessity have become less endurable, and the first oppor- 
tunity was therefore embraced to conquer them. 

TOPICS 

I. Virginia UNDER THE Commonwealth : Fiske, "Old Virginia," 
II, pp. 1-18: Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 212-229; Bancroft, 
" United States." 



62 American History 

2. The Puritans: Ellis, in Winsor, "America," III, pp. 219-244; 
Palfrey, "New England," I, pp. 101-132; Osgood, in Political 
Science Quarterly, VI (1891), pp. 1-28, 201-231; Borgeaud, "De- 
mocracy in America." 

3. Pilgrim Migrations: Fiske, "New England," pp. 71-82; 
Eggleston, "Beginners of a Nation," pp. 165-177; Channing, "United 
States," I, pp. 293-307. 

STUDIES 

1. Agricultural difficulties and problems in early Virginia. (Bruce, 
"Economic Historj' of Virginia," I, pp. 189-226.) 

2. Smith in Virginia. ("American Histor}' Leaflets," No. 27 ) 

3. Virginia under Charles I. (Cooke, "Virginia," pp. 41-157.) 

4. First weeks at Plymouth. (Bradford, " Plymouth Plantation.") 

5. Earlv emigrants. (Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," I, Nos. 55- 

58.) 

6. "Winthrop's account of Massachusetts. (" American History 
Leaflets," No. 31.) 

7. Earliest New England code of laws. ("American History 
Leaflets," No. 25.) 

8. Pequod War. (Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 160-178.) 

9. Roger Williams and his work, (Eggleston, "Beginners of a 
Nation," pp. 266-306.) 

10. General character of the English colonies. (Mace, "Method 
in History," pp. 86-104.) 

11. Charter land grants. (" American History Leaflets," No. 14.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. What was the significance of the settlement at Jamestown 
(1607)? of that at Plymouth (1620)? of that at Salem (1628)? 

2. Compare the Virginia charters of 1606. 1609, and 1612 as to 
territor}' and government. 

3. ^^^lat influence did tobacco have upon (a) the growth of \'ir- 
ginia, (&) the social classes, (c) the establishment of the county systems 
of government, {d) the relations of Virginia to England (§ 36) ? 

4. Did the Puritans believe in religious toleration? How did the 
Puritan spirit show itself in the dealings of ^Massachusetts with Roger 
Williams and with England? Was their course justified? . 

5. In the contest between the aristocrats and the liberals in Mas- 
sachusetts between 1630 and 1641, which gained the greater ^^c- 
tories in determining the character (a) of the government, (6) of the 
sufi"rage, (c) of the code of laws ? 

6. Define the term "charter." Give the distinction between a 
charter and a constitution. In what respects was the constitution of 
Connecticut different from the Massachusetts charter of 1629? 



CHAPTER IV 

LATER ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1660-1700) 

English Rulers 

Charles II (1660-1685) William III (1689-1702) 

James II (1685-1688) and Mary (1689-1694) 



58. Commercial Situation of England about 1660. — The English 

colonia 
comme 
policy. 



year 1660, during which the Stuarts were restored to their colonial and 
position as kings of England, marks the beginning of a new 



Andrews, 



epoch from the standpoint of the colonies. This was due 

to a large extent to the interest taken by the able advisers 

of Charles II, Clarendon and Shaftesbury, in the expansion coi. Seif-Gov't. 

of the British domains, and the desire of those statesmen 5-13- 

to bring the existing English colonies into closer and more 

satisfactory relations with the mother country. It was 

due in part also to the anxiety of England to compete with 

Holland, which had become the first commercial nation of 

Europe.^ Cromwell had sought to injure Dutch commercial v 

supremacy by securing a law (165 1) which compelled all 

English merchants to import and export goods in English 

ships only. This had led to a war with Holland in which 

the advantage remained with the English. 

This policy of British trade in British ships only was re- Early naviga- 
affirmed by the new Stuart government after the Restoration ^^°" ^^'^• 
by the passage of the very important navigation act of 1660. 
Not only were England and the English possessions to allow rTT^f-c •/ 
only English or colonial vessels entrance to their ports, but 13-21. 
certain articles produced in the colonies, including sugar 

^ The Dutch had not only gained extensive possessions in America, 
with the control of most of the East India trade, but in 1650 they 
controlled nine tenths of the carrying trade of England and practically 
a monopoly of that of continental nations. 

63 



64 



AiNtruan llistoiy 



y\(^(^ 



ami l(>l»;ii lo, ami known as "(Muinu'iaU'il" I'oods, wcic lo Ik* 
shipped lt» I'.iij'.laiul only. A lew years lalei llic (ojonics 
were r('(|uirc(l lo piir( liase all ^oods Iroiu Isnpjand diicil, 
llius K>^''"K '''^' I'.ntdish nieriljanls a nu)no|)ol\' in scllini^ 
I'liipo'.c aiul lo Mu-ni. 'I'lu- nndonhlcd jiniposc ot" lliesc ails of hade 
irMiliM.i ilir ^^,,^j. j^^ (ii-slroy (lie iDnunene ol llie Dutch as lar as possible, 
NavlKutlon '.111- I 

.^^.,.. bill Ihey were made on the llu^ory then \\\ toniinon use Ihal 

(()h)nies should aid die niodier loiuiliy l)\ ruinishiu}"; a 
market lor her surplus produits and hy helping the home 
fountrv to build up her industries. 'I'he ministers of Charles 
II probabb desired lo heal tlu' (olonies laiily, for (oloiiial 
vessels were considered Mnt^lish ships and the (olonies 
(>fttM\ obtained spiuial coimnercial pri\ ilej',es. I'or example, 
Xin-jnia IoIkhco li.id a numopolv of the Ivnidish maikti, 
as tobacco growinj; was prohibiti'd in I'.ngland and the im- 
» r)ortatit)n of tobacco from ft>rei!j;n (ountrits was forbidden. 
KcoinnnUfttionjiy 50- Kngljuul and the Colonies (1660-1685). Dur- 
oi i>oU)nit«s. ;^n<^ the (|uarttM- century following; the Utstoration, ecHisid 
eral)le pro^nss was n\ade in improvinj:; the colonial system 
of l'!n!'Jaiul. In i()()o iheic wia-e onl\- three re;!;ulail\' 
(»r^ani/.etl l''.nu;lish colonics on the Atlantic" coast. One of 
these, \'iru;inia, was ui\der the direct control of the crown; 
a second, Mar\land, was j'.ovcMiu^d by a propiieloi- whose 
relations to Mnj^land were detuKnl in a charier; the third, 
Massachusetts, was a self ujovtM-ninij; charter mlony whic h 
had in n\ore than (Mie wa\ refused to ai know led!!;c> ihc* su- 
premacy of the l!nj;lish i^o\-ernn\ent. There wcM"e in addition 
settlenuMits in Maine, New IMyn)outh, on Rhodc^ Islaiul, and 
at rro\iili>nce, in ( \>nnei ticul, and on the shores ol l-oni; 
Island Sound.' Soon afua' the l\c>stoia(ion, chartcMS wear 
granted (KX^.') to Connecticut, which now includcHl New 
llaven. and (i(U\0 t»< l\lu>de Island includinj; l*ro\ idcaic c\ 
Attempts wcri" madi- .dsi> to brin!\ Massachusetts into sub- 
missicM^ cMulin;', in the re\c>cation of her charter of i()jc) 
in the \cMr i(>S.}.'- 

' New Uampshiir w.is iiu liulfcl in Aln^sjuhusclts fu>m »(>|i ii> 
it'79- ' ^i"*' §§ 73. 7.S- 



iC'^^Sl Later J:n^disk Coloniy.ation 6$ 

Interest v/as shown in a>lonial cxiJun^Ujn when Clan^ndon, Vo^iwUnu, of 
Shaftesbury, and s^^me ass^Kiates prepare^! Uj settle the region '^"''^ '^j^nia*. 
s^juth of Virginiii C1663). In 1664 jealousy of the Dutch 
and desire to join the colonies of the North with those of the 
South lerl if) the conquest of New Netherknd. Six years 
later the enterprising fluds^jn Bay o-^mpany was organized, 
and s<'xjn after /680 the only unoctjUf^ie^-J section of the r;oast 
north of the Savannah River was granted to William Penn. ( 
All of these changes were favorable U) the increase^! authority 
of the home government, for these new colonies were directly 
controlle<'l by members of the Stuart famiJy or by court ' 
favorites. 

60. The Founding of New Wetherland. — The Dutch Hudson, 
claim to the country between New J-.figJand and Maryland '^^^'^ ^"'^** 
was based on the explorations of Henry Huds<^>n, follower] by ^'^"'P''*""^- 
the subsequent occupation of the region by Dutch tra/lers 

and by settlers sent out from Holland. ifuds^>n was an ^'^""'n«' 

"^ United States, 

Enghshman m the employ of the Dutch Fast India ajmpany. j^ 43<j-440. 

While in search of a passage to the Pacific (1609) he sailed 

up the river which now l>ears his name until fresh water Hart, Omtem- 

showed that it was not a channel (x^nnecting two oceans. P'^^^^^^^f 

He won the friendship of the Indians and within a few years '\ V'^^^J, 
> ■> 151, 153, 154, 

a ^/>nsiderable fur tra/ie was establishc/i with the Indians by 
the thrifty Dutch, but no attempt was made to settle the 
a^untry until in 1621 the Dutch West India cfjmpany was 
create^]. By the charter of this fx^mpany the government of 
the territory around the Delaware and Huds<^m rivers, as 
well as the fur tra<^Je of that section, was pla<:ed entirely in 
its hands. But the a>mpany Ux>k no interest in aAonization, 
preferring trj devote its entire attention trj the establishment 
of trading j-x/sts and the development of the fur tra4e. 

61. The Province of Wew lietherland. — In 1629 the Thepatroon 
West India a>mpany a^lopte^l a new pr>licy and promised ^y*^"*- 
that any f>ersr^n who should send fifty adults to their American 
fx^ssessions should have lands fronting on either the Hudson 



66 



American History 



[1629 



or the Delaware, sixteen miles on one bank or eight miles 
on both and extending into the interior. This liberal do- 
main the patroon, as he was called, was to rule as a feudal 
lord, with power to make laws and hold court for the trial 
of offenses. All corn was to be ground at his mill and no 
one should hunt or fish on his domain without his consent. 
This feudal system appealed to many wealthier members of 
the company and large landed estates were established along 
the Hudson. Of these the most extensive was that of the 



Channing, 
United States, 
1, 450-472. 




New Amsterdam 

Van Rensselaers, in which the custom of paying feudal rents 
persisted until the tenants rebelled about 1840 and gained 
the right to purchase their lands. 

Governors were sent out by the company to administer 
its affairs, which they did in a quite unsatisfactory manner. 
The early governors found it difficult to maintain the au- 
thority of the company against the patroons, who were 
practically independent within the limits of their patroon-. 
ships. The people of the principal city. New Amsterdam, 
and in the rest of the colony protested also against the arbi- 



1664] New York 6y 

trary rule of the governors, and demanded a share in the 
government. The last and the ablest of the Dutch gov- 
ernors, Stuyvesant, was forced to give New Amsterdam a 
more liberal government with nine men to advise him, but 
he made more prom.J5es than reforms, and to the last the 
rule of the Dutch was narrow and arbitrary. 

62. New Netherland and its Neighbors. — The location Relations with 
of New Netherland between jealous and comparatively ^^^ Indians, 
powerful English colonies and its proximity to the most 
powerful Indian tribe on the continent, the Iroquois, made Channing, 
its position one of no little difficultv. The Dutch avoided ^^'^'^ s^a^.s, 
conflict with the Iroquois by preserving the friendship es- 
tablished with those Indians by Hudson. This afforded 
them protection from attack and benefited their trade in fur. 
Unwise treatment of the Indians near Manhattan Island, 
however, led to a disastrous war, in which most of the 
settlements near New Amsterdam were destroyed (1641- 

1643)- 

On the south the Dutch came into collision with the Conquest of 
Swedes, who had made a few settlements on the shores of ^'^^ Sweden 
Delaware Bay. The Dutch claimed the land and warned 
the Swedes to leave, but no action was taken before 1648, 
partly because of the governors' indifference and partly i/^-^^^^^/'aUs 
because Sweden had aided Holland during the Thirty Years' i, 475-477. 
War which closed that year. After the Peace of Westphalia 
made all the nations guarantee the independence of Holland, 
the new governor, Stuyvesant, proceeded against the Swedes 
and in 1655 New Sweden was brought under Dutch rule. 

63. Conquest of New Netherland (1664). — By the Eng- English mo- 
lish the Dutch had been considered intruders from the be- ^"'^^ ^"^ ^^^'^ 
ginning, because England laid claim to the entire coast on 
the basis of the Cabot voyages. Aside from the feeling against 
Holland that sprano; from commercial rivalrv, England A^^i'^ws, 

1 . 1 . ^, ^ , ' , Col. Self-Govt, 

desired to seize the Dutch possessions for several reasons. 74-78. 
Dutch occupation of the region between the thriving prov- 
inces in New England and in the South was not pleasing to 
her, their extensive fur trade was an object of envy, and the 



68 



American History 



[1650 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, No. 155. 



Fiske, 
Dutch and 
Quaker Cols. 
I, 248-269. 



Conquest and 
reconquest. 

Andrews, 

Col. Self- Gov't, 

78-82, 89. 



Fiske, 
Dutch and 
Quaker Cols., 
I, 277-292. 



The people 
and their 
government. 



Andrews, 

Col. Self- Govt, 

82-100. 



Dutch gave offense by helping the colonies to evade, the 
navigation acts. Before 1650 the Dutch had been driven 
from the valley of the Connecticut by the settlers near Hart- 
ford (§ 50), and several English settlements on Long Island 
had restricted their territory in that direction. When war 
broke out between England and Holland during the Com- 
monwealth, steps were taken toward conquering New 
Netherland, but peace was declared before the expedition 
was ready. 

A few years later, the English government decided to 
take the initiative against Holland by seizing her North 
American possessions. All of the territory from the Dela- 
ware to the Connecticut, and from the Kennebec to the St. 
Croix, was granted by the king to his brother James, the 
Duke of York. A fleet was dispatched to New Netherland 
under the command of four commissioners, who were also 
to bring Massachusetts to terms (§ 73). New Amsterdam 
surrendered at once because the citizens refused to fight, 
much to the disgust of the wrathy governor, Stuyvesant, 
and the rest of New Netherland surrendered without delay. 
Several years later, during another war between England 
and Holland, New Netherland was recaptured by the 
Dutch, but after a brief period was returned to the English 
by the Treaty of Westminster (1675). 

64. The English in New York ( 1 664-1 685). — A large 
percentage of the inhabitants of New Netherland in 1664 
were English, so that the transition from Dutch to English 
rule was not difficult. A great many laws in force in New 
England were introduced, but most of the Dutch practices 
also were recognized. The local government was reor- 
ganized so as to give the people a shghtly greater share in its 
work, but the Duke of York would not allow an assembly 
to be called. Many of the English settlers demanded a 
representative government, the Puritans on Long Island 
being particularly insistent, but no action was taken until 
1684. In that year the first assembly of the colony distin- 
guished itself by passing a charter of franchises and liberties 



i68o] New York 69 

which provided for religious toleration, allowed all free- 
holders to vote, and permitted no taxation without the con- 
sent of the people's representatives. This charter was 
ratified by the Duke of York, but was rejected by him later 
when, on the death of Charles II, he became king of England 
with the title of James II. In the year 1684 also Governor 
Dongan negotiated with the Iroquois a treaty which gained 
for the English the friendship and help of those able war- 
riors in the long contest with the French which began soon 
after. 

The Quaker Colonies 

65. New Jersey and the Quakers. — Before the conquest The two 

of New Netherland, the Duke of York granted the territory Jerseys, 
between the Hudson and the Delaware to two of his favorites, 

Sir George Carteret and Sir John Berkeley. They were liberal Andrews, 

to the colonists, and the inhabitants, many of whom were ^'^^' ^^^f-^*^^ 

. lOI-III. 

immigrants from New England, enjoyed a large degree of 
religious and political freedom, but they quarreled with the 
proprietors over the making of laws and the payment of 
land rents, and in 1674 Berkeley sold his share of New 
Jersey, the western half, to a Quaker who was probably 
acting for many others of his sect. 

The society of Friends, or Quakers, had been organized in The Quakers. 
England by George Fox just before the middle of the West jersey. 
seventeenth century. The Quakers believed that a person 
should be guided chiefly by his conscience and not by the Andrews, 
dictates of church or writings. For others as well as them- ^'^^- ^^^^f- Gov't, 
selves they claimed the right of worshiping in the way they 
pleased, so that they were always in favor of religious tolera- 
tion. They advocated the doctrine of the fellowship of ^^^^^ Quaker 
man and carried their belief in equality so far that they re- Cois., 11, 109- 
fused to remove their hats even in the presence of the king. ^^3. 140-147- 
Desiring to found in the new world a colony in which they 
might carry their principles into effect, the Quakers made 
settlements on the east bank of the Delaware and established 
an extremely liberal government which they were never able 



70 



American History 



[1680 



Pennsylvania 
charter (1681). 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 38. 



Andrews, 
Col. Self- Gov't, 
165-169, 175- 
177- 

Fiske, Dutch 
and Quaker 
Cols., II, 114- 
118, 147-153- 

Growth and 
inhabitants. 



to put into practice effectively. The success of the Quakers 
in gaining first West Jersey and later control of East Jersey 
was due principally to the interest and ability of William 
Penn. 

66. Perm and His Colony. — Because Penn found it im- 
possible to carry out his ideas regarding society and govern- 
ment in New Jersey, he asked the king for a grant of land 
west of the Delaware River. As he was a man of high rank, 

the son of an admiral 
to whom Charles II 
was indebted in several 
ways, and a friend of 
James, Duke of York, 
he had no difficulty in 
obtaining from the 
king a charter which 
gave him a large terri- 
tory beyond the Dela- 
ware and made him 
proprietor of that 
region with the right 
to govern it, provided 
that all laws should 
be made with the con- 
sent of the freemen 
and sent to England 
for approval. Parliament, however, had the right to levy 
taxes within the colony and the proprietor was obliged to 
appoint an agent through whom the English government 
might exercise some control over the affairs of the province. 
It will be seen that the home government had profited by 
the rather bitter experience it had had with those colonies 
that refused to recognize its authority over them. 

Not only were Penn's religious views advanced, but he had 
long held political ideas which were extreme in the opinion of 
men of that time. His colony during its early years showed 
in marked degree the impress of his personality, and under 




William Penn 



701] 



The Quaker Colo7iies 



71 



his wise and able guidance, grew as no other had done. 
At the end of four years it contained eight thousand inhab- 
itants, and Philadelphia had become the third city on the 
continent. English Quakers came in large numbers, but 
there were numerous Englishmen of different denomina- 
tions, and many Swedes, Hollanders, Germans, Frenchmen, 
and Scotchmen. Most of these were attracted by the well- 
known liberal ideas of Penn and his promise of religious 
freedom and political rights. 

67. The Government of Pennsylvania. — Penn did not 
disappoint his colonists, for as early as 1682 he issued a 
Frame of Government by which he shared with the people 
the powers of government granted to him as proprietor. At 
the same time he announced laws which assured a larger 
number of individual rights than were enjoyed then in any 
other colony in America. At first the government was com- 
posed of a governor and of two large unwieldy houses called 
the council and the assembly, both of which were elected by 
the freemen. All laws were proposed by the governor and 
council, the assembly having no authority except to ratify 
or reject bills under consideration. 

This cumbersome legislature did not work well, and in 
1701 Penn gave the colony a new ''Charter of Privileges." 
This reaffirmed religious liberty to all who believed in 
God, and declared that any one who believed in Jesus Christ 
as the Savior of the world was qualified to hold office. The 
charter provided that laws should be made by an assembly, 
and left the local government in the hands of the people. 
The charter might be amended by the governor and six 
sevenths of the assembly. Under it, until 1776, Pennsyl- 
vania and Delaware had separate legislatures, although 
ruled by the same governor. 

In his dealings with the Indians, Penn was just and fair. 
His famous treaty of 1682 under the '*'Penn elm" was said 
by Voltaire to be ''the only treaty between savages and 
Christians that was never sworn to and that was never 
broken." Like Roger Williams and many other early 



Andrews, 
Col. Self -Gov't, 
189-191, and 
Greene, Pro- 
vincial Amer- 
ica, 23c^234. 

Fiske, Dutch 
and Quaker 
Cols., II, 153- 
158, 320-329. 

Early govern- 
ment. 

MacDonald, 

Charters, 

Nos. 40, 41, 44. 

Andrews, 

Col. St If- Gov't, 

182-184, 191- 

194. 

Winsor (ed.), 

America, 

III, 483-489. 



Chaiter of 
Privileges 
(1701). 

Macdonald, 
Charters, 
No. 46. 

Fiske, 

Quaker Cols. 
II, 309-311. 



Penn and the 
Indians. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, No. 162. 



72 



America7i History 



[1681 



Fiske, 

Quaker Cols., 
II, 158-166. 

Colonial 

boundary 

disputes. 

Greene, Pro- 
vincial Amer- 
ica, 190-192. 



Penn's grant. 



Andrews 

Col. Self- Govt., 
171-175- 



Hinsdale, 
Old A'Ort/nuest, 
98-104, 108- 

IIO. 



settlers his aim was to pay the red men a reasonable sum 
for the lands occupied. 

68. Boundaries of Pennsylvania. — The exact boundaries 
of the land granted to Penn in his charter were long in 
dispute because his territory conflicted with that already 
granted to several of the other colonies. Pennsylvania 
was not alone in this heritage of boundary disputes because 
grants overlapped ; but, as the latest of the northern colonies, 
her boundary difficulties affected more provinces than those 
of almost any other colony and may be Considered in some 
degree typical of the boundary wars waged by most of the 
seventeenth-century pioneers. It would naturally be sup- 
posed that as late as 1681 the geography of the Delaware 
and Susquehanna regions would be known accurately, 
but such was not the case. Penn's grant was to extend 
5° west from the Delaware River and 3° north and south 
along that river.^ Penn, having acquired Delaware in 1682 
and having several settlements in Pennsylvania south of the 
fortieth parallel and desiring a port on Chesapeake Bay, 
argued that the ''beginning" of the fortieth parallel, which, 
according to the charter, was the southern boundary of 
Pennsylvania, must have meant the southern boundary of 
the zone which was the fortieth from the equator, that is, 
parallel 39. .This claim he could not estabHsh, as the 
northern boundary of Maryland was 40° also, and it was not 
until 1760 that the English government decided the con- 
troversy by locating the dividing line between the two 
colonies at 39° 42'. The boundary was surveyed by two 
skilled mathematicians, Mason and Dixon, from whom 



* Its southern boundary was a semicircular line drawn from twelve 
miles north and west of New Castle " unto the beginning of the fortieth 
degree of northern latitude and then by a straight line westward." The 
northern boundary was the beginning of the three and fortieth degree of 
northern latitude. As the fortieth parallel had been given as the northern 
boundary of Maryland (§ 54), the expression, the "beginning" of the 
fortieth degree probably meant the same as the fortieth parallel of Balti- 
more's grant, but as a matter of fact, the fortieth parallel is much more 
than twelve miles north of New Castle, so that it would be impossible to 
survey such a line a5 Penn's southern limit called for. 



1760] 



The Quaker Colonies 



73 



it has since been known as "Mason and Dixon's Line," 
a name applied later to the boundary between the slave and 
the free states. 

On the north there was doubt about whether the boundary 
was the forty-third or the forty-second parallel. New York, 
wishing to retain as much territory as possible and unwiUing 
to grant Pennsylvania any jurisdiction over the six Iroquois 
nations, contended with success for the lower boundary. 
When this bound- 
ary was decided 
upon finally, there 
was no longer any 
conflict with Mas- 
sachusetts, which 
did not claim land 
south of 42°. The 
dispute with Con- 
necticut under her 
sea-to-sea charter 
involved an at- 
tempt on the part 
of Connecticut to 
settle the northern 
part of Pennsyl- 
vania, especially Wyoming valley, but the whole territory 
was assigned to Pennsylvania by the Congress of the 
Confederation soon after the Revolutionary War. 



^\ / \ t Vi \ \S W \ I { ,r 

a -z./ n I I n N \ k 1 in ) ' i 

1 un . ,1 , / .- 

, i^ __ I nlary selected bet_N ^_>j^ '_L ( rj t 

' -I ' /Disfn^d^f I I t t Vl , / ( I '' 

1== j^j i> F \ > S 1 I C^ i \ ^ \ 

Jl^^,^^ ^Ll^'__ ^/">,^'^ 40= 



\ i 1; «. I N I 



7 /i; i^v 



I501XDAUY DISPUTES OF PENNSYLVANIA. 



Northern 
boundary dis- 
putes. 

Hinsdale, 
0/d Northwest^ 
I 10- I 19. 



[ The South after the Restoration (i 660-1 730) 

69. Misgovernment in Virginia (i 660-1 676). — For 

several years during the Commonwealth the people of Vir- 
ginia attempted in an irregular way to govern themselves, 
but with the restoration of Charles II the old order was re- 
( established. During the years following the Restoration, 
j Sir William Berkeley was governor of Virginia. Of a 
( despotic temper, he used his office to the personal advan- 
j tage of himself and his royal master, appointing worthless 



Political griev- 
ances. 



Andrews, 
Col. Self- Gov't, 
207-214. 



74 



American History 



[1660 



Doyle, 
Eng. Cols., 
I, 230-245. 



Economic 
grievances. 

Fiske, Old Vir- 
^/>«'a,II,46-54. 



Bacon and 
Berkeley. 



Larned (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
V, 3632-3634. 



Andrews, 

Col. Self-Crovt, 

215-226. 



nobles to positions of importance and profit. To main- 
tain better his hold on the government, he kept in office the 
strongly royalist legislature elected during the excitement 
following the return of Charles II. For three years no elec- 
tion occurred in Virginia, the appointive system now being 
used exclusively for local offices. Meanwhile the electoral 
law was changed so as to exclude all but freeholders, a select 
class in a colony of plantations. Corruption and misrule 
held sway in both colonial and local affairs. 

The discontent due to these grievances was aggravated 
by the navigation act of 1660 which forbade the exportation 
of tobacco to any country but England (§ 58). Prices fell 
and hard times prevailed. As though this were not enough, 
Charles, in 1673, rented Virginia for thirty-one years to two 
of his favorites, Arlington and Culpepper. They received 
the right to make grants of land, had the absolute control 
of the important local offices, and appointed all pastors. 
Fortunately most of these privileges were surrendered in 
return for a duty on tobacco, showing that the patentees 
were chiefly interested in the revenue to be obtained from 
the colony. 

70. Bacon's Rebellion (1676). — The discontent of the 
Virginians was brought to a head by Indian massacres on 
the frontier. Governor Berkeley had erected forts for the 
protection of the outlying settlements and refused to send 
troops or grant commissions to raise troops. Thereupon 
Nathaniel Bacon, a young and headstrong but able planter 
whose overseer had been murdered, gathered a force, and, 
defying Berkeley's orders, marched into the Indian country. 
The colony was now in great disorder and demanded a new 
election of burgesses. This was held. Bacon being among 
those chosen. The new legislature repealed the restrictive 
suffrage law and enacted other laws granting greater civil 
and political liberty. Bacon and Berkeley made their 
peace, which was broken soon, as neither had confidence in 
the other. During the civil strife that ensued, Jamestown 
was burned and Bacon died, the rebellion collapsing with 



1676] TJie SoiitJi after the Restoration 75 

his death. Berkeley, again supreme, hanged the leaders of 
the rebellion and secured the repeal of many liberal laws 
which had been passed in 1676.^ Unfortunately the rebel- 
lion deprived the colony of a very Hberal charter which lacked 
only the king's signature at the beginning of the disturbance. 

71. The Carolina Charters (1663-1665). — The interest Provisions 
taken in colonial matters during the years following the of the two 
Restoration is shown clearly in the early history of Carolina. 
Several of the most prominent courtiers, including Claren- 

1 r>i r 1 1 ■ 1 r /->i 1 • ^ /I MacDonald, 

don and Shaftesbury, obtamed from Charles m 1603 a charters, 
charter which made them proprietors of the land lying south Nos. 26, 32. 
of Virginia and extending from sea to sea. Over this vast 
domain the absolute power of the proprietors was limited Andrews, 
only by the provision that the laws should be made with the Coi. Seif-Gov't, 
consent of the freemen represented in an assembly and ^30-138. 
that " the faith, allegiance and sovereign domain " due to 
the crown should not be impaired. Perhaps the most notable 
clause of the charter was the one permitting the proprietors 
to grant perfect religious freedom to such of the loyal settlers 
as they desired — a clause of which we are glad to say 
advantage was taken. Two years later the limits of the 
colony were extended still further south and one half de- 
gree farther north, making the boundary between Virginia 
and the new colony of Carolina practically the same as the 
present southern boundary of Virginia. 

72. Proprietary Government in Carolina (166 7- 1 72 9). — Locke's 
For the government of their Carolina province very elaborate fundamental 

,. T. 1 1 ^ . . ,, 1 r .1 Constitutions 

Fundamental Constitutions were drawn tor the pro- /j^^^^^ 
prietors by the philosopher, John Locke. This cumber- 
some document provided for a feudal system in which the j^^^^j^o^ald 
chief landowners were the proprietors and nobles whom charters, 
they appointed. No land was to be sold after forty years, so No. 33. 
as to make this mediaeval system permanent. The govern- 
ment was to be in the hands of the proprietors and nobles, 

I 1 King Charles II is reported to have said of Berkeley: "That old fool 

] has hanged more men in that naked country than I have done for the 
I murder of my father." 



76 



American History 



[1655 



Andrews, 

Col. Self- Gov't, 

139-141. 



Fiske, Old 
I'ir^inia, 
II, 272-276, 



Social and 
political 
changes 
(1670-1729). 



Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
¥.311-316, 
322-327. 



although there was to be a parliament for members of which 
all freeholders owning estates of fifty acres might vote. A 
degree of religious liberty was permitted to churches of 
at least seven members, though not to separate individuals. 
It is needless to say that these constitutions never went into 
effect. The proprietors waited until the development of 
the colonies should warrant their use, but that time never 
came. 

The growth of Carolina was by no means rapid and few 
settlements were added in northern Carolina to those exist- 
ing when the proprietors received their patent. In southern 
CaroHna Charleston was founded in 1672 and a few other 
towns begun by the English. A large percentage of the 
inhabitants were Scotch highlanders and French Hugue- 
nots drawn thither by the promise of religious freedom. 
Political liberty also was enjoyed to an unusual degree, for 
the people exerted a great influence in local government 
and their representatives chose part of the council or upper 
house of the legislature. The time came when the voters 
believed that the proprietors were selecting more than their 
share of the councilors. A rebellion followed (17 19), with 
an overwhelming victory for the people, who selected a 
governor and asked the king to accept South Carolina as a 
royal province, which he did. Ten years later all rights 
of the 'proprietors were extinguished by purchase. 



Quakers in 

Massachusetts 

(1655-1660). 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I,Nos. 140-142. 



Doyle, 
Eng. Cols., 
Ill, 100-114. 



New England (1655-1685) 

73. Problems of New England (1655-1675). — During 
the later years of the Commonwealth the Puritan colonies 
had considerable trouble with the Quakers, who were 
driven out from England by harsh measures. Severe laws 
were made by the colonies in the New England Confederacy, 
particularly against those who returned after being sent 
away. Massachusetts in 1658 made it a capital offense for 
any Quaker to return to the colony. This law was op- 
posed by a large part of the population and when it was 
enforced by putting to death three Quakers, the protests 



1675] New England after the Resto7'ation 



77 



were so loud that the law was changed. In fact after 1660 
the colony was much more liberal in its treatment of non- 
Puritans than it had been before. 

Soon after Charles II came to the throne in 1660, he united 
the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven by giving a 
charter to the former, as Xew Haven had incurred the royal 
displeasure by harVjoring judges who had condemned to 
death Charles I. Rhode Island and Providence also re- 
ceived a charter in 1663. 

A number of complaints had been made against Massa- 
chusetts at this time, because she had been domineering in 
her treatment of her weaker neighbors and on account of 
her independent spirit. Under the 
Commonwealth, e.g. she had coined 
''pine tree shillings," thus exercising 
a sovereign power, and in 1661 she 
had issued a declaration of rights. 
Nevertheless the charter of Massa- 
chusetts was confirmed by Charles 
in 1662, on condition that the 
colony acknowledge the supremacy 
of England and grant to members of the Anglican church 
freedom of worship and the right to vote on the same 
terms as Puritans. In form Massachusetts complied with 
these requests which affected so deeply her religious and 
political policy, but no change was made in her relations 
with England, and, as her ministers alone registered those 
eligible to vote, members of the church of England did not 
often enjoy a share in the government. In 1664 the com- 
missioners who had charge of the expedition against Xew 
Xetherland (§ 63) were instructed to investigate affairs in 
X'ew England also. These men complained that Massa- 
chusetts was not fulfilling the conditions imposed by the 
king in 1662, but the home government was too much in- 
terested in other matters to correct her refractor}' colony 
until ten years later. 

74. King Philip's War (1675-1676;. — The constant en- 




PiNE Tree Shilling 



New charters. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
Nos. 24-27. 



Massachusetts 
and the king 
(1660-1664J. 



Andrews, 
Col. Self- Gov't. 
47-48, 7072. 



78 



American History 



[1675 



Events and 
results. 



Andrews, 

Col. Self- Gov't, 

252-256. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, Nos. 133,134. 



Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 
Ill, 2310-2313. 



Complaints 

against 

Massachusetts. 



Andrews, 

Col. Self- Govt, 

2^6-262. 



croachments of the English settlers on the lands of the In- 
dians made collision inevitable. Under the lead of Philip, 
chief of the Wampanoags, these Indians agreed with other 
tribes to exterminate the whites. The first blow was 
struck in June, 1675, ^^ Swansea in Plymouth, near the 
Rhode Island border. Other towns wxre burned and the 
inhabitants were slain, the war parties retiring before help 
could come from other settlements. After six months of 
this horrible border warfare a thousand men were sent against 
the stronghold of the Narragansetts, which was captured 
after severe loss and completely destroyed. From this time 
the warfare increased in bitterness on the one side and bar- 
barity on the other until in August, 1676, Philip was killed 
and the last Indian braves were hunted from their retreats. 
Many of the luckless survivors of this struggle, including 
women and children, were sent to the West Indies to be sold 
into slavery. By this pitiless course all danger from the 
red men was removed, but the colonies were left in an ex- 
hausted condition. Alany of the towns had been entirely 
destroyed, hundreds of men had been killed, crops had been 
burned so that famine was narrowly averted, and trade had 
almost ceased. 

75. Massachusetts and the Crown (1675-1684). — Mat- 
ters had now reached a crisis in the Bay colony. The in- 
difference of Massachusetts to the demands of the English 
government and her arrogance in her treatment of those 
with whom she had dealings, especially in New Hamp- 
shire and ]Maine, culminated in a series of complaints so 
serious that definite action was taken against Massachu- 
setts. Among the more serious charges were: (i) her dis- 
regard of the rights of the ^lason and Gorges heirs along the 
coast to the north; (2) the failure to give political and re- 
ligious rights to non-Puritans in accordance with the requests 
of the king (1662) ; (3) the evasion of the acts of trade which 
forbade commerce with nations other than England; and 
(4) the general independent attitude of the colonists shown 
in their separate coinage of money, their refusal to allow 



1685] New E7igla7id after tJie Restoration 79 

appeals from colonial courts to those of the king, and their 
neglect to send to England an agent through whom the 
colony might be controlled. 

The case of Xew Hampshire was settled by making the Revocation of 
colony a royal pro™ce. ^lassachusetts tried to end that *^^ charter 
of Maine by purchasing the rights of the Gorges heirs, but 
as this was done without the knowledge or consent of King 
Charles, it aroused still greater feeling against Massachusetts. ^^^ seir-Goz't 
During this period the business of the English government 262-265. 
in the colony was intrusted to Edward Randolph, an honest 
but exceedingly narrow man and a partisan of Massa- 
chusetts' enemies, who used his authority in such a way as 
to widen the breach between the mother country and the 
none too conciliatory Puritan leaders. Although Massa- 
chusetts, taking alarm at last, agreed to yield on every ques- 
tion, the king was in no mood for half measures and in 1684 
the charter of the colony was annulled. At this time Charles 
had come ver}- largely under the influence of Louis XIV of 
France, and was showing himself a monarch fond of abso- 
lute government. Not only^did he deprive Massachusetts of 
her charter, with good reason it must be admitted, but he 
proceeded also against the charters of London and other 
English cities, and before his death prepared to annul the 
charters of the inoffensive colonies of Rhode Island and 
Connecticut. 

The Great Revolution ri6B5-i7oo) 

76. The Dominion of New England. — Before 1685 many Consolidation 
Enghsh merchants and ofi&cials had favored the consoli- of the northern 
dation of the northern colonies under a single governor 
who could then govern them more perfectly in the interests 
of England. The death of Charles II in 168; left the exe- ^'^/r\^;^ ., 

^ _ -J Col. ^ei/'Govt, 

cution of this plan to James II who was more opposed to 265-272. 

popular government than his brother had been. Under 

the name of the Dominion of Xew England, James united Fiske, 

all the colonies from Acadia to the Delaware, naming Sir ^'-^ England, 

Edmund Andros as governor. The difficulty caused by ^"^^- 



8o 



American Histo7y 



[1685 



Doyle, 
Eng. Cols., 
Ill, 234-236, 
242- 249. 



Government 
of the 
Dominion. 



Doyle, 
Eng. Cols., 
Ill, 234-239. 



Changes 
affecting 
church and 
society. 



Doyle, 
Eng. Cols., 
Ill, 239-243. 



the existence of charters in Rhode Island and Connecticut 
was solved by demanding the surrender of those documents. 
Rhode Island agreed to submit and Connecticut did not hold 
out, although she failed to part with her charter, tradition 
asserting that when Andros sought to obtain it, the charter 
was spirited away and hidden in the ''charter oak." 

Full and arbitrary instructions were issued to Andros 
by the king. The governor, w^ho was a soldier rather than 
a politician, obeyed the letter of his instructions, carrying 
out the wishes of James with such care and so little tact that 
the period of his rule is often referred to as "the tyranny of 
Andros." During his term no popular assembly was called 
nor was any town allowed to hold town meetings except once 
a year. Laws were made and taxes levied by the governor 
and councilors appointed by Andros, being executed by 
agents of the governor. There were no courts except those 
held by judges whom the governor selected. No papers 
or books were printed unless they first received the approval 
of James's representatives. 

This arbitrary government was of course offensive to 
people who were sticklers for their political rights, but it 
caused even less opposition to the new administration than 
certain acts which affected religious prejudices and the 
rights of property. Preference was given now to the An- 
glican church and services were held according to the rites 
of the church of England in the Old South meeting house. 
Marriages could be celebrated only by an Anglican clergy- 
man, and as there was but one in the colony all persons who 
wished to marry must journey to Boston, a trip as tedious 
as the service itself was distasteful. Many who held lands 
with titles in dispute were obliged to prove their rights at 
great cost, the impression being general that no one's land 
was safe from attack. Under these circumstances there was 
little wonder that in Massachusetts at least the caldron of 
revolution was on the point of boiling over. 

77. The Revolution of 1689 in England and New Eng- 
land. — This happened when new^s was brought in April, 



results in 
England. 



1 691] TJie Great Revolution 8 1 

1689, that William of Orange had landed in England and Causes and 
that James had fled from the kingdom. During the three 
years of his reign James had incurred the displeasure and 
aroused the opposition of class after class of the population. 
His claim that he might suspend any law he pleased, coupled ^^J^^nd 
with his attempt to control the courts for his own benefit, his 500-514. 
open help to Catholics, and his utter disregard for the civil 
rights which the people had wrested from his father and 
brother, united the nation against him. So long as the 
people expected that at his death the crown would pass to 
his daughter, Mary, and her husband, his nephew, William 
of Orange, they remained passive, but when a prince was 
born who would probably be brought up a Catholic, a num- 
ber of leaders invited William to come to England and help 
them preserve their liberties. W^ith the flight of James and 
the selection by the people's representatives of William and 
Mary as the rulers of England, the long contest between 
parliament and the king ended in the complete supremacy 
of the former. The principal results of the revolution were 
embodied in the Bill of Rights (1689) and in several supple- 
mentary acts. They assured the frequent meetings of par- 
liament, and control by that body of taxation, the army, and 
other important subjects; they guaranteed freedom of the 
press and religious toleration for all Protestants; and they 
prevented the king from setting aside laws or removing ] 
judges at his pleasure. j 

When news of James's flight reached Massachusetts, Reestablish- 
the frigate in the harbor and all fortifications about Boston "^^"^ °^ 
were seized, Andros and other officials were imprisoned, and government in 
a temporary government similar to that under the old New England, 
charter was established. There was no bloodshed, but the 
overthrow of the government of Andros was complete. MacDonald, 
Rhode Island and Connecticut resumed the use of their ^'^^''^^^^> 
charters, which they had never surrendered, but Massa- 
chusetts did not have a regularly organized government 
until in 1691 a new charter of a semi-popular type was 
issued by William and Mary. To Massachusetts Bay Colony 



No. 42. 



82 



American History 



[1 691 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, No. 136. 



Fiske, 

New England, 



Leisler's 
Rebellion, 



Andrews, 

CoL Self- Gov't, 

283-287. 



Hart, Contem- 



poraries, 
I, No. 157. 



Results in 
Maryland. 

Andrews, 

Col. Self- Gov't, 

79-283. 

Browne, 

Maryland, 

147-156. 



were added Plymouth and the islands south of Plymouth, 
as well as the English provinces beginning with Maine 
eastward to Acadia, which was included. The people were 
allowed to resume the government of their towns by town 
meetings and were also permitted to elect an assembly, the 
assembly in turn choosing the governor's council. The 
governor, the lieutenant governor, and the secretary were 
appointed by the crown, as in New York and Virginia. 
Under this quite liberal charter Massachusetts was governed 
until her separation from Great Britain (1776). 

78. Revolutionary Movements in the Middle and South- 
em Colonies. — In New York (tlie lower part of the Do- 
minion of New England) Andros's lieutenant, Nicholson, 
attempted to maintain his authority after news had been 
received that James had been driven from England, and 
that Andros was a prisoner at Boston. Taking advan- 
tage of this, the opponents of Nicholson, led by a merchant, 
Jacob Leisler, gained possession of the province. The new 
monarchs were proclaimed, an assembly was called, and for 
nearly two years the laws were administered by Leisler, 
whose authority was not recognized officially. When a 
governor was finally sent over, Leisler, now cordially hated 
by a large part of the population, yielded of necessity. He 
was tried on the charge of treason and condemned, being put 
to death when his successor, while intoxicated, was induced 
to sign his death warrant. This urv^se and unjust "judicial 
murder" involved the colony in serious internal dissensions. 
*' Leisler's Rebellion," however, had shown the strength of 
the popular party and from that time New York enjoyed a 
fair degree of self-government. 

Maryland failed to proclaim the new monarchs because 
the messenger whom Baltimore had sent with instructions 
to recognize the new government died before reaching the 
colony. The anti-Catholic party took advantage of this 
neglect, captured the officials who favored Baltimore, and 
claimed the province for William and Mary. The monarchs 
decided to keep the government of Maryland in their own 




/FivErrwTioNa-^^ ii.i>. 7 1 ^ 



Albany /.? ^ ^Jferr.m^c B. 







I ^\ ;0 (M A8 8.<; 

■ oil ™V]^^& 



■ V ^ J "-i? is j 

&u4. •■ ■ — 




rf " 1 , , 

Charter Colonies \ I 
Proprietary Colonies | | 









iJoyai Colonies. 



t'o° 1688 




A^ l>iT "^ NORTH 

^^"'^-Ivi ^ ^ ATLANTIC 
<i COAST 

^ (1650-1695) 

\ 75° Longitude West IromOreeDwieh jp" 1695 



lyoo] The Great Revolution 83 

hands, although they did not interfere with the revenues or Doyle, 
land rights of Baltimore, but it was a quarter century be- ^^^- ^^^^'* 
fore another and Protestant Lord Baltimore regained politi- 
cal control of the colony. 

79. Results of the Revolution in America. — It will be Reestabiish- 
noted that the changes in America following the Revolu- "^^"^ °f ^^P^- 
ticn of 1689 were of the first magnitude. It will be noted governments 
also that they were not the results simply of the revolutionary 
movement in England, but of several minor revolutions in 
this country, which were due to causes exclusively American, provincial 
although the expulsion of James furnished the occasion for America, 
the overthrow of arbitrary rule in the colonies. Through- ■^7-24- 
out the Dominion of New England the arbitrary govern-- 
ment established by James was replaced by constitutional 
government. Connecticut and Rhode Island resumed the 
use of their old charters. Massachusetts secured less com- 
plete self-government than she had enjoyed before 1684, 
but in New York there was a great advance over the system 
in use at all former times. A second result of considerable 
importance was the failure of the scheme for the consolida- 
tion of the colonies. Union, even under the later kings, 
would have been injurious, for the colonies owed a very 
large amount of their experience in self-government and 
their numerous political privileges to their separateness. 

In some ways the reign of William III was not Colonial 
especially favorable to colonial liberty. The king expressly P°'^^y °^ 
and emphatically denied to the colonies the rights which ^^^^^ ^^g^^ 
the Bill of Rights guaranteed throughout the length and 
breadth of England. Religious toleration of all except q^^^^^ 
Catholics was extended to the colonies, but if any colo- provincial 
nies enjoyed freedom of the press and the privilege of the America, 
writ of habeas corpus, it was because the charters of the ^°~^ '"^ 
colonies made it impossible for the monarch to control their 
policy in those matters. The increase of the power of par- 
liament due to the Revolution led to the reenactmcnt of the 
old laws of trade and the passage of several laws prohibiting 
colonial manufactures (§ 120). During this period also 



84 



American History 



[1700 



Territorial 

changes 

(1660-1700). 



Colonial 
policy- 
after 1660. 



the English government perfected means for controlHng the 
colonies by establishing a permanent ''Board of Trade and 
Plantations" (1696), whose members were popularly called 
*'the Lords of Trade." This board gradually took charge 
of almost all matters referring to the colonies, including 
the right to decide all matters which had been adjudged in 
the highest court of any colony, if either party wished to 
appeal from the decision of the colonial court. 

80. The Colonies in 1700. — It may be well to con- 
sider for a moment the changes in the extent of English 
territory and in the relation of the colonies to the mother 
country that had taken place in the last four decades of the 
seventeenth century. At the time of the Restoration there 
had been two well-defined groups of colonies, the New 
England group, extending as far north as the Kennebec, and 
the southern colonies, with their frontier settlements a short 
distance south of the James. By the conquest of New Neth- 
erland, England came into possession of the intervening 
territory and by settlements in Carolina had extended the 
frontier almost to the Savannah River. Although the 
settlers had continued to push into the interior, the frontier 
line was but little farther from the coast in 1700 than in 
1660. Immigration from England had been fairly exten- 
sive and the population of the colonies, estimated at 60,000 
in 1660, had become 250,000 in 1700. 

Before 1660 England had no colonial policy. Since the 
Restoration it had organized the colonies, brought many of 
them directly under the royal authority, and had created 
a board which had charge of all colonial affairs. It had 
passed numerous acts of trade which regulated the com- 
merce of the colonies, primarily in the interests of England, 
but not always to the disadvantage of the colonies. 



TOPICS 

I. The Beginning of Pennsylvania: Fiske, "Dutch and 
Quaker Colonies," II, pp. 147-167; Bancroft, "United States," 
I> 552-573; Winsor (ed.), "America," III, pp. 476-495. 



1700] Later English Cp Ionization 85 

2. Boundary Difficulties OF Pennsylvania : Hinsdale, " Old 
Northwest," 98-119; Fisher, "Making of Pennsylvania," pp. 318- 

354. 

3. Bacon's Rebellion: Fiske, "Old Virginia," pp. 45-107; 
Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 230-257; Cooke, "Virginia," 
pp. 216-297. 

4. King Philip's War: Bancroft, "United States," I, 382-394; 
Fiske, "New England," pp. 211-241; Doyle, "English Colonies,'^ 
III, pp. 153-189. 

5. Massachusetts and the Crown, during Reign of Charles 
II: Bancroft, " United States," I, 367-381,395-406; Doyle, "Col- 
onies," III, pp. 130-152, 190-208, 214-226; Palfrey, "New Eng- 
land," II, pp. 28-36, 56-63; 71-80, 210-260. 

STUDIES 

1. Early navigation acts. (Winsor (ed.), "America," VI, pp. 5-10.) 

2. The patroon system. (MacDonald, "Charters," No. 9.) 

3. Wars of England and Holland. (Griffis, Motley's "Dutch 
Republic," pp. 832-847.) 

4. Evolution of New York. (Janvier, *'In Old New York.") 

5. Early history of Wall Street. (Goodwin et al. (eds.), "History 
of New York," I, pp. 77-118.) 

6. Character of William Penn. 

7. Overthrow of proprietary government in South Carolina. 
Doyle, " English Colonies," I, 376-380. 

8. Puritans and Anglicans after the revolution of 1689. (Greene, 
"Provincial America," pp. 83-105.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. What degree of self-government had the people of New Nether- 
land gained under Dutch rule? What were the lasting results of 
Dutch occupation? Compare the situation in New Netherland in 
1663 with that in the South African Republic in 1898. 

2. Compare fully the powers of Penn as proprietor with those 
of Baltimore. In what respects was Pennsylvania at an early date 
more like the states of to-day than any of the other colonies? 

3. What were the real causes of Bacon's rebellion ? What were the 
results and the real significance of this movement ? 

4. On what grounds might a colonial charter be amended? be 
revoked? Should Massachusetts have been allowed to retain her 
charter after 1664? Compare the complaints after 1660 with those 
after 1676. Were the latter more serious? 

5. Compare the period 1618-1640 with that from 1660 to 1682 as 
to (a) interest in colonization, (b) causes of colonization, (c) number of 
colonies established, and {d) total settled area at close of the period. 



Wars between 
France and 
England. 



Seelye, 
Expansion 
of England, 
Chapter II. 



V CHAPTER V 
RIVALRY OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH (1689-1763) | 



French Kings 

Henry IV (1589-1610) 
Louis XIII (1610-1643) 
Louis XIV (1643-1715) 
Louis XV (1715-1774) 



English Rulers 

William III (1689-1702) 
Anne (1702-1714) 

George I (1714-1727) 
George II (172 7-1 760) 
George III (i 760-1820) 



81. Introduction. — The year 1689 is notable for the 
changes which it wrought in the internal development of 
England and the English colonies, but is almost as impor- 
tant in the intercolonial history of America, because it marks 
the beginning of a long conflict between the provinces of 
England and France in the new world. During the years 
from 1689 to 1750 the European wars in which these two 
countries engaged were accompanied naturally by military 
engagements in the colonies, although these were of minor 
y significance. About 1750 began the real contest between 
the two powers for the control of the continent — a struggle 
short and really one-sided, which ended in the complete 
supremacy of the English and the expulsion of the French 
from North America. In this chapter we shall consider not 
only the more important events in the intercolonial wars 
and study the progress of both French and English colonies 
after 1689, but shall take up briefly also the earlier history 
of the interesting ventures of the French in America. 



France under 
Henry IV. 



French Exploration and Settlement 

82. Founding of New France. — With the accession of 
Henry IV (1589), there came a new era of prosperity in 
France. Deadly civil and religious wars ceased, commerce 

86 



i6o8] French Exploration and Settlement 



87 



revived, and industry received nev\^ impetus. Interest in 
colonization kept pace with the development in other direc- 
tions, and several settlements were attempted in Acadia. 
One of these under the lead of De Monts was established at 
Port Royal (1604) and proved successful temporarily. 

Among the companions of De Monts was a young man of 
great energy and foresight, who believed that the St. Law- 
rence basin offered a better location for trading, exploration, 
and permanent settlement. This man, Samuel de Cham- 
plain, founded Quebec in 1608 and soon perceived that his 
only hope of holding 



Adams, 
French Nation^ 
177-188. 



Champlain in 
the St. Law- 
rence valley 
(1608-1635). 




Champlain 



the country and gain- 
ing the interior was to 
make friends with the 
Indians of the St. Law- 
rence valley. But the 
Algonquins living on 
the St. Lawrence and 
the Ottawa rivers, to- 
gether with the Huron 
Indians to the west, had 
for many years waged 
almost incessant war 
with the Five Nations of the Long House in central New York. 
The allies of Champlain persuaded him therefore to join 
them in expeditions against the Iroquois. The first of these 
in 1609 brought him to the shores of the lake now called by 
his name, where a single well-aimed shot from his arquebus 
put to flight the Mohawks who opposed him and brought 
upon the French the enmity of the most powerful Indian 
confederacy in North America. A few weeks after this 
momentous battle, Henry Hudson entertained some Mo- 
hawks at a point near the present city of Albany, only a little 
over one hundred miles away, and gained the goodwill of 
the Iroquois. Although he was responsible for this disas- 
trous hostility of the Iroquois to the French, Champlain 
deserves all the credit for the success of New France, for he 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
I, No. 39. 



Thwaites, 
France in 
America, 16-22. 

Park man, 
Struggle for 
a Continent, 
88-106, 
120-124. 



8S 



American History 



[1629 



Classes that 
extended 
French sway. 



Parkman, 
SfrUj^£'/e for 
a Continent, 

130-134. 
180-185. 



Early ex- 
plorers. 
La Salle. 



Fiske, Disc 
of America, 

n, 53-58- 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 



I, No. 43. 



took part in numerous exploring expeditions and kept the 
sickly little hamlet alive through his unflagging zeal and 
unwearied eft'orts. In 1629, however, Quebec was captured 
by the English with the help of some French Huguenots, 
and it was returned to France at the close of the war only 
through the influence of Richelieu, who had recently inter- 
ested himself in France's American possessions. In 1635 
Champlain died and so little did New France prosper that 
a half century after Quebec was founded there were only 
about two thousand persons in the colony. 

83. Exploration of the West. — The work of extending 
French influence in the West was carried on by three differ- 
ent classes: (i) the Jesuit missionaries who, before the 
middle of the seventeenth century, had established missions 
as far south as the Iroquois country, and as far west as Sault 
Ste. Marie; (2) the fur traders who found they could make 
greater profits by visiting the more distant tribes; and (3) the 
explorers who desired to extend the political sway of France 
rather than her religious or commercial interests. 

The earliest of western explorers, Nicollet, launched 
his canoe on a tributary of the Mississippi about 1640, but 
it was not until 1673 that Marquette and Joliet explored 
that river, which they descended as far as the Arkansas. 
The work of these men was completed by the greatest 
American explorer, Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, who 
proposed to gain possession of the whole interior and main- 
tain this hold by means of a chain of forts situated at strategic 
points. In spite of almosjt overwhelming odds and amid the 
greatest diflSculties, he clung to his single purpose of making 
New France the strongest colony in America. His explora- 
tions began in 1669 with a trip via Lake Erie to the Ohio 
River. Ten years later he sought to explore the Mississippi 
to its mouth. After two futile expeditions filled with diffi- 
culties, his third expedition met with success and on April 9, 
16S2, La Salle planted the standard of France where the 
Mississippi River pours its vast volume into the Gulf of 
Mexico and claimed the whole territory drained by it for 



1720] Frejich Exploration and Settlement 89 

Louis XIV. He next proceeded to France, told the king 
his plans, and asked permission to settle at the mouth of the 
Mississippi, to build a chain of forts from this point to the 
colony of Canada, and to drive out the Spaniards who claimed 
the country. An expedition was fitted out, but by accident 
came to Texas. Here La Salle was shot in 1687 by one of 
his own men. 

84. Louisiana (1699-1720). — La Salle's plan was not Early 
abandoned, although nothing further was done until after settlement. 
the first intercolonial war. In 1699 a settlement was made 

at Biloxi, but it was abandoned, the colonists moving to ^^'"*' <^^'^^^'^- 

' ' ° poraries, II, 

Mobile in 1701. Both the English and the Spanish pro- j^i^g ^^^^ ^^^ 

tested against this occupancy of the gulf region, the former 

on the ground that this land was covered by previous grants 

made by English kings, the latter because of her discoveries France in 

and explorations and her settlements in Florida and on the A?>terua, 

Mexican coast. The Spaniards had in fact occupied the '^'^~ 

best harbor on the coast, that of Pensacola, as early as 1606, 

Ogg, Missis- 

in the hope of preventing further French attempts at coloni- ^^pp}^ 169-204. 
zation. Louisiana did not grow rapidly, but in 17 18 New 
Orleans was founded and forts were placed at commanding Parkman, 
points on the Mississippi and Red rivers, so that all other ^ai/ Century, 
nations were effectively excluded from the Mississippi basin. ' ^ ~^^^' 
About this time attention was called to the Louisiana set- 
tlements by the speculations in the stock of the French 
Mississippi company under the manipulations of the Scotch- 
man, John Law. The bursting of the ''Mississippi Bubble" 
did much in the end to injure the colony. 

French and English Colonies (i 689-1 754) 

85. The Treaty of Utrecht (1713)- — Before the French Beginning of 
had gained a foothold at the mouth of the Mississippi, the ^^^^ hundred 

, . ^^ _, , . n . . 1 years' war 

colony of New trance became engaged m two conflicts with (1689-1697). 
the English on the Atlantic coast. These wars were of Euro- 
pean origin, caused by differences between France and Eng- 
land. The first followed the Revolution of 1689 and the 
attempt made by Louis XIV to regain the throne of England 



90 American History [1689 

for James II. For the French, the contest in America was 
ably conducted by the most capable of a long line of able 
governors, the Count of Frontenac. At the close of the 
war the French retained the territory draining into the 
Hudson Bay and all lands occupied by them at the begin- 
ning of the conflict.^ 
War of the But five years elapsed before the ambitions of France 

Spanish Sue- again involved that country in a European conflict,^ when 
(1702-1713). Louis XIV sought to place upon the throne of Spain his 
grandson, Philip of Anjou, to whom the late Spanish king 
had left his scepter. The coalition against France was 
remarkably successful during the long war that followed, 
and in America the English colonists gained possession of 
territory in Acadia, Newfoundland, and farther north. 
Treaty of The war was brought to a close in 17 13 by the Treaty of 

Utrecht (1713). Utrecht. England was able to make peace on very favor- 
able terms because of her successes everywhere. She 
MacDonald, allowed Philip to retain his position, but only on condition 
j^Q ' that the two thrones of France and Spain should never be 

united. While France was permitted to keep Canada and 
Louisiana, England gained possession of the entire area 
draining into Hudson Bay, the whole of Newfoundland, 
-J and Acadia according to its most ancient limits. This last 
provision was to be a bone of contention for fifty years, as 
France wished to restrict England to the peninsula called 
Nova Scotia and England claimed Cape Breton Island and 
the mainland to the north and west as far as the St. Lawrence 
and the Penobscot. According to the treaty the French 
were allowed to catch fish off Newfoundland, with the privi- 
lege of drying their fish on parts of the island, the earliest 
attempt to regulate by treaty the rights of different nations 
in the fisheries.^ 

^ ^ The Treaty of Ryswick (1697) brought to a close this war, known in 

^ colonial history as King William's War. 

2 In the colonies this war was called Queen Anne's War, in Europe it 
was known as the War of the Spanish Succession. 

^ The treaty stated also that France should never molest the Five 
Nations "subject to the dominion of Great Britain." France of course 



1 75°] Frcjich and EiiglisJi after i68g 91 

86. Georgia. — The thirty years between the Treaty of Peaceful 
Utrecht and the third war between England and France was g'""wth 
a period of expansion and development for both parties. ^ '^'^ ' 
With both it was a time of preparation for the conflict 
which was to determine the possession of the continent, but 
the preparation of the French, carefully planned as it was, 
proved to be less perfect than the growth of the sturdy 
English colonies which were less conscious of the impending 
crisis and apparently did nothing to make ready for it. 
The two historical events of the period which particularly 
deserve attention were the settlement of Georgia and the 
conflicts between the governors and the assemblies in a 
majority of the colonies. 

Georgia was founded by James Edward Oglethorpe and Georgia 
several associates who desired to establish a colony in which (^731-1752). 
debtors might get a new start. They obtained from the 
king a charter to land from the Savannah to the Altamaha ^^'"^- ^c"^^f"- 

1 1 poraries, II, 

rivers and westward to the Pacific. 1 his was to be governed j^^^ 39-44. 
I by a council in which the people had no choice. The in- 
] habitants, except Roman Catholics, were to have religious q^^^^^ p^^_ 
\ freedom and all were to enjoy the rights of Englishmen, vincial Amer- 
\ The trustees of the colony sought to prevent the growth of i'^'^* 249-269. 
j large plantations by forbidding negro slavery and restricting 
I the amount of land held by one person. They expected 
I to make great fortunes by producing raw silk and wines. 
; Almost without exception, their plans came to naught. 
j The settlers proved to be inefficient, save for a few bands 
I that were not sent over by the trustees. Slaves were hired 
I from the people of Carolina and later regular slavery was 
I introduced, and the agricultural schemes of the founders 
( entailed such losses that they were abandoned. The colony 
j prospered after a fashion, but was so much exposed to Span- 
I ish attacks and so greatly handicapped by its start that it 
» did not develop at all rapidly. 



claimed that while these Indians might be subjects of England, the terri- 
tory of the Iroquois and of their tributary tribes was still free. England, 
however, claimed territorial as well as personal dominion. 



92 



A VI trial II History 



[1700 



The colonies 
under the first 
Hanoverians. 



Victories of the 
assemblies 
over the gov- 
ernors. 



Thwaites. 
The Colonies, 
\^ 123-126. 



Greene, Pro- 
vincial Amer- 
ica, 194-200. 



87. The English Colonists and their Governors. — ^lean- 
while the older English colonies were growing more rapidly 
than at any previous time. Large numbers of immigrants, 
most of them of other nationalities than English, flocked 
to America. These new settlers, with the more adventurous 
of the native-born inhabitants, pressed into the interior. 
Commerce and industry were expanding with considerable 
rapidity, notwithstanding the laws which were made by 
the English government to control these occupations, for 
these laws were not enforced.* Under the first two Han- 
overians the colonial governments were allowed by the 
authorities in England to do much as they pleased, and they 
pleased to run their own affairs. The principal obstacle 
in the way of their complete management of American affairs 
they found in the governors who were sent over to look 
after the interests of the crown, in the royal colonies, or of 
the proprietors, in the proprietary colonies. These gov- 
ernors were intrusted with powers so important that they 
often controlled the situation theoretically. But custom 
frequently prevented them from exercising these powers 
fully. There were often important men or interests to be 
consulted and a new governor was obliged to use his powers 
with caution. If, as was often the case, he was a pleasure- 
loving court favorite, he followed the line of least resistance, 
and yielded to the assembly (the lower house of the legis- 
lature, which was alwa\'s elected by the people) most of its 
demands as the price of peace. By using this method, 
which was sneeringly called a process of ''bargain and sale," 
the assemblies in most of the colonies paid the governors' 
salaries and allowed them to perform their duties unham- 
pered only when the governors in turn kept their hands 
off the business of the assemblies. These contests between 
the governors and the assemblies were the most marked 
characteristic of English colonial history during the first 
half of the eighteenth century. The almost unvarying 
success of the assembhes left the colonies to a large extent 



See § lii. 



I750] 



French and English after i68g 



93 



self-governing and did much to give the colonial leaders 
confidence in their ability to protect themselves from inter- 
ference on the part of the home government or its repre- 
sentatives. 

88. Government of the French Colonies. — The French 
colonies were governed very differently. No representative 
of the people had a share in making the laws. The king 
appointed directly all of the chief colonial officials. There 
was a governor who had control of military affairs, who 
executed the laws, w^ho, in fact, had more influence than 
any one else in making the laws. These governors held 
office as a rule for a longer time than the governors in the 
English colonies and exercised powers that were immeas- 
urably greater. But every governor had at his elbow an 
official called an ^^intendant,''^ who was appointed by the 
king to spy upon the governor and report to the king what 
the governor did. Naturally he acted as a check on that 
official, but this dual system resulted in constant misunder- 
standings and bickerings. The real legislative head of the 
French colonies was a superior council appointed by the king. 
This council made laws, established courts, and formed a 
final court of appeal. 

Such an absolute government of council, governor, and 
intendant made it possible for the French colonies to con- 
centrate all their strength in carrying on war and seizing 
territory, much to their advantage. But the French rule 
was not fitted to develop strong, populous, self-reliant 
colonies. The government established a paternalism which 
sought to aid the colonies, but which succeeded only in 
weakening them. Commercial monopolies interfered with 
individual enterprise, immigration was restricted by the 
ardor of the Jesuit priests who kept out Protestant settlers, 
while feudal estates and privileges placed barriers in the 
way of social progress. For the protection of the fine terri- 
torial domain that she had secured, France at the middle 
of the eighteenth century could muster only eighty thousand 
inhabitants, while the rival British possessions boasted 



Organization 
of the govern 
ment. 



Park man, 

Struggle for a 

Continent, 

169-173. 



Thwaites, 
France in 
America, 
128-135. 



Results of the 
French colo- 
nial policy. 



Par km an, 
Struggle for 
Continent, 
314-318. 



Thwaites, 
France in 
America, 
132-142. 



94 



American History 



[1744 



War of the 
Austrian Suc- 
cession 
(1744-1748). 



Fiske, Nezv 
France and 
Xeiv England, 
249-256. 



French forts in 
the West. 



Parkman, 
Struggle for a 
Continent, 156- 
264, 297-300. 



Parkman, 
Half Century, 
I. 63-77- 



nearly a million and a quarter. Little wonder that the court 
of that pleasure-loving monarch, Louis XV, with its short- 
sighted, blundering policy in Europe, Asia, and America, 
w^as unable to retain its hold in America ! 

89. Preparation for the Final Conflict. — Great Britain 
and Spain had been at war for several years before the war 
of the Austrian succession, which involved nearly every 
country of Europe, spread to America in 1744. Only one 
important military event distinguished this third inter- 
colonial war. The great fortress of Louisburg on Cape 
Breton Island, which commanded the entrance to the St. 
Lawrence and threatened the English colonies of Newfound- 
land and Acadia, was reduced by William Pepperell and a 
force of New England farmers and fishermen almost unaided 
by the British navy. Much to the indignation of the colo- 
nists, this advantage was lost by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 
(1748), since Louisburg was returned to the French in ex- 
change for Dutch fortresses that they gave up. 

As this treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was considered by all 
parties a mere truce — a temporary lull in the storm — each 
side was busy making preparations for the real struggle to 
follow. France had already made considerable progress 
in the occupation of the West, having gained control of the 
principal avenues of communication by establishing forts 
at strategic points like Frontenac, Detroit, Sault Ste. ^larie, 
and Chartres before 1720. When the English sought to 
secure a large share of the fur trade by building a trading 
post at Oswego in 1722, the French tried by establishing 
forts at Crown Point and Niagara to gain control of Lake 
Champlain and to recover the trade they had lost on Lake 
Ontario. At the close of the third intercolonial war, the 
French governor of Canada strengthened the chain of forts 
from ^lontreal to New Orleans, and in order to gain the 
goodwill of the western Indians by impressing them \\'ith 
the power of the French, he buried leaden plates inscribed 
with the arms of France and the claim that France was the 
sole owner of the country west of the mountains. 



1754] Expulsion of the French 95 



Expulsion of the French (i 754-1 763) 

90. The Struggle for the Upper Ohio Valley. — In 1753 French forts 

the French extended their system of forts to the valley of ^""^ Virginia 

. land grants, 

the Allegheny River, with the intention of keeping the 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, II, 



English from the upper Ohio region. The English had 
already secured from the Iroquois a claim to this territory, 
but the first real interest in the country beyond the moun- Nos. 123-124 
tains was developed in Virginia, which claimed that section 
as a part of the land grant in her charter of 1609 (§ 35). 
Grants of the land had been made to companies by Vir- 
ginia before 1750, and, when the French began building forts 
south of Lake Erie, Deputy Governor Dinwiddle of Vir- 
ginia sent George Washington, then a stalwart youth of 
twenty-one, to warn the French that they were trespassers. 

Acting on Washington's report, a force was dispatched Collision be- 
the next spring (1754), to occupy the rocky promontory tween the 
at the junction of the Allegheny and the Monongahela Washington 
Rivers, which was the real "gateway of the West." Before 
their arrival the French descended the Allegheny in force, Parkman, 
drove away the traders who had a post at that point, and struggle for a 
built a strong fort that they called Duquesne. A scouting 
party from this fort was sent to watch the movements of 
the vanguard of the Virginia detachment under Washington Fiske, New 
and was attacked by him, all of the Frenchmen being killed ^^^ England 
or captured. Of course this was an act of war, but both 269-276. 
France and England desired to maintain peace as long as 

^ .^ , . , , 1 Thwaites, 

possible, and it was two years before war was declared, prance in 
although waged during the interval in America and India. America, 
After the first skirmish Washington was obliged to faU ^57-i68. 
back, but later was himself captured with all of his troops 
by a French force much larger than his own. 

91. The Situation in America and in Europe. — That an Complications 
actual battle between armed forces of the two countries of European 
did not lead at once to a break in their friendly relations ^ 
was due to the state of European politics. The treaty of 
Aix-la-Chapelle had seated Maria Theresa firmly upon the 



Continent, 
333-337- 



96 



American History 



[1754 



Hassall, Bal- 
ance of Power, 
224-240. 



Comparison of 
the combatants 
in America. 



Parkman, 
Struggle for a 
Continent, 
314-328. 



Avenues of 
English attack. 



throne of Austria, after nearly a decade of fighting. So 
anxious was the whole of Europe for a respite, that not even 
the struggles between France and England in India, which 
had continued after war ceased in Europe, proved sufficient 
cause for an open renewal of hostilities. But when affairs 
reached a crisis in India; when Austria and France united 
for the dismemberment of Prussia, with whom England was 
in sympathy; when French and English vessels were scour- 
ing the seas for the merchantmen of the other; and when 
a half-dozen armies were actually fighting for America, 
the facts could no longer be ignored, and war was declared 
(1756). This ''Seven Years' War," as it is called in Euro- 
pean history, exerted a greater influence on the destinies 
of both France and England than almost any other war in 
their history. The phase of it in which we are most inter- 
ested, the contest in America, best known as the "Old French 
and Indian War," decided the future of half a continent. 

For the first time both England and France were almost 
as much interested in the war outside of Europe as in the 
war on the continent, and each gave to her colonies all 
the forces that she could spare. In America the resources 
of the contestants were far from equal. The popula- 
tion of the English colonies was nearly fifteen times as large 
as that of the French provinces. On the other hand there 
were two highly centralized French provinces, in which a 
semi-military government could bring every able-bodied 
man into the field at short notice, and fourteen disconnected 
British colonies more or less jealous of one another, and 
practically without experience in acting together. Nothing 
but a great common danger could make the English colonies 
forget their differences, and the distrust shown by the as- 
semblies toward their governors made them unwilling to 
vote men and supplies for an army which might be directed 
by the governors. 

As the strength of the French was greatly disproportionate 
to the territory that they held, it was natural for them to 
await the attack of the EngHsh. The English in the mean- 



1754] 



Expiilsioji of the French 



97 



time prepared for invasion along four principal avenues^ 
First, they followed the seacoast and the St. Lawrence, 
using Boston and Halifax as the bases of operations. Then 
came the Champlain route, and the one through the Mo- 
hawk valley and Lake Ontario. Last of all was that lead- 
ing straight to the ground especially in dispute by way of 
Fort Duquesne. 







VIROINIA 

80^ 



SCENE OF THE 
LAST FRENCH WAR 

63° BOhMAY.N.Y. 64° 



92. The First Period of the War (1754-1757). — In order 
to secure the cooperation of the Indians west from Lake 
Champlain, the French had made repeated efforts to gain 
the friendship of the various tribes. So great was their 
success that even the Six Nations,^ which had remained 
neutral during the third intercolonial war, were brought 
under French influence. To counteract this impending 
danger, a congress was called to meet at Albany, New York 
(1754), for the purpose of renewing treaties with the Iro- 
quois. The Six Nations were persuaded easily not to cast 
in their lot with the French in the conflict that had 
begun already, but the congress proceeded to adopt a re- 
markable plan of military union for the colonies, which had 

^ The Tuscaroras had joined the Five Nations in 1715. 
H 



The Iroquois 

and the Al- 
bany Congress 
(1754). 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
II, No. 125. 



Thwaites, 
France in 
America, 
168-172. 



98 



Auicricaji History 



[1754 



Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
V, 3 175-3178. 



French 

victories 
(1755-1757). 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, II, 
Nos. 126-127. 



Parkman, 

Struggle for 
a Contifienf, 
343-355- 



Campaigns 
of 1758. 



been proposed by Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania. 
It contemplated a president general appointed by the 
English king, who was to be commander in chief of the 
colonial army, and an assembly which was to have charge 
of all tinancial matters. This plan was disapproved in 
England as too democratic, and in the colonies because it 
centered too much power in the hands of a royal represent- 
ative. 

The first real campaign of the war was that of Braddock, 
who attempted with a force of provincials and regulars to 
capture Fort Duquesne (1755). His overwhelming defeat 
was all the more humiliating because of the numerical in- 
feriority of the French and Indians. The same year oc- 
curred the expulsion of the Acadians, a cruel act, justified 
on the ground of political and military necessity. While 
the English commanders remained inactive the next two 
years or wasted their time in vain demonstrations against 
the great fortress of Louisburg, the French general, ^[ont- 
calm, gained absolute control of Lakes Ontario and Cham- 
plain. The first period of the war had revealed the utter 
incapacity of most of the English commanders, while an 
almost uninterrupted series of French victories had extended 
still further the limits of the vast territory claimed by 
France. 

93. The Second Period of the War (i 758-1 760) . — When 
William Pitt became prime minister of England (1757) 
the tide turned. He immediately formed plans for the active 
prosecution of the war by sending to America a still larger 
number of troops, by arousing the colonists to active co- 
operation with the regular army, and by appointing compe- 
tent commanders. An expedition was fitted out to follow 
each route. Louisburg, Frontenac, and Fort Duquesne 
fell into the hands of the English, the first after a siege that 
was severe though short. The French line would have 
been cut up even more had it not been for the remoteness 
of Niagara and the presence of a skillful leader, Marquis 
de Montcalm, atTiconderoga. With his departure to defend 



1763] 



Expulsion of the French 



99 



Quebec the next season (1759), Lake Champlain too became 
English. 

The great expedition of the year, and in fact of the war, Capture of 
was that against the city of Quebec. Occupying command- Quebec (1759). 
ing heights that were directly approachable from one side 
only, with mighty fortifications against which artillery 
thundered in vain, de- 
fended by a large army 
under the command of 
the ablest French gen- 
eral, Quebec seemed 
impregnable. For the 
capture of the city a 
fleet and an army were 
dispatched early in 
1759 under James 
Wolfe, whose diseased 
frame housed an in- 
domitable spirit. After 
months of fruitless 
siege Wolfe was able 
to lead one half of his 
army by night to the 
plains of Abraham on 
the unprotected side 

of the city. Montcalm gave battle, in which both command- 
ers were killed, and a few days later the city surrendered. 
This glorious victory left to the French only Montreal, which 
was captured the next year, and the territory in the West. 
It really settled the fate of the French empire on the conti- 
nent of North America. John Fiske beheved that "the 
triumph of Wolfe marks the greatest turning point as yet 
discernible in modern history," 

94. The Peace of Paris (1763). — For nearly three 
years after war ceased in America, the two countries con- 
tinued the great conflict elsewhere. During this interval 
Spain formed an alliance with France and assisted her in 




William Pitt 



Fiske, New 
France and 
New England^ 
349-359. 



The situation 
in 1762. 



lOO 



American History 



[1689 



Provisions 
of the Treaty 
of Paris (1763). 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 54. 

Thwaites, 
France in 
America, 
266-279. 

Territory- 
west of the 
Alleghany 
mountains. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 55. 



the contest. But England continued to gain victories. 
She became mistress of the important island of Guadaloupe, 
as well as most of the other French possessions in the West 
Indies. Havana and part of Florida had fallen into her 
hands. As she had been the acknowledged ruler of India 
after the battle of Plassey (1757), she was not to be satis- 
fied with the territory for which she had fought, not even 
when Canada was included. The war had proved a colo- 
nial death struggle, from which France emerged with 
scarcely a trace of the magnificent possessions she had 
claimed at the beginning. 

In the Treaty of Paris (1763) all of the claims of France 
to the territory east of the Mississippi, except the little island 
on which New Orleans stands, were transferred to England.^ 
Only two little islets south of Newfoundland were kept for 
fishing stations, and they were never to be fortified. Eng- 
land's territory was rounded out by the exchange of Havana 
for the Spanish Floridas. Spain had already been com- 
pensated for her losses when France gave her the isle of 
Orleans and all Louisiana west of the Mississippi River. 

Many of the Indian tribes of the West protested against the 
transfer of their territory to English rule and united under 
Pontiac in one of the greatest Indian uprisings in history. 
Attacks were made on all the western forts and settlements 
from the Virginia frontier to the Great Lakes. As the colo- 
nial assemblies neglected or refused to furnish troops, 
regulars were sent to relieve the besieged garrisons, but the 
insurrection was not broken completely until 1765. Mean- 
while, in order to appease the western Indians, George III 
issued a proclamation (1763) reserving the lands beyond 
the Alleghanies for the Indians and prohibiting the colo- 
nies from making grants of lands or settlements in that 
region. 



* France was allowed to retain either Guadaloupe or Canada. While 
Canada was poor and had been a source of continual expense, Guadaloupe 
was rich and had given substantial aid to the French treasury. So the 
chance of future dominion was sacrificed to present gain. 



1763] Rivalry of FrcjicJi, and English loi 

95. Summary.- — The French were not good colonizers Growth of 
and were hampered by the paternal attitude of their home ^'"^"^^ ^"^ 
government. Three colonies were founded in North America : colonies. 
Acadia south of the St. Lawrence, New France or Canada 

in the St. Lawrence basin, and Louisiana in the lower Mis- c 

sissippi basin. French explorers, traders, and priests 
penetrated the interior, but France planted no colonies 
inland. She maintained a hold on the interior, however, 
by connecting Canada with Louisiana by a chain of forts 
at strategic points. Her great rival meanwhile was neg- 
lecting the eleven colonies which had been planted on the 
Atlantic coast during the seventeenth century. But the 
colonies prospered, large numbers of immigrants being 
received from Ireland, Scotland, France, and Germany 
as well as England. Their gain during the three quarters 
of a century following the revolution of 1688 was not only 
in population, commerce, and wealth, but in culture, self- 
reliance, and a greater desire for self-government. 

With the expulsion of James II from England in 1689 Intercolonial 
began the second "hundred years' war" between France ^^^^ (1689- 
and Great Britain. The first four conflicts in this series, 
lasting until 1763, involved the colonies of these nations in 
America, and were accompanied by all the horrors of border 
Indian warfare. The first substantial gain was secured in 
the Treaty of Utrecht (17 13) by which England gained 
control of all Newfoundland, the territory drained into 
Hudson Bay, and Acadia with its ancient limits. The 
last war, begun in 1754, was a contest at the beginning for 
the control of the upper Ohio valley, but, when Pitt became 
prime minister in England, it became a struggle for supremacy 
in America which ended in the capture of Louisburg, Que- 
bec, and all other important French strongholds. At the 
close of the war France transferred her territory west of 
the Mississippi to her ally, Spain, and surrendered to the 
English Canada and the eastern Mississippi basin. Eng- 
land rounded out her possessions by acquiring from Spain 
both Floridas. 



102 */ Ay I erica n History [1689 



TOPICS 

1. Champlain: Fiske, "New England and New France," 
pp. 39-42, 58-71, 80-93; Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," 
pp. 83-124; Winsor (ed.), "America," V, pp. 103-130. 

2. Capture of Quebec (i 759) : Thwaites, " France in America," 
pp. 239-254; Sloane, "French War and Revolution," pp. 78-98; 
Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," pp. 382-446. 

STUDIES 

1. France under Henry IV. (Wakeman, " iVscendency of France," 
pp. 14-38-) 

2. French search for a western passage. (Parkman, "Struggle 
for a Continent," pp. 107-113.) 

3. Iroquois and the French. 

4. Character of La Salle. (Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," 
pp. 220-222.) 

5. Early Indian attacks during the second intercolonial war. 
(Drake, " Border Wars of New England," 153-186.) 

6. Acadia after 1 713. (Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," I, go- 
127.) 

7. How the people controlled their governors. (Fisher, "True 
American Revolution," pp. 21-32.) 

8. England and France in the eighteenth century. (Parkman, 
"Struggle for a Continent," pp. 301-313.) 

9. Early colonial plans of union. (" American History Leaflets," 
No. 14.) 

10. The contest over India. (Woodward, "Expansion of the 
British Empire," pp. 196-205.) 

11. Montcalm. (Parkman, "^lontcalm and Wolfe," I, pp. 356- 
380.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Show how political changes in France influenced the course of 
events in the French colonies. Was the colonial policy of fVance 
wise? (Consider political, commercial, and religious regulations.) 

2. Make an outline on the French in America, giving (a) method 
used to gain possession of the countn.', (&) three classes that extended 
French sway, (c) extent of French possessions (1650, 1710, 1755), 
{d) causes of French success, {e) causes of French failure. 

3. Make a table showing the chief events during the three periods, 
1600-1660, 1660-1700, 1700-1763, under the following heads: Eng- 
land, New England, middle colonies, southern colonies, the French 
and English, events of continental Europe. (Keep events of the same 
date on same horizontal line.) 



I 



1763] Rivalry of French and English 103 

4. Compare the land claims of the two countries to the Ohio 
valley (1754)- What had each done to explore or occupy that region 
before that date. 

5. To what extent did the colonial wars create a spirit of unity 
among the colonies? Name several reasons why Franklin's plan of 
unity met wuth disapproval. 

6. Was the expulsion of the Acadians necessary? Give reasons 
for your answer. Could it have been accomplished in a different way ? 

7. Why might Fiske have believed that "the triumph of Wolfe 
marks the greatest turning point as yet discernible in modern his- 
tory" ? 



CHAPTER VI 



Population of 
the sections. 



Race elements 
of the 
population. 



Thwaites, 
Colonies, 
97, 180-181, 
220-222. 



Greene, 
Provincial 
America, 
228-236. 

Lodge, 

Eng. Colonies, 
66, 227-229, 
406-409. 



COLONIAL CONDITIONS (1750) 
Population and Society 

96. Number of the People. — At the middle of the eigh- 
teenth century tlie population of the thirteen colonies that 
afterward united to form the United States was probably 

less than a million and a 








quarter, distributed fairly 
evenly between the three 
sections, New England, the 
Middle colonies, and the 
South. The most populous 
of all the colonies was Vir- 
ginia, with ^lassachusetts 
and Pennsylvania occupy- 
ing second and third places. 
With the exception of about 
three hundred thousand ne- 
groes all of the inhabitants 
were white, but perhaps not 
more than three fourths of 
these were of English de- 
scent. The New England 
colonies were settled almost 
exclusively by English Puri- 
tans and Virginia had few 
white inhabitants in the 
eastern part who were not English. A large percentage 
were of that sturdy yeoman stock which has been the 
backbone of the English race for several centuries. A 
few came from the higher social ranks but some were the 
dregs of English society. Among the non~English peoples, 

104 



Density of Population 
(1750) 



1750] Population and Society 1 05 

the Scotch-Irish predominated, large numbers of that in- 
tense and intelligent race having emigrated from the north 
of Ireland during the first half of the eighteenth century. 
Most of these Scotch-Irish settled in the interior, along the 
foothills of Pennsylvania and the Carolinas particularly. 
Aside from the English Puritans, this race has furnished the 
largest number and most influential of our public men. 
Many Huguenot families emigrated to America after the 
revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. A larger pro- 
portion of these desirable citizens settled in South Caro- 
lina than in any other colony. In the middle colonies there 
was a larger number of foreigners than elsewhere, for not 
only were the Scotch and French numerous in that section, 
but there were also the original Dutch and Swedish settlers, 
besides a great number of German settlers who are known 
best as ''Pennsylvania Dutch." Probably one quarter of 
all the colonists were of nationalities other than English. 

97. Classes of Society. — In all the colonies there was social classes 
a marked distinction between the social classes, least pro- 
nounced in Pennsylvania and New England, most notice- xhwaites 
able in South Carolina. In the North, the aristocracy was Colonies, 
one based to a great extent on family, but men often attained ^'^^ 42, 93- 
social standing by exceptional learning or unusual business 
success. In the South, family and the possession of landed Lodge, 
estates counted for most. The middle class of independent _ l^i-Zi 
farmers or merchants was largest in New England, for in 445-448. 
that section there were few dependents and practically no 
slaves. In Pennsylvania also the middle class was very 
numerous, although there was the greatest difference be- 
tween the prosperous farmer of the eastern valleys and the 
rough ignorant frontiersman of the interior. In most of 
the other colonies the middle class was comparatively small. 

As a rule these people of the colonies were rough, kind- Character 
hearted, industrious, and frugal. Their manners were often of the people, 
crude, and their ideas on social and political subjects un- 
developed, but their courage was never open to question, Wilson, 
and their love of liberty unquenchable. Although they ^^'^i"^^'"' 



io6 



American History 



[1750 



Two kinds 
of indented 
servants. 

Andrews, 

Col.Self-Gov't, 

290-293. 



Lodge, 

Erig. Colonies, 

69-71, 125-126. 



Eggleston, 
in Century, 
XXVIII 
(1884), 853- 
856. 



Treatment 
of indented 
servants. 



Eggleston, 
in Century, 
XXVIII 

(1884). 856- 
858. 



Blacks in the 
Xoith and the 
South. 



drank overmuch and often engaged in pastimes that do 
not appeal to a more highly organized people, they rarely 
had distorted views of right and wrong. 

98. Indented Servants. — There existed in all of the 
English provinces a class of white servants who were bound 
to their masters for a term of years. Of these there were 
two distinct kinds — one consisting of convicts who wxre 
sent to America to serve their sentences, and the other 
"indented" servants who bound themselves to work for 
a period of five years, usually, in payment of their passage 
to the new world. Many of those belonging to the second 
class were worthy, hardworking, but unfortunate individuals 
who secured farms of their own after the expiration of their 
terms of service, and became valuable citizens. The ma- 
jority of the ''indented" servants, however, were indolent 
and shiftless, so that an immense number of ne'er-do-wells 
were imposed on the colonies, especially from New York 
to North Carolina. Still more burdensome were the re- 
leased convicts whose lawlessness and viciousness w^re a 
menace to the peace and order of the colonies. 

During the terms of service these servants were con- 
trolled absolutely and often treated harshly by their masters. 
Attempts to escape were punished severely, and added to 
the time of servitude. In some colonies a second attempt 
was punishable by branding on the cheek and a third at- 
tempt by death if desired by the master. Frequently the 
condition of these servants was much better than might be 
expected, comparing favorably with that of farm hands in 
England. Sometimes convicts who were political exiles 
occupied clerical or business positions of importance. 

99. Slavery. — African slavery existed in New Nether- 
land and in the South almost from the beginning. It never 
attained prominence in New England, for the occupations 
of the people and later a growing sentiment against human 
bondage prevented its development. The few slaves, as 
in most of the other northern colonies, were house servants 
who were treated usually with a great deal of consideration. 



1750J Population and Society 107 

From Pennsylvania south, the blacks were, of course, very Coman, indus^ 

much more numerous, in Virginia nearly equaling the whites ^^'^^ Hist., 

in number, and in South Carolina forming about three ^^ 

fifths of the population. All of the menial domestic duties 

were performed by slaves, but in Maryland and Virginia 

most of the blacks were employed as field hands on the large 

tobacco plantations, while in the extreme South the work 

in the rice fields was done by bands of fierce, ignorant slaves, 

under cruel overseers. 

During the seventeenth century white servants were pre- Laws regard- 

ferred to African slaves, in almost all of the colonies, and the ^"^ slaves. 

I laws regarding slaves were comparatively lenient. Later, 

\ with the development of slavery and attempted insurrections, Eggleston, in 

' laws of great severity were passed. Slaves were not allowed xxviTi 

I to leave their plantations without permission and might be (1884), 861- 

' put to death if they attempted to escape or injured their ^^5- 

masters. Meetings of slaves were forbidden and their 

f quarters were searched frequently for hidden arms. Inter- Lodge, 

I marriage between whites and blacks was forbidden under , '^f " ^ °^''^^' 
I » 67-69. 

very heavy penalties. Many legal obstacles were placed 
( in the way of emancipation. These laws were not enforced 
' in Maryland and Virginia, for most of the blacks in those 
I colonies were native born, living their entire lives on a single 
I plantation, and consequently known personally to the mas- 
j ter and mistress. As a rule they were well fed, well clothed, 
and treated humanely. 

In the South, on the contrary, there was little difference Enforcement 
between the letter and the spirit of the law. Many of the of slave laws in 
I blacks were barbarous Africans, trapped by slave dealers go^^j^ 
and brought to America by Spanish or New England slave 
] traders. On the rice or indigo plantations little attempt i^odge, 
was made to civilize them. Slaves were cheap and their Eng. Colonies, 
labor so profitable that it was more economical to work them ^^^-^^S- 
hard and buy new slaves when they were worn out than to 
spare them. Small wonder was it that the badly treated 
blacks hated their masters and overseers and were kept 
in subjection by an iron rule. 



io8 



American Histoiy 



[1750 



The cities. 

Eggleston, in 
Century, XXIX 
(1885), 873- 
881. 



100. Colonial Life. — Although nearly all of the people 
lived within one hundred miles of the seacoast, there were 
only four places that deserved to be called cities — Boston, 
Philadelphia, New York, and Charleston — and compara- 
tively few large towns, Boston and New York were the 
centers of a thriving commerce. In Charleston lived most 
of the planters of South Carolina who found life unendur- 




A Colonial Kitchen 



Lodge, 

Eng. Colonies, 
103, 237-240, 
258-262, 333- 
337. 451-461. 



able on the hot, swampy plantations. These cities and some 
of the towns were compact little burgs, not overciean, with 
narrow winding streets — except Philadelphia — numerous 
small shops, and well-built houses usually of brick and stone. 
Few of the inhabitants were wealthy, but the majority were 
in fair circumstances. Few of the streets were patrolled 
or lighted at night, there was no uniform water supply or 
proper sanitation. Most of the houses had several bal- 
conies, and were backed if not surrounded by attractive 
gardens. Some of them were comfortably furnished with 
chairs, tables, and draperies purchased abroad. 



175°] 



Population and Society 



109 



In the country the log cabins which had been the rule 
everywhere in the early days were to be found only on the 
frontier or in the poorer districts. With the advent of the 
sawmill, they had been replaced by frame houses of several 
rooms which were rude structures tied together with wooden 



pms, 



for iron was scarce. 



The doors were hung on leather 



Life in the 
country, 

Earle, Home 
Life in Colo- 
nial Days, 
4-16, 22-27, 
52-75- 



hinges and fortunate indeed wafe the farmer who substituted 
glass brought from England for the oiled paper which was 




A Colonial Hall 



almost universal outside of the towns. In most of the farm- 
houses the spacious kitchen was the most attractive room. 
At one end was a great fireplace with large pots and kettles 
suspended from a horizontal rod — for stoves were prac- 
tically unknown in 1750. There was a large dining-table 
and a few rude chairs or benches. Around the glowing 
fire the family gathered at night, and the kitchen was fre- 
quently the scene of jolly neighborhood gatherings. The 
loneliness of country life was relieved by occasional house 
raisings and by frequent quilting bees and corn huskings. 
In a few districts in rural New England, along the Hud- 
son, and from the Delaware to the Carolina border, the 
country homes of the landed gentry were very fine examples 



Lodge, Eng. 
Colonies, 76-82, 
2.\Z-2.^'2, 329- 
331, 448-451. 



Country 
homes of the 
gentry. 



no 



American History 



[1750 



Difficulties in 
preparing the 
land. 



Winsor (ed.), 
America, IV, 
Intro. 



Agricultural 
products and 
exports. 

Co man, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
47-60. 

Eggleston, 
in Century, 
XXVII (1884), 
435-442. 



of the beautiful type of architecture which we call colonial. 
These were seen at their best on the broad tobacco planta- 
tions of Virginia. There the spacious "halls," ever open 
to visitors, with the numerous barns and other farm build- 
ings and rows of slave cabins, formed miniature colonies 
in themselves. 

Occupations 

loi. Agriculture. — Most of the colonists depended on 
agriculture for their support. At first each colony sought 
to raise simply the necessaries of life — a supply of 
food which would keep them from starving. Conditions 
were not especially favorable for agriculture at the begin- 
ning, because of the dense forests. The task of clearing 
the land was so arduous that the early settlers contented 
themselves with the Indian method of girdling the trees 
so that they .died. Corn and pumpkins were then planted 
among the lifeless trunks. In New England, further diffi- 
culties were added by the stones with which the prehistoric 
glaciers had sown the land. The fight with the wilder- 
ness was long and intense. 

In the northern colonies all of the farms were small, 
as the narrow valleys precluded cultivation on a large scale. 
Great care was necessary to insure even moderate crops, 
except in the valley of the Connecticut. There were very 
few communities in New England that raised articles for 
export. In the middle section a surplus supply of wheat 
was grown, so that wheat and flour were shipped to the West 
Indies and Europe. In Maryland and Virginia agriculture 
absorbed the entire attention of the people. This was due 
to the profitableness of the tobacco industry, for at different 
times the planters neglected food supplies in their mad 
desire to gain wealth by raising tobacco to be sold abroad. 
It was necessary to make laws compelling every planter to 
devote a certain area to corn. Even with this restraint, 
the over-production of tobacco caused a great decline in 
the price. After the passage of the Navigation Act, which 



1750] Occupations in 

forbade the sending of tobacco to other countries than Eng- 
land, the price became still lower, but the raising of tobacco 
remained the chief source of wealth in those colonies until 
the revolution. South Carolina made a specialty of rice 
during the eighteenth century, and indigo was produced in 
large quantities after 1745. Some cotton also was grown 
in the low lands along the coast. 

102. Commerce and Shipping. — The colonies were de- Restrictions on 
pendent on England for many manufactured articles. At ^0^0"'^^ *'^<^^- 
the beginning it was impossible to produce these things 
in America, and after 1660 the home government aimed to Coman. indus- 
prohibit manufacturing in the colonies, at the same time „„_3o 
compelling the colonists to purchase everything they needed 
from England rather than from her continental rivals. 
Since the commercial laws of England were not enforced 
strictly, the colonies enjoyed a large though legally forbidden 
trade with the West Indian possessions of France and Spain 
and with Holland, France, and other European countries.^ 

From the northern ports a comparatively large trade was General 
carried on, especially with England and the British West exports and 
Indies. It is estimated that salted cod and mackerel 
worth ;£2 50,000 were exported annually from New England. 
Large quantities of lumber and dried fish were sent to the ^^-^i ^,^^ 
West Indies every year, where they were exchanged for 75.77, 
molasses, from which was distilled rum that was in turn 
exported. Nevertheless, the imports of New England 
were four times as great as its exports. In Virginia and 
North Carolina, owing to the lack of towns and harbors, 
\ the skippers of the small sailing vessels ascended the numer- 
ous rivers of those colonies, exchanging their fine cloths 
and other articles at each plantation for the products of 
the country. 

A large part of the shipping was in the hands of New ship building 
Englanders, since the colonists were allowed by the navi- ^"^ shipping. 
gation acts to trade on the same terms as native-born Eng- 
lishmen. Shipbuilding had become an important indus- 

^ On the laws of trade, see §§ 119-121. 



112 



American History 



[1750 



Wright, Indus- 
trial Evolution 

0/ U.S.,2.'&-^2. 



Piracy. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
II, No. 85. 



Colonial 
manufactures. 



Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
62, 72. 



try in the northern colonies, as lumber was cheap, and the 
vessels built in the New England shipyards were superior 
to those constructed in Europe. The 'fisheries formed a 
training school of the best kind for a race of hardy, daring 
sailors who gained a reputation in later naval wars. Prob- 
ably one half of the population in New England depended 
on the sea for a living. 

Commerce in colonial times was attended by dangers 
that no longer exist. There was always risk of capture 
by privateers of unfriendly nations. Pirates were numerous, 
successful, and often unpunished. At one time North 
Carolina harbored a great many, at another New York 
and Newport gained an unpleasant reputation for giving 
them aid. The government sought to suppress piracy, 
sending out privateers to capture them. Among those 
commissioned to destroy pirate ships was the notorious 
Captain Kidd, who turned pirate as soon as he was out of 
sight of land, but afterward suffered death for his crimes. 
In spite of harsh measures, regular commerce was not free 
from perils of this nature until comparatively late in the 
eighteenth century, and many passengers and crews were 
obliged to "walk the plank." 

103. Industry and Labor. — The colonies were in no 
true sense manufacturing communities. A new country 
is not well adapted for those industries which require a 
large supply of raw materials and an abundance of labor. 
Because of the lack of laborers and the higher wages paid in 
America, it was cheaper to ship the raw materials to Eng- 
land and purchase the finished products from the mother 
country. Yet there was a large amount of manufacturing 
done in the colonies on a small scale. Practically all of 
the household furniture was made at home. Almost 
every family had its spinning wheel and hand loom. Few 
of the colonists used anything but the coarse ''linen" made 
from the hemp and flax that they prepared, or dressed in 
anything but homespun woolen clothes, but the wealthier 
farmers or merchants imported their broadcloth and their 



1750J Occupations 113 

hats. The building of ships was undoubtedly the fore- 
most industry of the colonies, three hundred and eighty- 
nine being constructed in a single year.^ Many of these were 
built for English owners, or were sold abroad later with 
their cargoes. 

Although the hours of labor were very long, and the wages Condition of 
paid, two or three shillings a day for skilled labor, seem ^^^°^- 
ridiculously small, the laborer in the colonies was undoubt- 
edly better paid and better treated than in any part of Wright, Indus- 
Europe. The agricultural laborer was free to sell his labor ^^^_^^^ " ^""'' 
to the one who would pay the most for it, instead of being 
tied to a certain farm, as in most countries across the At- 
lantic. The man who wished to learn a trade served a 
' shorter apprenticeship, and was freer in every way than a 
I fellow workman in England. There were numerous at- 
' tempts during colonial times to regulate the price of wages 
or of commodities, in the interest usually of those wealthier 
f classes which controlled the government, but these proved 
I ineffective. 

104. Colonial Currency. — Most of the colonial business Commodities 
\ consisted simply in the exchange of one commodity for an- ^^ money. 
' other. Corn, sheep, and cattle were the ordinary media 
j of exchange in several colonies, the value of a sheep in shil- 
I lings often being designated by law. This enabled debtors 
I to pay their creditors in the poorest animals they owned. 
In Virginia and Maryland, tobacco was used as currency, 
J articles being purchased and wages paid in tobacco. 

As the people bought abroad more than they were able to Colonial coins, 
sell it was impossible to secure or retain any large quantity 
of gold or silver. Most of the silver coins in circulation were Dewey, Finan- 
dollars or smaller coins bearing a Spanish stamp, which ciai Hist, of 
had been obtained in trade with the West Indies. Almost * '' ^ ~^^* 
every colony placed a different valuation on the Spanish 
\ dollar. In one colony it was considered worth five Eng- 
j lish shillings, in another six, in another eight. This natu- 
I rally added confusion to the existing monetary difficulties. 

V ^ 1769, the only year for which full statistics are available. 



114 



A nicrican History 



[1750 



Paper money. 



Co man, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
83-86. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
II.Nos. 88, 89. 



Medicine, 
teaching, and 
the laws. 



Greene, Pro- 
vincial Amer- 
ica, 317-319- 



Lodge, 

Eng. Colonies, 

232, 236-237. 



The ministry. 



Massachusetts was the first colony to attempt a solution 
of the currency problem by issuing paper money, but other 
colonies were not slow to follow this apparently easy method 
of paying private and public debts.^ New York and Penn- 
sylvania were more careful than the other colonies to pro 
vide a safe system of redeeming this paper, thus escaping 
the evils of depreciation and business depression that fol- 
lowed in the other colonies. In several colonies so-called 
"banks" were allowed to issue paper money, with results 
disastrous to all but the promoters of the scheme. A large 
part of the paper money in circulation became worth less 
than fifteen per cent of its face value. Interference with 
business was so great that at length parliament forbade 
(1751) the issue of paper money in New England and 
(1763) extended the prohibition to all of the colonies. 

105. The Professions. — Very few persons were trained 
carefully for professional work. There w^re in 1750 but 
four colleges, most of which had been founded with an idea 
of fitting men for the ministry, but there were no theological 
seminaries or other professional schools. Consequently 
few physicians were to be found in the colonies, and of these 
the majority were men of little learning and less skill. Medi- 
cine as practiced was neither an art nor a science. Most 
of the teachers were either clergymen who gave part of their 
attention to private classes or incompetent individuals who 
had failed of success in other occupations. Although few 
men devoted their attention exclusively to the law, most 
educated men in the colonies were versed in the law and 
were prepared to argue cases if necessary. Pennsylvania 
alone furnished many able lawyers for other colonies, and 
the saying "as smart as a Philadelphia lawyer" became 
almost a proverb. 

As more care was taken in preparing clergymen for their 
work than with the other professions, the Congregational 
colonial minister was the best educated, and probably the 



^ Before 1750, all ol 
issued bills of credit. 



the colonies except Virginia and Georgia had 



I750] 



Occupations 



115 



ablest man In his community. Looked up to for his char- Lodge, 
acter and learning, his influence enabled him to direct ^^^- (Colonies, 
public opinion and settle private controversies. Many of '^^3-425- 
the men appointed to livings in the Anglican church in 
America as in England were ignorant and corrupt, although 
the pastors of most independent churches and of regular 
parishes were men of high moral character. 

Miscellaneous Conditions 

106. Colonial Churches. — In most of the colonies there Puritan 
was a church supported at public expense, the union of churches. 




A Colonial Church 

church and state being common. In the New England 
colonies, except Rhode Island, the Congregational church 
had been established by law, all other denominations being 
excluded so far as possible from erecting buildings or even 
holding services. The Sabbath was observed very rigidly. 
I No one traveled except to church, cooking was avoided, and 
the day given over to religious worship. Attendance at 



Lodge, 

Eng. Colonies, 

425-434- 



ii6 



American History 



[1750 



Anglicans 
and dissenters. 

Andrews, 

Col. Self- Govt, 

304-311- 

Eggleston, 

in Century, 

XXVI (1883), 

107- 1 16. 



Superstition 
in custom 
and law. 

Lodge, 

Eng. Colonies, 

253-254. 
434-436. 



church service was compulsory, absence being punished 
by fine or the stocks. The services were always long and 
sometimes tedious, the hourglass being turned once during 
the ''long" prayer, and usually twice during the sermon. 
The straight-backed uncushioned seats did not make it 
easier for the attendants to listen to the long, dry arguments 
or fierce declamation on future punishment, especially in 
winter when the meeting houses were unheated and even | 
footstoves were considered effeminate. Puritan austerity 
could scarcely devise harsher means of mortifying the flesh, 
or better tests for self-control and endurance. 

South of New England the Anglican church had been 
established by law except in Pennsylvania, but church 
attendance was irregular and very little attempt was made 
to prevent dissenters from holding services of their own, 
although Catholics had churches in Pennsylvania only. 
In South Carolina, western Virginia, and Pennsylvania, 
the Presbyterians were numerous, while Rhode Island was 
controlled by the Baptists. In Rhode Island and Pennsyl- 
vania alone was there anything like real religious liberty. 

107. Superstition. — Superstition was much more com- 
mon in the seventeenth century than it is at present. This 
was due not simply to the greater ignorance of that day, but 
particularly to the survival of beliefs in signs and in the exist- 
ence of evil spirits, witches, the evil eye, and other evidences 
of Satan's control of mortals. These beliefs were much 
less common in England than on the continent, and less 
common here than in England, although the non-English 
immigrants were very superstitious.^ This superstition not 
only influenced the habits of the people, but also affected 
their laws. 

Only once did superstitious fear lead to a wholesale pun- 
ishment of witches. This was in the terrible witchcraft 



' There are a few isolated instances of witches being put to death in the 
colonies before i6q2 and after the witchcraft episode. In England and 
on the continent hundreds of thousands of witches were condemned to 
death, five hundred being burned in a single year in the city of Geneva. 



1750] 



Miscellaneous Conditions 



117 



delusion at Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692. The epidemic 
started when a number of ''afflicted children," under the 
morbid training of some ignorant colored servants, accused 
eccentric people in the village of having bewitched them. 
A special court was organized for the trial of these cases, 
and persons were condemned on absurd testimony by con- 
servative judges like Samuel Sewell. Excitement ran so 
high that many people accused their enemies of witchcraft, 
and no one could condemn the so-called trials without 
danger of being 
considered a 
witch. ^ After 
several women of 
unusual standing 
and virtue had 
been accused, the 
eyes of the people 
were opened; not, 
however, until a 
number of per- 
sons had been 
put to death. 

108. Crime. — 
The death penalty 
was used much 
more commonly 
in colonial times 
than at present.^ In one colony, Pennsylvania, an attempt 
was made at the beginning to abolish it except for mur- 
der, but so great a departure from the customs of the 
times was abandoned after a few years. In Massa- 




PlLLORY 



The Salem 

witchcraft 

delusion. 

Greene, 

Provincial 

America, 

25-29. 

Fiske, 

New France 
and New 
England. 



Methods of 

punishing 

offenders. 



1 A common way of deciding whether a woman was a witch was to 
cast her into the water. If she failed to sink, she was proved to be a witch. 

2 In England during the seventeenth century over one hundred crimes 
were punishable by death, the number increasing instead of diminishing 
during the eighteenth century. Frequently juries would acquit a man 
where the evidence showed him guilty, because they were unwilling to 
punish him by death for a minor offense. 



Ii8 American history [^750 

chusetts, as we noticed (§ 73), Quakers who had been 
banished, but insisted on returning, were hanged. Yet 
executions were not common in colonial times, although 
so many offenses were punishable by death. In fact, 
in all well-settled communities, crime was by no means 
general. On many frontiers, and in a few older sections, 
there was considerable lawlessness. Imprisonment was 

Man and Horsel Mad Bull 





A Horse drinking. Boy in danger. 

Children should be careful not to 
provoke a bull, or get over into the 
field where one is. Alas ! for that lit- 
tle boy that is running with all his 
might : see hi& hat flying behind him, 
and the mad bull close at his heels. 

Page from an Old School Book 

used comparatively little as a punishment and the prisons 
were few in number and of a low order. In a conspicuous 
place in each town stood the whipping post, at which run- 
away slaves and criminals were lashed upon bare backs, and 
the stocks and pillory, in which offenders were locked for 
from one to four hours, the pain of their cramped position 
being augmented by the jeers of the spectators and the mud 
thrown by rowdies. Ducking stools were used occasionally 
for scolding wives even in the eighteenth century. 
Grammar lOQ. Education. — Outside of New England there was 

schools. practically no public education, but east of the Hudson 

almost every town boasted a grammar school and practi- 



I750] 



Miscellaneoits Conditions 



119 



cally every county had a Latin school which prepared stu- 
dents for college. To the Puritans, ability to read the Bible 
was a necessary part of the preparation for life. Except in 
parts of Rhode Island and on the Maine frontier no illiterate 
persons could be found in New England at the middle of 
the eighteenth century. The middle colonies paid com- 
paratively little attention to education, although there were 



"..-..-v-raM*-^; 




First Harvard Hall Governor's Coach First Stoughton Massachusetts Hall 

Harvard College 



a few excellent private schools in New York, Philadelphia, 
and a few other large towns. South of Mason and Dixon's 
line education was systematically neglected. The oft- 
quoted comment of Governor Berkeley, in which he thanked 
God that there were no free schools or printing presses 
in Virginia, expressed the sentiment of the ruling class. 
Tutors were employed by some of the wealthier planters, 
and a few sons of prominent families in Virginia and South 
Carolina were sent to England for a college education. 

The most famous and the most influential of the early 
colleges was that established at Cambridge in 1636, and 
named after John Harvard; William and Mary college 



Colonial 
colleges. 



and the 
government 



Wright, Indus- 
trial Evolution, 



120 American History [1750 

Greene, was founded in Virginia, just before the close of the seven- 

Provinaai teenth ccnturv, and Yale College at New Haven in 1701. 
304-311.' About the middle of the eighteenth century renewed mter- 

est in higher education led to the establishment of three 
colleges in the middle colonies: Kings (afterward Colum- 
bia) in New York, Princeton in New Jersey, and the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia. The latter, through 
the influence of Benjamin Franklin, developed rapidly, 
gaining a reputation for its standing and for the number 
of its courses and students within a few years. 
Newspapers 1 10. Newspapers. — New England established its pri- 

macy in literary enterprise and attainments as in other lines, 
although it must be admitted that there was very little 
printing and less literature in the colonies before 1750. No 
newspaper was published in this country prior to 1704, 
63-69. when the Boston Xcn's Letter was started. At the middle 

of the century there were less than a dozen newspapers 
printed in all of the colonies, none being published daily. 
The attitude of the government toward the printers was by 
no means fa\orable. No books or pamphlets could be 
printed without a special license. When an attempt was 
made in Boston (i6qo) to start a newspaper called Public 
Occurrences, it was suppressed. 
The Zenger Real freedom of the press was not recognized until after 

case (1736). ^|-jp famous Zenger case had been decided in New York in 
1736. Zenger was the publisher of the New York Weekly 
Hart, Contem- Journal. In a controversy between the governor of the 
/cn/z^.f, colonv, Cosbv, and the president of the colonial council, 

II, No. 72. - - ^ ' 

Zenger supported the president, \'an Dom, and was in con- 
sequence imprisoned and tried for libel. His lawyer, 
Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia, argued that Zenger 
had published only facts and claimed that his client had the 
right to state the truth so long as it was not done maliciously. 
Influenced by his reasoning and eloquence, the jury found 
Zenger not guilty. This verdict had a wholesome influence 
not alone in New York, but throughout the colonies, in free- 
ing the press from the tyranny of the government. 



1750] 



Miscellaneous Conditiojis 



121 



III. Travel. — As most of the settlements were near the 
seacoast or on rivers, it was possible at first to travel from 
town to town or from plantation to plantation by water. 
Birch bark or ''dugout" canoes were used on the rivers, 
sailing vessels on the ocean. As the colonies developed, 
travel by land became unavoidable. Until roads were 
constructed, Indian trails and bridle paths served the settlers, 
most of whom were obliged to journey on foot. Later the 
highways were improved, and horses were more numerous. 



Travel in an 
early day. 

Earle, 
Home Life, 
325-332- 

Hart, Co7itent' 
poraries, 
II, No. 80. 







CoNESTOGA Wagon 



so that comparatively few of the planters or their families 
ever traveled except by boat or on horseback. Roads were 
still few, however, and bridges almost unknown, the nu- 
merous rivers being forded at convenient points. Settlers 
in the North rode to church, usually with their wives on a 
pillion, or cushion, behind them. 

The eighteenth century saw considerable improvement in 
the colonial highways and in the methods of travel. Roads 
connected all of the towns of importance but were few and 
poor in colonies with few villages. The use of two-wheeled 
chaises had replaced horseback riding to quite an extent in 
the North, although they were less common in Maryland, 
Virginia, and the Carolinas. Coaches were kept by most of 
the wealthy families, who put on considerable style with 



Roads, 
coaches, and 
wagons, 
eighteenth 
century. 

Eggleston, 
in Century, 
XXX (1885), 
387-389. 



122 



American History 



[1750 



Earle, 
Ho77te Life, 
335-344. 



Irregular 
stage lines. 



Mail service. 



Earle, 
Home Life, 
332-335- 



Democratic 
character 
of the local 
government. 



Hart, Forma- 
tion of Union, 
6 6. 



Lee (ed.), 
A'^. America, 
VI, 66-72. 



their liveried coachmen and outriders. The roads were primi- 
tive, however, and comparatively little used for the transpor- I 
tation of merchandise. Most articles were carried on pack- [ 
horses, but in Pennsylvania commodious farm wagons, known 
as Conestoga wagons, were coming into extensive use. 

Before 1750 there were no regular stage coaches in the 
colonies. Stages were run between certain towns regularly 
in the summer, and at irregular intervals throughout the 
year, connecting the larger cities. A journey by stage from 
Boston to New York took a week and was an exceedingly 
uncomfortable trip. From three in the morning until nine 
at night the lumbering vehicle jolted its passengers over the 
rough roads, leaving them a few hours' fitful slumber in the 
none too comfortable beds of the wayside taverns. The 
smaller streams were forded, the larger crossed by ferry, 
sometimes in detachments. When the stage stuck in the 
mud, the passengers were obliged to alight and put their 
shoulders to the wheel. 

There was no mail service worthy of the name before 1750. 
The mails were irregular, costly, and unsatisfactory. When 
a postrider had enough letters to justify a trip, he set out, 
carrying numerous parcels on his own account.^ The mail 
was left at some public house to be hauled over by every 
comer until claimed and paid for by the person to whom 
it was addressed. 

112. Colonial Government. — The governments of the 
American colonies were notable as being far more demo- 
cratic than any others then in existence. This was true 
especially of the local governments in the northern and 
middle colonies. In New England every town was governed 
by a town meeting composed of all voters in that town, and 
by officials chosen by popular election in those town meetings. 
In New York most of the town officials were chosen by the 
people, although much of the work of governing was done 
by county officials appointed by the governor. Pennsyl- 
vania chose her own county officials. In Virginia and the 

^ Only letters could be sent by government post. 



i 



Ashley, 
Am, Gov't, 



1750] Miscellaneous Conditio fts 123 

South there were no officials for districts smaller than the 
county and these officers were selected by the governor, so 
that the people had little share directly in their local govern- 
ment. 

In every colony there was an assembly chosen by the Central 
voters. This assembly, together with a " council," made government of 
the laws subject to the approval of the governor. It also 
controlled almost exclusively the raising of money by taxa- 
tion. The council was selected by the governor in all but 
three colonies,^ and as the governor was himself chosen by §§ 112-115. 
the people in only two colonies, there was in theory very 
little popular colonial government, although in fact the Lee (ed.), 
people's influence over the governor was very great. ^ In yj ' _^^ ' 
two colonies the governors were selected by the proprietors, 
in two they were elected by the people, and for the others 
were appointed by the king. Courts of justice existed 
in every colony, but no judge of colonial times was chosen 
directly by the people, even in the two little democracies 
of Connecticut and Rhode Island. 

The suffrage laws of the colonies, although narrow from Suffrage laws. 
our point of view, were exceedingly liberal when compared Hart, Contem- 
with those of foreign countries. Every landowner with poraries, 
property of a certain value in the North, or of a certain size 
in the South, was allowed to vote. It is true this excluded 
about ninety-five per cent of the population, but many who 
could not vote on colonial affairs were allowed to take part 
in local government. 

113. Colonial Law. — Although the laws varied con- English' 
siderably from colony to colony, there was a uniformity J=°"^"^°^ 
that is remarkable considering the differences between the America, 
people and the occupations of the various sections. All 
of the colonies had transplanted the English system of 
common law with such modifications as the peculiar 
conditions in each colony required. Many of the laws 
made by the colonial legislatures were merely reenact- 
ments of English statutes. In fact, the laws were few 

^ See Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts. ^ See § 87. 



124 



American History 



[1750 



Land laws 
of the 
colonies. 



Conian, Jndus- 
trial Hist., 
32-38. 

Eggleston, 
in Century, 
XXVIII 

(1884). 
84S-852. 



Inheritance 
laws. 



in comparison with the volume of state legislation at 
the present time. 

The system of land laws in use in America illustrates how 
the English system was modified to meet colonial needs. 
Land was considered the property of the king, the name 
real estate, or royal estate, emphasizing this fact. The 
king made. grants of land to companies and individuals, so 
that in America the legislature of the charter colonies or 
the proprietor of the proprietary colonies had the right to 
regrant land, and in the royal colonies the governor, as the 
direct representative of the king, had the right. Grants 
were made to individuals with a lavishness that amounted 
to recklessness, for land was plentiful and cost the grantor 
little or nothing. Not only were large estates numerous, 
but the number of small landowners was very great, as 
most heads of families owned their own farms. Because 
so many people owned land, and because speculation in 
land was common even in colonial times, the slow and cum- 
bersome English system of transferring land was altered 
so that it was easy to sell or buy real estate. 

The American inheritance laws were borrowed from 
England except in the Puritan and Quaker colonies. Else- 
where the estates or farms descended to the eldest son, 
because primogeniture was recognized in New York and 
the South. In New England, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
and New Jersey a double share went to the eldest son, but 
the other children, including the daughters, had an equal 
share in the property of the father when he died without 



making a will. 



TOPICS 



Colonial Manxtfactures : Coman, "Industrial Histon- of the 
United States," pp. 62-72; Wright, "Industrial Evolution of the 
United States," pp. 23-60, 80-103 ; Beer, " Commercial Policy of 
England toward the American Colonies," 66-go. 

Colonial Paper Money: Dewey, "Financial Histon- of the 
United States," pp. 21-30; White, "Money and Banking," 103- 
114; Sumner, "History of American Currency," 14-43; Bullock, 
"Monetary History of the United States," I, Chapter IV. 



i7so] Colojtial Conditiofis 125 



STUDIES 

1. Conditions in Germany that led to emigration to America. 
(Bittinger, "Germans in Colonial Times," pp. 11-24.) 

2. German redemptioncrs. (Bittinger, "Germans in Colonial 
Times," pp. 215-229.) 

3. Maryland society in the seventeenth century. (Browne, 
"Maryland," pp. 157-183.) 

4. Life in Vi'-ginia two centuries ago. (Fiske, "Old Virginia," 
II, pp. 174-269.) 

5. Conditions in the English colonies (1688). (Andrews, "Co- 
lonial Self-Government," pp. 293-304.) 

6. The true Captain Kidd. (Champlain, in Harper's Magazine, 
106 (1902), pp. 27-36.) 

7. Meat and drink in colonial times. (Earle, "Home Life in 
Colonial Days," pp. 142-165.) 

8. Dress of the colonists. (Earle, " Home Life in Colonial Days," 
pp. 281-299; Eggleston, in Century, XXIX (1885), pp. 882-892.) 

9. The colonial theater. (Eggleston, in Ceritury, XXX (1885), 
pp. 403-407.) 

10. Church and meeting house before the Revolution. (Eggles^ 
ton in Century, XXXIII (1887), pp. 901-912.) 

11. Sunday in the colonies. (Earle, "Home Life in Colonial 
Days," pp. 364-387.) 

12. American prose (i 701-1764). (Trent, "American Litera- 
ture," pp. 98-130.) 

13. The colonial governor. (Hart (cd.), "Contemporaries," Nos. 
54-60.) 

14. Local government in the southern colonies. (Fiske, "Civil 
Government," pp. 71-78.) 

15. Middle colonies in colonial times. (Lee (ed.), "North 
America," VI, pp. 29-39.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Show how physical conditions, climate, and rainfall affected 
slavery in the North, in Virginia, and in South Carolina. What 
advantage did the South derive from slavery ? 

2. To what extent were the colonies alike in 1750 ? Why did they 
remain isolated ? What was the result of their separateness on their 
dealings with Great Britain? 

3. What are the chief differences between the houses, food, dress, 
and manner of living in 1750 and to-day ? Name several conveniences 
that are now considered necessaries which were unknown in 1750. 

4. Explain why England and the colonies each took the course 



126 Ain erica 71 History [1750 

they did in reference to paper money? Was paper money necessar}- ? 
What influence did it have on the opening of new lands, commerce, 
on business in general ? 

5. Note the important changes, political, legal, social, and indus- 
trial, that have taken place in America in the last century and a half. 

6. In what respect had the colonists more or less political liberty 
than the English? Why did the local governments of the colonies 
influence our later history more than the central colonial governments ? 



Lecky, 

Am. Revolution, 



PART II 

THE FORMATION OF A UNION 

(i 763-1 789) 

CHAPTER VII 

THE BEGINNINGS OF REVOLUTION (1763-1775) 

English King 

George III (i 760-1820) 

114. Colonial Self -Government and English Control be- Leniency of 
I fore 1763. —The Seven Years' War, which added to Great English con- 
i Britain immense possessions in America and gained for her 
I the control of India, may be said to mark the real beginning 
\ of the British empire and of a new colonial policy. Previ- 
ously, the American colonies had been governed accord- 38-42 
ing to no uniform rule, but in the most diverse ways. As 
they had been founded at different times and under differ- 
ent conditions, each had developed a government more or 
less different from that of its neighbors, and had political 
traditions to which it was greatly attached. Owing to 
the condition of affairs before 1763, the colonies had been 
left much to their own devices, and the poHtical changes 
under the Stuarts and the early Hanoverians had accord- 
1 ingly been favorable to colonial self-government. Prac- 
tically all the contests between the governors and assemblies 
(§ 87) had resulted in victories for the latter, and the colo- 
nists had come to look upon Great Britain as the power 
j which protected them from foreign nations, which passed 
laws for the regulation of external commerce, and which, in 
some cases, selected their administrative officials. 

127 

I 
I 



128 American History 



The Old Colonial Policy of England 



[1763 



Four possible 
methods of 
control. 



Board of Trade 
and colonial 
secretary. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
V. 3172. 



Control of 
charters. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
II, No. 48. 



115. General Methods of Colonial Control. — There were 
four ways in which the king or parliament might control 
the colonies: (I) by changing the internal government of 
any province; (II) by exercising a general oversight of 
legislation and the administration of laws within a colony; 

(III) by the regulation of colonial trade and industry; and 

(IV) by levying internal taxes. Not all of these means had 
been used by Great Britain previous to 1763, and in fact in- 
ternal taxation had never been considered seriously. The 
few regulations that did exist were of a very mild description, 
and were enforced laxly. 

As it was necessary to have some set of English officials 
who should give especial attention to American affairs, 
a board of commissioners was selected from among the 
king's private councillors.^ This Bpard of Trade was 
required to correspond with the colonies so as to keep in 
touch with them and informed about colonial affairs, to 
hear appeals and complaints, and to set aside laws that were 
repugnant to the laws of England or distasteful to the crown. 
In addition there was a British secretary of foreign affairs, 
who devoted a large part of his attention to colonial matters. 
Most of the colonies also maintained in London agents who 
looked after their respective interests. 

In order to learn the extent of the supervision exercised 
by England, especially through the Board of Trade, let us 
examine a little more in detail the regulations belonging 
under the first three heads enumerated above. 

1 16. England's Interference with Colonial Government. — 
(I) To a certain extent the king was able to control most 
of his American provinces through the right to alter their 
governments. In 1763 seven of the colonies were under 
the direct supervision of the crown, i.e. were royal colonies, 
whereas only six retained their seventeenth-century char- 



^ The board was created in 1696, see § 79. 



^7^3] The Old Colonial Policy of England 129 

ters,^ These charters were forfeitable to the crown if violated 
by the colonies, but could not be revoked except upon clear 
proof that the colonies had failed to keep their charter agree- 
ments with the king. Indeed, to modify an article of a 
charter which would interfere with a colonial right was to 
exercise a power that had been unused since the days of 
Andros and James II, and one that no wise monarch would 
lightly undertake. 

The alteration of the government in a royal colony was a Control in 
different matter. New instructions were issued to each ^°^^^ colonies, 
governor and the installation of a new governor would seem 
to be a favorable opportunity for strengthening the king's ^^''^> Contem- 
authority in America. On the contrary, the appointment n 'Nos^'^q k- 
of a governor was almost invariably the signal for a renewed 
effort to increase legislative power at the expense of the 
executive. Fully occupied with their efforts to maintain 
their influence at home, the ministers of the first two Georges 
gave their governors but a half-hearted support and allowed 
the assemblies to encroach on the powers of the royal 
representatives, until in practically all of the colonies a 
serious attempt to curtail popular privileges had become a 
dangerous experiment. 

117. England's Control through Colonial Officials. — Control 
(II) Colonial administration and legislation could be con- through execu- 
troUed in part through the power of the crown to select for 
most of the colonies the governors who in turn might appoint 
the members of their councils, the judges, the county sheriffs, jj^rariel 11 
and many other officials. These governors not only selected Nos. 51, 65, 66 
[ persons for most of the appointive positions, but commanded 
the military forces of the colony, had charge of public lands, 
and pardoned offenders. The legislatures were convened and 
adjourned at their wish, and all bills passed by those bodies 
failed unless approved by the governors. Many of the 
governors and a few others were bankrupt English nobles, 
but the majority of the officials appointed by the governors 

^ Not counting the continental colonies conquered from the French and 
Spanish, or the insular colonies. 

K 

I 



I30 



American History 



[1763 



Colonial 

judges. 



Howard, 
Preliinijiaries 
of Revolution, 
85-87. 



The " Parson's 
Cause" (1763). 



Howard, Revo- 
lution, 90-101. 

Tyler, Henry, 
32-49. 



belonged to the aristocracy of the colonies. Loyalty to the 
king and a unity of interest made these officeholders a class 
of no mean importance in upholding within the colonies 
the authority of the English government. The influence 
of these officials was at all times considerable because of the 
great power conferred upon them, although the assemblies 
frequently hampered their work by refusing to vote money 
for their salaries. 

The judges, like the other appointed officials, were de- 
pendent on the assemblies for their salaries, but, as the 
judges were selected for life, and not during good behavior, 
as in England, this dependence was more apparent than real. 
To remove the judges entirely from the control of the people, 
the crown decreed in 1761 that they should be paid out of 
the king's land revenue. These instructions were resisted 
by the legislature of New York and disregarded by the gov- 
ernor of New Jersey. In both of these colonies a spirited 
contest ensued, 

118. Control of Colonial Legislation. — Although the 
people's representatives might manage the governor and his 
appointees, their laws might be set aside by the Board of 
Trade on the ground that they were unwise or contrary to 
the laws of England. A prominent instance of this use of 
the veto power is furnished in connection with the pay of the 
Virginia clergy. According to the law of that colony the 
clergymen were paid in tobacco, but, in 1755 and again in 
1758, tobacco being very scarce, the Virginia legislature 
gave the people permission to discharge all debts pay- 
able in tobacco at the rate of two pence of currency for each 
pound. This made it possible for a person to pay his debts 
at a small percentage of their real amount. The parishes 
accordingly took advantage of the law in paying their pas- 
tors. On complaints of the clergymen, the Board of Trade 
set aside the law of 1758 and announced that thereafter no 
law which repealed or altered an existing colonial law should 
go into effect until actually approved by the Board — a 
process that would take months at least and often two or 



i66o] The Old Colonial Policy of Englajid 131 

three years. The clergy at once began suit for the extra 
pay due them. One case was argued (1763) for the people 
by a hitherto unknown lawyer, Patrick Henry. In an 
eloquent appeal, Henry pressed the claim that the king, 
''by annulling or disallowing acts of so salutory a nature, 
from being the father of his people, degenerated into a 
tyrant, and forfeits all rights to his subjects' obedience." 
Persuaded by his eloquence, the jury fixed the amount of 
the damages at one penny. This was one of the first con- 
spicuous denials of the right of England to control colonial 
legislation through the power of vetoing bills. 

Laws passed by the colonial legislatures might also be Parliamentary 
annulled because they were superseded by an order issued ^^^s regarding 
by the Board of Trade or by a law enacted in parliament ^^^^^ money. 
for the benefit of the colonies. For example, in 1751, par- 
liament prohibited the issuance of paper money in the four pjlanciai Hist 
New England colonies, and in 1763 extended this prohibi- § n. 
tion to all of the colonies. Before those dates the people had 
insisted on the need of a cheap currency, and when the 
governors, in accordance with instructions from the Board 
of Trade, vetoed the paper money bills passed by the legis- 
latures, the assemblies retaliated by refusing to vote money 
for necessary expenditures, thus forcing the governors to 
sign the bills. The parliamentary law prevented the issuance 
of more paper money, but was a source of considerable 
irritation to the colonists. 

119. Early Acts of Trade (1660-1696). — (III) Although Law of 1660. 
there had been laws relating to American trade before the 
Restoration (1660), the system of restrictions on colonial MacDonaid, 
commerce really dates from the accession of Charles II. It Charters, 
was the purpose of this system to develop English trade and °^' ^^' ^^' 
industry, and indirectly to aid those occupations of the 
colonies which did not interfere with similar interests in Howard, /P^z-^- 
England. The first of these navigation acts, that of 1660, 
restricted colonial importations and exportations to ships 
built in Great Britain or the colonies, two thirds of whose 
crews were English subjects. This was in many ways an 



Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
VI. 5-8. 



Laws of 1663 
and 1672. 



MacDonald, 
Charters, 
Nos. 28, 34. 



Andrews, 
Col. Self- Gov't, 
19-21. 



General char- 
acter. 



Howard, Revo- 
lution, 57-61. 



132 



American History 



[1660 



advantage to the people of America, because it stimulated 
ship-building to such an extent that eventually more vessels 
were built in the northern colonies than in England. The f 
law of 1660 also gave a list of articles which could be ex- 
ported from the colonies to England alone, the most impor- 
tant of these ''enumerated articles" being tobacco. Although 
American tobacco enjoyed a practical monopoly of the Eng- 
lish markets after 1663, as the growth of tobacco in the Brit- 
ish Isles was prohibited and very heavy duties were levied on 
foreign tobaccos, this liriiitation of its market greatly re- 
duced the price in Virginia and was injurious to that colony. 

The law of 1663 was a much less reasonable act, passed 
for the benefit of English exporters. The colonies were no 
longer allowed to import goods direct from the continental 
European countries, even in English vessels. All products 
of these nations needed in America must first pass through 
the hands of English merchants, who shipped them to the 
colonies after adding their own profits to the original cost. 
The British government soon found that these acts of trade 
were being evaded by the shipment of enumerated articles to 
colonies in which they could not be produced, and exporta- 
tion from ports of the latter direct to continental Europe, 
from which goods were invariably brought back. In 1672, 
therefore, a law was passed by parliament forbidding free 
trade between the colonies in the enumerated articles by 
levying duties on intercolonial trade at the place of export. 

120. Later Restrictive Legislation (1696-1760). — After 
the Revolution of 1689 had settled the dispute between the 
Stuarts and parliament, more attention was given to colonial 
affairs. Few important alterations were made in the navi- 
gation acts, but the list of enumerated articles was lengthened 
and colonial manufacturing was in several instances pro- 
hibited for the benefit of British merchants or manufacturers. 
In order to make this policy seem less one-sided, bounties 
were offered for certain articles which England used but 
did not produce in sufficient quantities. 

One of the most important of the additions to the enu- 






1763J TJie Old Colonial Policy of England 133 

merated articles was that of rice. Before the colonists had Rice as an 
been obliged to ship all of their rice to England, the rice of enumerated 
South Carolina had control of the European market, but the 
extra freight required upon reshipment from England de- 
stroyed the profit and practically ruined the rice planta- 
tions of the South. After thirty years the law was repealed 
partially so as to allow the exportation of rice to countries 
south of Cape Finisterre. 

Restrictions on colonial manufactures were not numer- Restrictions on 
ous because manufacturing never reached an advanced "^^"^^actures. 
state in the colonies, but those that existed were unjust Lamed (ed,), 
and oppressive. To protect the wool growers and weavers ^^'^^y ^^f-* 
of England, the exportation of colonial manufactures of 
wool to England or to other colonies was forbidden. For ^^^^^^ /«^«> 
the benefit of English hat makers, no hats could be shipped 65-72. 
from the colonies. None but the crudest forms of iron might 

Lee fed.) 

be produced in America, although the colonists were en- ^ Atne'rica, 

couraged to send large quantities of bar iron to the mother ¥1,83-88. 
country. 

One of the most offensive acts of trade was passed for the Molasses Act 

benefit of the planters in the English West Indies, and (^733)- 

required that the continental colonies should import no ]yj^^,j)Qjj jj 

molasses from French or Spanish possessions unless they charters, 

paid almost prohibitive duties. As New England used large No- 5o- 
quantities of molasses, principally in the manufacture of 
rum, it was unwilling to give the increased prices that the °'^^' /^ 

Jamaica planters were able to ask for their molasses, and 82-83. 
systematically brought from the French and Spanish islands 
large quantities on which it paid no duties. 

121. General Effect of the Commercial System. — Disadvantages 

Unpleasant as this system of restrictions certainly was to the ^"^ advantages 
. . ^ . -^ . to colonists. 

colonists, it was much less arbitrary and oppressive than 

similar colonial regulations made by France and Spain for 

their American possessions. At that time colonies were Am. Revolution, 

expected to aid the mother country in disposing of her sur- 42-46. 

plus products and in developing her resources or industries. 

Although the acts of parliament were often selfish and 



134 



American History 



[1761 



Larned (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
V. 3180-3181. 



Smuggling. 



Coman, Ivdus- 
trial Hist., 82. 



Otis's plea 
against the 
writs. 

Amer. Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No. 33. 



unjust, they did not prevent the development of the English 
provinces except along certain lines. Probably one half 
of the carrying trade between Great Britain and America 
was in colonial vessels. Most of the productions of the North 
could be exported to any part of the world, and the ships 
never returned empty. A profitable commerce was per- 
mitted with the French West Indies. Bounties were paid 
for masts, naval stores, indigo, and a few other articles sent 
to England. Duties at English ports of entry were often 
reduced for the benefit of American productions, and, in 
some cases, as that of tobacco, the colonists enjoyed a 
monopoly of the home market. 

Of greater real significance than the favorable provisions 
of these laws of trade was the lax way in which they were 
administered. At first there were no custom houses, but 
even after these were established, the laws were not enforced. 
In spite of the provisions that the customs officials should 
be appointed by the governors or king, that they should not be 
dependent on the colonial assemblies for their salaries, and 
that revenue cases should be tried in special admiralty 
courts, the collectors of customs permitted the most open 
violation of the acts. The smugglers were sometimes per- 
mitted to land dutiable goods upon payment to the customs 
officials of an insignificant sum. During the administra- 
tions of Walpole and Newcastle in England, covering most 
of the reigns of George I and George II, there had been 
almost no interference with American commerce, and the 
expansion of colonial trade had been very great. Never- 
theless the abuses of the system were often serious, and 
could not be overlooked entirely by the successors of New- 
castle. 

122. The Writs of Assistance. — It was especially neces- 
sary to prevent smuggling because the people of New Eng- 
land had been persistently furnishing supplies to the French 
in Canada during the Seven Years' War. The prime min- 
ister, William Pitt, ordered the customs officials to stop 
this practice, but they found it impossible with the means at 



1763] The Old Colonial Policy of England 135 



their command. The collectors of revenue at Boston 
therefore applied (1761) to the Superior Court of Massachu- 
setts to grant them ''writs of assistance" — general search 
warrants which did not name the accused person nor de- 
scribe the goods to be seized. A protest made by the mer- 
chants of Boston against the issuance of these writs was 
argued for them by James Otis, who resigned his position 
as advocate general of the colony for that purpose. Otis 
not only claimed that the 
writs violated those rights 
to which the colonists were 
entitled "by the British 
constitution, as well as by 
the laws of nature, and their 
own provincial charters," 
but went so far as to deny 
that parliament had any 
right to pass an act of trade 
which levied a tax on the 
colonies. This argument 
created a profound im- 
pression. John Adams 
declared that it " breathed 
into this nation the breath 
of life." The court, however, held that the writs were 
not unconstitutional, but in order to remove possible doubt 
parliament in 1767 legalized the issuance of writs of 
assistance. 

The New British Colonial Policy (i 763-1 767) 

123. The Conditions in 1763. — As already stated, the 
close of the war with France and the transfer of Canada was 
the beginning of a new era. The enlargement of the British 
♦empire made the adoption of a new imperial policy inevi- 
Itable, and this policy would almost of necessity include some 
(means of reforming the irregularities in the older American 
colonies and the removal of the grossest abuses of colonial 




James Otis 



Tudor, Otis, 
52-88. 

Howard Revo- 
lutiojt, 70-83. 



Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 
VII, 177-181 



Imperial policy 
and opposition. 



Lecky, 

Am , Revolution, 

1-12. 



136 



American Histojy 



[1763 



Lee (ed.), 
N. America, 
VI, 3-8. 



George III and 
the " King's 
Friends." 



Howard, Revo- 
lution, 25-32. 





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administration. But however opportune colonial reform 
might be from this point of view, it was eminently unwise 
from two others, (i) It could not be carried into effect with- 
out arousing opposition in the colonies, as we can perceive 
easily from the preceding sections. The right of the Eng- 
lish government to use writs of assistance had been ques- 
tioned by Otis 
as early as 1761 
and Henry only 
voiced the wish of 
large numbers of 
colonists when he 
claimed that no 
colonial law could 
be set aside by 
the imperial au- 
thorities. (2) As 
the chief danger 
to the colonies — 
the presence of 
the French in 
Canada — had 
been removed by 
the war, colonial 
opposition w a s 
George III likely to develop 

into a serious breach with the mother country. Discerning 
statesmen, especially among the French, did not hesitate 
to predict that the acquisition of Canada by Britain would 
mean the loss of her older colonies. 

124. George III and his Ministers (1760-1782). — The 
character of the new king, George III, was favorable alike 
to a new policy and its unsuccessful administration. He 
was upright, sincere, and earnest, but without tact, narrow, 
and exceedingly obstinate. Coming to the throne (1760) 
with the determination that he should be the real ruler of 
Great Britain, he found it necessary to remove from power 



1763] The New British Colonial Policy 137 

the Whig aristocracy which had gained the ascendency Fiske, Am. 
during the reigns of his predecessors. To do this he gath- ^^^^^^«^''^«. 
ered a party of adherents who were known as the "King's 
friends " and who were sufficiently servile to do his bidding. 
During the first decade of his reign, party lines were almost 
destroyed by this policy of the king. In consequence, at 
a time when "great wisdom, moderation, and tact were 
needed if healthy relations were to be established between 
England and her colonies, unfortunately these qualities were 
conspicuously absent from English councils."^ 

In England from 1765 to 1783, a small minority were Contest over 
striving continually to prevent the king and his friends supremacy of 
from reestablishing the supremacy of the crown over par- 
' liament. At first they seemed to fail, for the ministry and 
I parliament were the tools of the king. Their final success 
! was due, in large measure, to the failure of the king and his 
i friends to carry through their colonial policy in America. 
*i 125. The Establishment of a Colonial Army (1763). — Plans for estab- 
' In 1763 the affairs of England were in charge of a cabinet I'^hmgan 

whose chief was George Grenville, an industrious statesman 
\ and a careful financier, withal a firm believer in the suprem- 
' acy of the empire. In accordance with plans formulated 
by the brilliant Charles Townshend and others of the king's vi, 15-17. 
friends as early as 1762, he first induced parliament to 
establish twenty regiments, with a total of ten thousand men, 
in America for the purpose of protecting the colonies from 
any possible uprising of the French or the Indians and of 
looking after imperial interests in the new world. The ex- 
pense of this undertaking was at this time to be paid from 
the British treasury, with the understanding that it should 
be borne later in part by the colonies themselves. 

England had increased her debt during the war from Needofregu- 
£70,000,000 to ;^i4o,ooo,ooo and was heavily burdened ^^^"^"^y- 
(with taxes to pay the running expenses of the government 
and the interest on the debt. It seemed only just therefore ^gyoiution ' 
that the colonies should pay at least a share of the cost of 57-59. 

^ Lecky (Woodburn, ed.), American Revolution, p. 104. 



army. 



Winsor (ed.), 
America, 



138 



America u History 



[1763 



American 
dread of an 
army. 



Purpose, pro- 
visions, 
enforcement. 



MaoDonald, 
Charti-rs, 
No. 56. 

Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
90-92. 

Howard, Ret-o- 
liition, 102-120. 



this army. To the ministry, an army appeared necessary 
as no dependence could be placed on the colonial militia 
except within a colony actually threatened with danger. 
This opinion was probably correct, for during the con- 
spiracy of Pontiac (1763), when the whole western frontier 
was threatened, only a few colonies could be induced to 
furnish troops. 

But the Americans, having voted money and men without 
stint during the war, opposed a military establishment for 
two reasons. They wished to avoid the expense, and they 
hated the thought of an English army in America. They 
believed that the militia could be called out at a moment's 
notice and served every purpose. An army was in their 
opinion much less necessary for their protection than before 
the late war, when raids by the French and Indians were 
constantly to be dreaded. In short the army itself, although 
located in the recently acquired provinces, was offensive 
as a possible means of repressing colonial liberty, and colo- 
nial distrust was intensified by the methods used for its 
payment. 

126. The Sugar Act of 1764. — Grenville intended to pay 
part of the expenses of this army by the more rigid enforce- 
ment of the laws of trade (§§ 119, 120), and later by a tax on 
the colonies. After investigating the subject of customs 
administration in America, he learned that the custom houses 
cost five times as much as the total revenue from duties. 
Accordingly he arranged first that all naval vessels of Great 
Britain should aid the customs officials in enforcing the un- 
popular navigation acts. Later he secured the passage of 
a new Sugar Act which reduced the duties on molasses 
imported from non-English colonies to three pence per 
gallon and on sugar to two and one half shillings per hun- 
dred pounds, hoping thus to discourage smuggling and 
secure large revenues. To counteract the opposition to this 
measure, a practical monopoly of the whale fisheries was 
given to American seamen, and bounties were oft'ered for 
the cultivation of flax and hemp. The enforcement of the 



1765] TJie New British Colonial Policy 139 

act would have interfered greatly with the trade in fish which 
New England carried on with the West Indies, would have 
reduced the supply of specie which the shippers always 
brought back with them, and would have increased the price 
of liquors distilled from molasses so that the rum industry of 
the northern colonies would have suffered greatly. The 
opposition that was aroused in New England by these threat- 
ened dangers may be imagined easily. 

127. The Stamp Act. — Grenville relied much more on a Proposal and 

' stamp tax for the necessary revenue. In 1764 he proposed protest. 
a tax similar to one then in use in England, giving the colo- 

. nies until the next session of parliament to suggest a better Lecky, Am. 

^ . . 1 Tx 11-1 • 1 1 Revolution, 

means of raismg the money. He was not left long m doubt ^ 
I as to the feelings of the colonists. Neither king nor parlia- 
I ment had previous to this time attempted to levy an internal Ho^^rd R v 
I colonial tax for any purpose, and the colonies claimed that lution, 121-135 

one of the fundamental rights of Englishmen, to which 
I they were entitled, was the exclusive right of the people's 
I representatives to raise revenue through taxation. In one 
I colony, Pennsylvania, the charter gave parliament the power 
\ of taxation, but this had never been exercised. Walpole 

had been wise enough to reject a proposal that he tax the 
I colonies. He is reported to have said, "I have old England 
I set against me by this measure, and do you think I will have 
j new England, too?" But Grenville, more financier than 
' statesman, was blind to the consequences of taxing America. 
i Protests came in from several of the colonial assemblies, but 

this he expected. The colonial agents in London met the 
j prime minister, and Benjamin Franklin requested him to 

make requisitions of the colonies for the sums needed. 

*'Can you agree," asked Grenville, "on the proportions 

each colony should raise?" As the agents were unable 

to give a satisfactory reply, Grenville clung to his original 

plan. 
The Stamp Act for the purpose of ''defraying the expenses Provisions. 

of defending, protecting, and securing" the colonies was 

passed by parliament practically without opposition in March, 



I40 



American Histoiy 



[1765 



MacDonald, 
Chcirters, 
No. 57. 

Howard, Rez'O- 
lution, 135-139. 



Quartering Act 
(1705)- 



MacDonald 
Chartc-;s, 
No. 58. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
n. No. 13Q. 

Lecky, Am. 
Resolution, 
79-S4. 

Howard, Revo- 
lution, 149-154. 



1765.^ It required that all pamphlets, newspapers, deeds, 
wills, licenses, court papers, and many other legal docu- 
ments should be printed or made out on stamped paper, sold 
by distributers appointed for the purpose. All cases arising 
under the act were to be tried in the admiralty courts with- 
out juries. 

A month later parliament passed the Quartering Act, 
which supplemented the Stamp Act as a measure for meeting 

military expenses, by 
compelling the colo- 
nists to supply the 
troops with quarters, 
and with bedding, 
cooking utensils, fire, 
candles, vinegar, salt, 
and beer. 

128. Reception of 
the Stamp Act. — As 
the Stamp Act did 
not go into effect until 
November i, there 
was at first compar- 
atively Httle excite- 
ment. Late in ^lay, however, Patrick Henry, who had 
won considerable local fame in the ''Parsons Cause" 
(§ iiS), introduced in the Virginia legislature several 
resolutions asserting that the general assembly, subject 
to the veto of the crown, had the exclusive right of tax- 
ation. These resolutions were adopted after a heated 
debate. Other assemblies voiced their opposition, but 
quiet reigned for two months, until the names of the stamp 
distributers were announced. Then the storm broke. 
Mob violence compelled most of the distributers to resign. 
In Boston the people destroyed the homes of Oliver, sec- 
retary of the province and distributer in chief, Hutchinson, 
the lieutenant governor, and of several others. Whenever 

* The vote in the House of Commons was 205 to 49. 




Patkick Henkv 



1765] TJic Nciv Brit is Ji Colonial Policy 141 

ships arrived with stamps and stamped paper, these were 
seized or destroyed. In all of the northern colonies the 
younger element organized for active resistance under the 
name of the ''Sons of Liberty," with the motto, "Liberty, 
Property, and no Stamps." When the first of November 
came there were neither stamps nor officials for their distri- 
bution in any colony. Newspapers, which were supposed 
to bear stamps, appeared with a death's head in the place 
left for stamps. Business was at a standstill. Even the 
governors and the courts soon realized that the law was a 
dead letter, and accordingly official documents were drawn 
up by government employees on ordinary paper, as no 
stamped paper could be obtained. 

129. The Stamp Act Congress. — ^leanwhile the colonies Declaration of 
I had been protesting against the Stamp Act in a much ^'2^^^- 
• more dignified and lawful way. Early in June the Massa- 
chusetts legislature had asked the other colonies to meet MacDonaid, 
I in Congress and consider the best means of solving their -^^ ' 
I difficulties. On October 7, 1765, delegates from nine colonies 
\ held sessions in New York and adopted a Declaration of „ , „ 

I ^ Howard, Reva- 

\ Rights which denounced the Stamp Act as illegal. After lution, 145-149, 
! asserting their allegiance to the king and ''all due subor- 154-157- 
dination to that august body, the parliament of Great Brit- 
ain," they claimed for themselves the rights of Englishmen, Frothingham, 
including the one "that no taxes be imposed on them but a^'^ J^' 
with their own consent, given personally, or by their repre- 
sentatives." They asserted further "that the people of 

, . , r , . , , . Lamed (ed.) 

these colonies are not, and, from their local circumstances, j^^ady Re/., 
cannot, be represented in the house of commons in Great V, 3190-3191. 
Britain. That the only representatives of the people of 
these colonies are persons chosen therein by themselves, 
and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitutionally 
imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures." 
They claimed also right of trial by jury and protested against 
j the injustice of the acts of trade. Several days later the 
j Congress approved potions to the king and to the houses 
of parliament. 



142 



American History 



[1765 



Reasons for 
repeal. 



Debate on 
repeal. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, II, 
Nos. 142-144. 



Howard, Revo- 
lution, 158-173. 



Lecky, Am. 
Revolution, 
84-94. 



Declaratory 
act (1766). 



130. The Repeal of the Stamp Act. — The colonies fur- 
ther expressed their objections to the Stamp Act by refusing 
to order goods from England or pay their debts to Enghsh 
merchants, on the ground that the Stamp Act had inter- 
fered seriously with business. When parliament assembled 
in December, 1765, therefore, very great pressure was brought 
to bear on that body. The protests of the colonies were 
presented, the absolute impossibility of enforcing the act 
was emphasized, and the requests of the British merchants 
for its repeal were considered. 

During the summer of 1765, the ministry of Grenville had 
been superseded by an opposition cabinet under Rock- 
ingham.^ The majority of this cabinet favored repeal, but 
hesitated to weaken British authority in America by granting 
the colonial claims. They finally advocated repeal. When 
the question came up in parliament, the late prime minister, 
Grenville, argued strongly that if the colonists objected to 
internal taxation because they w^ere not represented in par- 
liament, they would soon refuse to pay external taxes in the 
form of navigation duties. Later they would deny the 
right of parliament to make any laws whatever for them. 
If England yields now, he said, she will never be able to 
regain her authority in America. The colonial position was 
upheld by Pitt, who had already asserted the right of the 
colonies to tax themselves. "I rejoice," he said, "that 
America has resisted." For several weeks the debates con- 
tinued, and during this time Franklin was examined in 
the house of commons concerning the state of affairs in 
America. His answ^ers probably had a very decisive in- 
fluence because they showed the impossibility of enforcing 
a stamp act. 

When the Stamp Act was repealed in March, 1766, par- 
liament passed the Declaratory Act which asserted that 
the colonies are "subordinate unto, and dependent upon 
the imperial crown and parliament of Great Britain, and 



^ The Stamp Act had nothing whatever to do with this change of 
ministries. 



1766] The New British Colonial Policy 143 

that the King's majesty, by and with the advice and consent MacDonaid, 
of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great ^^^!^^' 
Britain, in parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right 
ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and 
statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies 
and people of America, subjects of the crown of Great 
Britain, in all cases whatsoever." 

131. English and American Ideas of Representation. — Representation 
During the discussions on the Stamp Act in America and ^^^ suffrage m 
England, the differences between the English and American 
ideas of representation were brought out with considerable 
clearness. It will be well to examine the question because 
the Americans claimed that they were being taxed without 
representation, while the English denied that the Stamp 
Act provided ''taxation without representation." At this 
time the house of commons w^as composed of over five 
hundred members from England and Wales, less than one 
hundred of whom were elected by the counties, the remainder 
being chosen from boroughs. These boroughs had gained 
centuries before the right to elect members and at least one 
half were at this time unimportant.^ For this reason a large 
proportion of those composing the house of commons were 
appointed practically by a few hundred persons of wealth 
and influence. Most of the others were chosen by a very 
limited number of voters, for the franchise in the boroughs 
was very restricted, and in the counties, none but landowners 
— at this time a very select class — enjoyed the elective 
franchise. Moreover the new towns of the North were totally 
unrepresented. 

According to the English view, every member of par- Virtual repre- 
liament represented the entire empire, the colonies as well 
as the British Isles. During the debate on repeal, this 



^ Several attempts were made soon after to abolish the rotten boroughs 
and reform the representation in parliament, but even in 1832, when the 
great Reform Bill was under discussion, the suggestion that representation 
should be territorial and according to population was scorned as an 
"American idea." 



sentation. 



144 



American History 



[1766 



Lecky, A7n. 
Revolution, 
75-79. 



Territorial 
representation 
in America. 



Provisions. 



Macdonald, 
Charters, 
Nos. 61-64, 



view was stated by Mansfield, the able chief justice. There 
can be no doubt "that the inhabitants of the colonies are as 
much represented in parliament as the greatest part of the 
people of England are represented, among nine millions 
of whom there are eight who have no votes in electing mem- 
bers of parliament." He claimed that there was no differ- 
ence between "virtual and actual representation," and that 
any attempt to make such distinction would alter the British 
constitution. 

The American idea of representation was entirely differ- 
ent. The colonial assemblies were composed of represent- 
atives from towns, in the North, or counties, in the South. 
No territory was thought to be represented unless it actually 
elected and sent to the assemblies members chosen by popu- 
lar vote. The franchise — although limited to landowners 
and very restricted according to our present notions — I was 
much more liberal than that of England because in America 
most of the heads of families owned land. 

132. The Townshend Acts, 1767. — For nearly a year 
the relations between England and the colonies were almost 
cordial. Then a new series of measures for colonial 
control were introduced by Charles Townshend, an ardent 
advocate of imperial supremacy and the ruling member 
of the new ministry to which that of Rockingham had given 
place, (i) The first of these laws provided for duties on 
glass, lead, painters' colors, paper, and tea. Townshend 
hoped, by avoiding any form of internal taxation, to gain a 
revenue without arousing colonial opposition.^ (2) All 
revenue raised under this customs law was to be used for the 
purpose of paying the governors and judges in the colonies 
in order that they might be independent of the assemblies. 
In a day, therefore, the colonies lost a right for which many 



^ This act was connected with one reducing the land tax in England 
from four shillings to three shillings a pound. Merchants exporting tea 
to America were allowed for five years a drawback of the shilling a pound 
paid at English ports of entry, so that tea was sold cheaper in America 
than in England. 



'^l^'j'^ The New BritisJi Colonial Policy 145 

of them had contended a half century (§ 87). (3) For the 
proper enforcement of this act, writs of assistance were 
legaHzed. (4) A board of commissioners was appointed to 
supervise the administration of all navigation acts. (5) About 
the same time the assembly of New York was forbidden 
to make any laws until that province complied with the terms 
of the quartering act of 1765 (§ 127), which it hitherto had 
refused to do. 

In the fall of 1767 Townshend died, but the ministry Cabinet 

maintained his policy, and the cabinet changes that took changes 

(1767-1782) 
place were favorable to the full maintenance of imperial au- 
thority. In 1770 Lord North, an amiable and peace-loving 
man, but a willing tool of the king, became prime minister, a 
position which he held until the close of the Revolutionary 
War (1782). 

During the years from 1763 to 1767 a new colonial system Summary of 
had been created. This was not so much the result of a ^^^ "^^ ^°'°' 
definite fixed policy as the outgrowth of the spasmodic at- 
tempts on the part of the English ministers to make the 
colonies pay a part of the expenses incurred for their pro- 
tection, with a general intent to strengthen British authority 
in America. Marked by an .invasion of the rights which the 
colonists held most dear, this new colonial system must be 
considered most unwise. Possibly any attempt to reform 
the abuses of colonial administration would have ended as 
disastrously, but certainly care should have been taken to 
avoid antagonizing the colonies by selecting the least ob- 
jectionable instead of the most offensive measures. 

Disorder and Organized Opposition (i 767-1 775) 

133. The Reception of the Townshend Acts. — As might Change of 
easily have been foreseen, the Townshend Acts were not ^°l°^^^^ ^i^^^- 
acceptable to the colonists. The old distinction between 
external and internal taxation was now ignored ; the col- ^^^J^^ is^-iV 
onists supported the view that all taxation for the benefit of 
England was unjust and unconstitutional. In most of the 



146 



American History 



[1767 



Circular letter 
of Massachu- 
setts. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 65. 

Fiske, 

Am. Rez'olu- 

fion, 1 , 47-50. 

Frothingham, 

Republic, 

211-231. 



Boston *' Mas- 
sacre" (1770). 

Lecky, Am. 
Rc"-o!ufion, 
iiS, 126-131. 

Howard, Rez-o- 
I lit ion, 193- 1 9S, 
202-205. 



Fiske, Am. Rn'- 
('/«.''/i'«, 1,51-52, 
57-59, 66-72. 



Non-importa- 
tion agreement 
(1769). 

Howard, Revo- 
lution, 19S-201. 



colonies organizations were suggested for the non-importa- 
tion of British manufactures. 

The Massachusetts assembly, which was now for a number 
of years under the influence of that adroit leader, Samuel 
Adams, issued in February, 1768, a circular letter to the 
colonies, asking their cooperation in protesting against the 
Townshend acts, and sent a petition to the king and ad- 
dresses to the people of Great Britain. The circular letter 
was so ofl'ensive to the British government that all of the 
governors were instructed to prevent their assemblies from 
giving it consideration and Massachusetts was ordered to 
rescind it. By a vote of ninety-two to seventeen the house 
of representatives in Massachusetts refused to rescind, and 
was immediately dissolved, as were the assemblies in several 
other colonies 

134. Growing Disorder (i 768-1 770). — For the purpose 
of enforcing the Townshend Acts and other navigation laws 
in Massachusetts, troops were now sent to Boston. Before 
their arrival, the customs officials seized (176S) the sloop 
Liberty whose officers were accused of smuggling. The 
vessel was rescued by a mob and two additional regiments 
were ordered to Boston. Disputes arose regarding the 
quartering of these troops. In March, 1770, the citizens 
and some soldiers came to blows in the streets of Boston. 
The soldiers at length fired upon the citizens, killing five 
and wounding six others. A meeting was called at once, 
and at the request of Samuel Adams, Governor Hutchinson 
removed all the regiments to a fort in the harbor. Several 
of the soldiers were tried in a local court, being defended 
by John Adams and Josiah Quincy. All were acquitted 
but two. 

The result of this trial is the more noteworthy because 
of the furore produced in 1769, after the Liberty affair, 
by the attempt of the British government to revive an old 
law of Henry WU, according to which crimes committed 
outside of the realm should be tried in England. When 
tlie house of commons favored this, the Mru;inia bur2;esses 



^773] Disorder and Organized Opposition 147 

protested against it and persuaded the leojislatures in several Coman, Indus- 
other colonies to do the same. The non-importation agree- 
ments were renewed in several colonies and this boycott „ . . , 

•' tTotningnam, 

exerted a considerable influence on the repeal of the Town- Republic, 

shend revenue act (1770). 231-241. 

135. The Committees of Correspondence (1772- 1 773). — Goj/^^aifair 
For two or three years comparative quiet reigned in America.^ (1772). 

In 1772, however, a British revenue cutter, the Gas pee ^ 

whose commander had been enforcmg the navigation laws devolution, 

in Narragansett Bay with far more zeal than judgment, 136-138. 

ran aground near Providence. The citizens of that town 

immediately seized and burned the ship. Enraged by this 

act the British government appointed a commission to 

investigate the Gaspee affair. According to a law passed 

early in 1772, any person who destroyed imperial property 

was guilty of treason. Under this law the offenders if 

captured were to be taken to England for trial. 

In Massachusetts, Samuel Adams had already organized Town and 
a number of town committees of correspondence which were colonial com- 

1 . !• 1 • • r • • A 1 • mittees. 

keeping alive the spirit of opposition. As soon as the in- 
structions of the Gaspee commission became known, the ^ ^dams 
Virginia house of burgesses adopted resolutions proposed 196-206. 
by Thomas Jefferson, for the appointment of colonial com- Y\ske, 
mittees of correspondence. Rhode Island, Connecticut, Am. Revoiu- 
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and South Carolina re- ^'^'^' ^" ^^~^^^• 
sponded by appointing similar committees, the beginning Frothmgham, 

,., .1 i-ii*i Republic, 

of an intercolonial organization that was of the highest 265-290. 
value in the perfection of a colonial union. 

136. The Tea Tax. — Influenced by the petitions of History 
English merchants whose business had suffered from the 
non-importation agreements of 1767 and 1769, and by the 
lack of revenue produced by the Townshend act, parlia- 



^ This was not true of North Carolina. Some frontiersmen called 
"regulators," who believed that justice had been denied to them, refused 
to pay taxes and attempted to gain their asserted rights by force of arms. 
They were finally defeated by Governor Tryon in the battle of the Ala- 
mance (1774). 



(1770- 1773). 



148 



American History 



[1773 



Howard, Revo- 
lution, 266-269. 

Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 

VII, 157-159- 



Boston Tea 
Party (1773)- 

Hart, Contetn- 
poraries, 
II, No. 152. 

Frothingham, 

Republic, 

303-312. 

Old South 
Leaflets, 
No. 68. 



Punishment of 
Massachusetts. 



MacDonald, 
Charters, 
Nos. 68-71. 

Howard, Rez'o- 
lution, 272-279. 



Lecky, Am. 
Rez'olution, 
164-170. 



ment had in 1770 repealed all of the duties except that on 
tea. This was maintained for the purpose of asserting the 
right of parliament to tax the colonies, but it was valueless 
as a source of revenue, because the colonists either refrained 
from drinking tea or smuggled it from Holland. In 1773 
the East India company, being in financial straits, asked 
parliament for permission to send tea ditect to America, 
paying the colonial tax of three pence per pound only, and 
being reHeved of the one shilling tax at EngHsh ports of 
entry. When this was granted, tea was immediately shipped 
to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. 

At Boston meetings were held to prevent the landing of 
the tea, and when the ships arrived, a number of patriots 
were placed on guard over the vessels. As the ships re- 
mained in the harbor and it was the intention to land the 
tea December 17, on the preceding evening a band of about 
fifty men dressed as Indians boarded both ships and threw 
the tea into the water. There was no tumult and no at- 
tempt to prevent this action. At Philadelphia, and later at 
New York, the vessels were sent back to England at once. 
The tea was landed at Charleston, only to be sold after the 
outbreak of war for the benefit of the patriots. 

137. The Repressive Acts (i774)- — The rejoicing in 
America and the indignation in England on account of the 
Boston Tea Party were ahke universal. On both sides of 
the water the people were becoming more united. Within 
a few months several measures were passed by parliament 
for the purpose of punishing Massachusetts, but with the 
result of uniting the colonies much more firmly, (i) The 
first of these was the Boston Port Bill which closed Boston 
harbor to commerce and made Marblehead the port of en- 
try for the colony. (2) The most important of these acts 
was that altering the charter of Massachusetts. The coun- 
cil was in future to be chosen by the crown, and all local 
executive or judicial officers were to be selected by the 
governor or the highest judges. Sheriffs, themselves 
appointees of the governor, were to choose jurymen, and no 



1774] Disorder a?id Organi::ed Opposition 



149 



town meetings were to be held without the consent of the 
governor, except for the annual election of town officers. 
(3) All persons in government employ who were charged 
with murder were to be tried in another colony or in Great 
Britain. (4) Troops were quartered on the inhabitants of 
Boston. (5) By the new Quebec Act the boundaries of that 
province were extended to the Mississippi, on the west, and 
the Ohio on the south, and the allegiance of its inhabitants 
was strengthened by 
reviving the old 
French civil law and 
granting new privi- 
leges to the Catholic 
church. 

138. The First Con- 
tinental Congress 
(1774). — This coer- 
cion of Massachusetts 
had been attempted in the belief that severe measures 
were needed and that the opposition to British authority 
was confined almost solely to that province. The falseness 
of this impression w^as soon evident. Sympathy and 
offers of help came to Boston from all quarters. Delegates 
for a continental Congress were chosen by the assemblies 
or committees of correspondence in all of the thirteen 
colonies except Georgia. On September 5, 1774, the 
Congress met at Philadelphia with fifty-three delegates 
present, among them the ablest of the American leaders.^ 

The Congress adopted a Declaration of Rights asserting 
that as the colonies are not, and cannot be, represented in 
parliament, ''they are entitled to a free and exclusive power 
of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where 
their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all 




Meeting. 

Howard, Revo- 
lution, 280-287. 



Wilson, 

A7n. People, II, 

193-199. 



Work. 



MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 72. 



' ^ These included John and Samuel Adams of Massachusetts, Roger 
Sherman of Connecticut, John Jay of New York, George Washington, 
Patrick Henry, Peyton Randolph, and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, 
and John Rutledge of South Carolina. 



so 



American History 



[1774 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, II, 
No. 153. 

Howard, Revo- 
lution, 287-294. 

American 
Association. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No. 73. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, II, 
No. 154. 

Concluding 
work. 



Continued 
policy of coer- 
cion. 



North's plan of 
conciliation. 



cases of taxation and internal polity, subject alone to the 
negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been 
heretofore used and accustomed." The Congress con- 
ceded, however, the right of parliament to regulate external 
trade if no duties were levied. 

A little later the members of the Congress organized an 
''American Association," to carry out non-importation agree- 
ments. A committee was to be selected for each town which 
should supervise the action of all citizens and organize 
resistance to British domination. The union of the colonies 
was accomplished at last. 

Having drawn up a petition to the king and addresses 
to the colonists, to the Canadians, and to the people of Great 
Britain, the Congress made provision for another Congress 
to meet in May, 1775, and adjourned. 

139. The Inevitableness of War. — News of the opposi- 
tion to the acts of parliament and warlike preparations in 
New England created a profound impression in Great 
Britain. With the exception of the small body of Whigs 
who had consistently supported the colonial position, the, 
country was overwhelmingly in favor of punishing the 
refractory spirit among ''our subjects in America." George 
III probably voiced the popular belief in his w^ords, "I 
have not the smallest douDt, when once vigorous measures 
appear to be the only means left of bringing the Americans 
to a due submission to the mother country, that the colonies 
will submit." Parliament refused to consider the petitions 
of Congress to the king, repeatedly voted down concessive 
measures proposed by the Whigs, shut New England off 
from the fisheries, which had been an important source of 
revenue to the people, prohibited the New England colonies, 
and afterward most of the others, from trading with Great 
Britain or her other colonies, declared Massachusetts in 
rebellion, and voted six thousand additional men for sup- 
pressing this rebellion. 

Parliament was persuaded with difficulty to indorse Lord 
North's suggestions for conciliation. By the prime minister's 



i 



1775] Disorder and OrgaJiized Opposition 151 

plan, England agreed to forego the taxation of America Lecky, Ajh 

Revolution, 
198-200. 



Republic, 
411-413. 



war. 



Republic, 
413-419. 



except by commercial duties, so long as each colony con- 
tributed a fixed amount satisfactory to parliament for the 
support of the army and colonial officials. At the same time, Frothingham, 
North informally suggested to Franklin that the English 
government might be willing to repeal the tea tax and the 
Boston Port Bill, but not the Massachusetts Government Act. 

Lord North's plan met with no favor in America, and his Preparation for 
suggestions drew immediately the reply from Franklin :" The 
people of Massachusetts must suffer all the hazards and 
mischiefs of war, rather than admit the alterations of their Frothingham, 
charter and laws by parliament." Massachusetts had 
already held a provincial congress, which was a revolutionary 
body because it was not chosen according to the new govern- American 
ment act, and had made careful preparations for defense by Eloquence, 
organizing the militia and gathering munitions of war. A ' ^ ~^^' 
few of the other colonies as well made ready for hostilities, 
f and it was generally believed that war was inevitable, though Winsor (ed.), 
little had been said on the subject, when, in March, 1775, yj j' J22 
Patrick Henry startled the people of the colonies by his 
public declaration, ''We must fight ! I repeat it, sir, we must 
fight ! An appeal to arms, and to the God of hosts, is all 
that is left us." 

140. Summary. — Before 1763 the English government Contrast be- 
had done verv little toward controlling her colonies in Amer- *^^'^^" *,^^ ^'.'^ 

colonial policy 

ica. A few officials were appointed to represent Great and the new. 
Britain in the colonies. In many instances colonial laws 
had been set aside and parliament had made special laws 
regulating the trade or industry of the American provinces, 
but this supervision or control did not interfere seriously with 
government by the people in most of the colonies. After 
1763 the English statesmen desired to regulate American 
affairs by compelling the colonists to pay part of the expense 
incurred for their defense. First by the Sugar Act (1764) 

ithey aroused New England by interfering with business in 
that section. Then the Stamp Act brought all of the older 
colonies into direct opposition to the English government. 



152 American History 

Repeal of this act was followed by a milder method of taxa- 
tion, by which the friends of the king sought to gain a more 
perfect control of American affairs. 
The crisis Both the English and the colonists had gone too far now 

precipitated. ^^ withdraw easily. When the people of Boston protested 
against the attempt to enforce imperial control through the 
sale of tea, and the English government sought to punish 
the city of Boston and the colony of Massachusetts, the union 
of the colonies was assured. Unwise counsels overruled 
conciliatory plans, and feeling both in England and Amer- 
ica became so bitter that a clash was avoidable only through 
the complete surrender of one side. 



TOPICS 

1. Character and Policy of George III: Hart, "Contempo- 
raries," II, No. 130; Fiske, "American Revolution," I, pp. 38-45; 
Lecky, "England in the Eighteenth Centun'," III, pp. 11-25; 
Trevelyan, "American Revolution," I, pp. 30-33, 85-go. 

2. The Repressive Acts of 1774: MacDonald, "Charters," 
Nos. 68-71 ; Frothingham, "Rise of the Republic," pp. 317-327, 344- 
358; Trevelyan, "American Revolution," I, pp. 175-203. 

STFDIES 

1. Union before 1750. (Frothingham, "Rise of the Republic," 
pp. 109-120.) 

2. Otis's speech on the writs of assistance. (Johnston (Wood- 
burn) eds. "American Eloquence," I, pp. 11-17.) 

3. Chatham's speech on Taxation of America. ("British Ora- 
tions," I, pp. 98-119.) 

4. Mansfield's speech on Taxation and Representation. (" British 
Orations," I, pp. 150-171.) 

5. Franklin's examination before the house of commons (1766). 
(Earned, "Histon,' for Ready Reference," V, pp. 3 192-3201.) 

6. Dickinson's Farmers Letters. (Tyler, "Literary History of 
American Revolution," I, pp. 234-239.) 

7. The West during the period of 1767 to 1775. (Howard, 
"Preliminaries of the Revolution," pp. 222-241.) 

8. The North Carolina regulators. 

9. Lord Dunmore's War. (Roosevelt, "Winning oi the West," 
I, Chapters VHI and IX.) 



The Beginnings of Revolution {1763-1775) 153 



QUESTIONS 

1. What was the European idea of a colony? (Thwaites, 
"Colonies," §§ 18-22). Compare with the Greek and the Roman 
ideas. Compare the English rule with Spanish rule (Moses, " Spanish 
Rule" pp. 17-26). 

2. What were the chief political features of the old colonial sys- 
tem, in royal colonies? in other colonies? To what extent were the 
colonies actually governed by England through the different means 
enumerated in §§ 115-118 ? 

3. What were the principal commercial features of the old colonial 
system? Was the system theoretically unjust? Was it oppressive 
in practice ? 

4. Why was a new colonial" system adopted during the period 
1 763-1 767 ? How was the Sugar Act of 1 764 different from the earlier 
laws of trade, in its purpose and in the methods proposed for its en- 
forcement ? 

5. Had the colonies a legal right to exemption from taxation by 
parliament ? Explain your answer and state as fully as possible the 
American claim. 

6. What provisions of the Townshend Acts violated American 
principles of government, and in what ways ? 

7. Did the English government have sufficient cause for passing 
the repressive acts of 1774? Which was the most offensive of the 
acts ? Why ? Why did they influence the action of the other colonies 
if they applied only to Massachusetts ? 

8. Compare the congresses of 1765, 1774, and 1775 as to reasons 
for which they were called, number of colonies represented, method 
of choosing delegates (see Howard, "Revolution," pp. 154, 282), 
degree of unity shown, work of the congress, and influence on per- 
manent union. Make table. 

9. What is a revolution? Show the difference between a social 
revolution and a political revolution? (Ashley, "American Federal 
State," § 36.) Is it true that a "revolution is a successful rebellion" ? 

ID. What was the fundamental cause of the revolution ? Name the 
successive changes in British policy which led directly to separation 
from England, showing how each change marks an advance on the 
policy in force previously. 



Lexington and 
Concord. 



Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
I, 1 17-127. 



Lodge, 
Story 0/ Rev., 

I. 25-52. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 

II, No. 191. 



Bunker Hill. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR (1775-1783) 
Revolt and Independence 

141. Events around Boston (1775). — In the spring of 
1775 General Gage, governor of Massachusetts, determined 
to capture the military stores which had been gathered at 
various points near Boston by the companies of militia, 
"minute men" as they were called. Early on the morn- 
ing of April 19, eight hundred men were dispatched secretly 

to Concord, sixteen miles from 
Boston. But the Americans 
were on the alert and Paul 
Revere aroused the "minute 
men," about seventy of whom 
met the British vanguard at 
Lexington. Upon this com- 
pany the regulars fired, kill- 
ing seven — the first blood- 
shed of the war. Marching on 
to Concord the British seized the town and the bridge, at which 
a skirmish was fought, but most of the stores were removed, 
and finally the soldiers were obliged to retreat before the 
ever increasing number of militiamen. Although reen- 
forced at Lexington, their retreat was humiliating and dis- 
astrous, as the "minute men" fired at them from behind 
every tree and fence. Within a short time, a force of fif- 
teen hundred Americans had gathered around Boston. 

In order to protect Boston more adequately, General 
Gage decided to fortify the hills on Charlestown peninsula 
which commanded both the city and the harbor. Before 
this could be done, Colonel Prescott, with six cannon 

154 




Am. Revolu- 
tion, 202-205, 



1775] Revolt mtd Independeyice 155 

and a force of about fifteen hundred, seized Breed's Lecky, 
Hill on the night of June 16, 1775, and threw up earth- 
works. At daybreak the war vessels in the harbor began 
bombardment, and General Gage, ignoring the possibilities 
of cutting off the American retreat, ordered Howe to make devolution 
a front attack with three thousand soldiers. When the i, 136-146. 
British charged up the sides of the hill, the militiamen 
reserved their fire, their supply of ammunition being lim- Carrington, 
ited. A first time and a second the British line withdrew Battles, 
from the withering fire, but the Americans' ammunition was ^°^~"5- 
already giving out, and the third assault was successful. 
Fortunately the militiamen were able to withdraw in fair 
order though with considerable loss across Charlestown 
"neck." The British force lost over a thousand men, killed 
and wounded, and General Howe, who was soon after made 
commander in chief for America, ever after displayed 

1 particular fondness for flank attacks. The moral effect of 
this English victory w^as undoubtedly with the American side, 
for it showed the ability of raw troops to meet a much larger 
number of regulars, and was correspondingly encouraging to 

\ the colonists and disheartening to the British. 

142. The War on the Northern Border (i 775-1 776). — Ticonderoga 
As soon as the news of Concord and Lexington reached the 
Green Mountain Boys" in Vermont, they attacked and 
easily captured the important forts of Ticonderoga and 1,129-132 
Crown Point on Lake Champlain (May 10, 1775). 

Later in the summer an invasion of Canada was planned, invasion of 
One expedition under Richard Montgomery proceeded up Canada. 
Lake Champlain, captured Montreal, and united before 
Quebec with a division under Benedict Arnold, which had Fiske, Am. 
forced its way, after almost inconceivable hardships, through 
the woods of Maine. An attack upon Quebec in a snow- 
jstorm, December 31, 1775, resulted in the death of Mont- 
'j^omery and consequent confusion and defeat. The failure 
f the expedition against Canada, much as success might V, 3228-3229. 
ave encouraged the colonists, was not an unmixed misfor- 
une. With their imperfect military organization and lack 



Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 



Revolution, 
I, 165-169 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 



156 



A^nerican History 



[1775 



Siege of 
Boston. 



Van Tyne, 
Revolution, 
42-49. 



Lecky, Am. 
Revolution, 
226-234. 

Old South 
Leaflets, "i^o.Zb, 



Capture of 
Boston. 

Lodge, 
Story of Rev., 
I, 110-117. 

Carrington, 

Battles, 

147-154- 

War in the 
South (1776), 



of munitions of war the Americans were illy prepared to 
assume the offensive and could not afford to separate their 
forces. With the coming of summer, moreover, the energetic 
governor of Canada, Carleton, made a determined effort to 
gain control of Lake Champlain and recapture Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point. His plans were foiled by Arnold, who 
with skill and foresight as remarkable as his resources were 
limited, collected a fleet and delayed Carleton so. that the 
doughty governor, victorious in a naval battle and yet 
baffled, was obliged to withdraw to Canada without captur- 
ing the forts. 

143. Change in the Theater of War (1776). — ^The sum- 
mer and autumn of 1775 passed without any movement on 
the part of the British army in Boston which was now 
commanded by Howe. Washington, who had been ap- 
pointed commander in chief through the influence of John 
Adams, maintained his lines about the city, although the 
terms of enlistment for his soldiers expired. He himself 
commented on the inactivity of the British. ^'It is not in 
the page of history, perhaps, to furnish a case like ours: 
to maintain a post within musket-shot of the enemy for six 
months together without powder, and at the same time to 
disband an army and recruit another within that distance, of 
twenty odd English regiments." But at length he was 
able to assume the offensive. 

During the winter of 177 5- 1776 many of the cannon cap- 
tured at Ticonderoga were dragged over the snow to Boston. 
With these in his possession, Washington fortified Dorches- 
ter Heights, about two miles south of the city. Owing to a 
storm, Howe was unable to attack. Not daring to remain 
in Boston, he now evacuated that city, carrying his ten 
thousand soldiers and marines besides many loyalists to 
Nova Scotia. 

Part of this army, greatly reenforced, made an attack 
on New York during the middle of the summer (§ 154). 
Another part under Clinton, joining with a fleet from 
Ireland, sailed against Charleston^ South Carolina. In view 



1776] Revolt atid Independence 157 

of the large number of loyalists in the southern colonies, Lodge, 

this seemed to be a wise move. Yet it failed. The fleet ^t'^n' of Rev., 

was much injured, and effectually repulsed by the batteries ^ ■ „ 

of Charleston harbor, June (1776), and after several weeks Battled, 

of inaction the British abandoned attacks upon the South 185-190. 
until late in the w^ar. 

144. The Second Continental Congress (i 775-1 776). — Acts of Con- 
On the day that Ticonderoga was captured (May 10, 1775) ^"^^^^ (^775)- 
the members of the second Continental Congress met in 
Philadelphia. As hostilities had begun already, the Con- ^J^^J^^f^'* 
gress did not devote itself to discussions only, as had its 205-209. 
predecessors, but proceeded to act. Without great delay it 
organized a continental army, borrowed money, issued bills Hart, Contem- 

of credit, and drew up a second petition to the king. When P^ranes, 

. , . ^ , , 1 , . , II, No. 185. 

news was received m October, 1775, that the kmg's answer 

to their petitions was a proclamation declaring them rebels 

.,. ^ , ^ . ^ , „. . » . Frothingham, 

and providmg for the suppression of rebellion m America, Republic, /\,:>&- 
Congress moved with much less caution. A navy was 437.450-451- 
authorized and privateers fitted out, a committee was se- 
lected to correspond with other nations, the ports along the 
Atlantic were thrown open to the commerce of the world, 
\ reversing the policy of the navigation acts, and preparations 
were made for declaring the United States independent of 
Great Britain. 

During the six years that elapsed before the completion Authority of 
of a confederation, the Continental Congress was the only Congress, 
central government existing in America. It was com- 
posed of delegates elected at first by assemblies, conventions, 
or committees of correspondence, but after 1776 by the state 
legislatures. At no time did it possess any legal authority 
for the exercise of the powers of sovereignty which it actually 
used. Such rights as it had were derived from the in- 
structions given by the states to their delegates, the unques- 
tioned need of a central government, and the hearty approval 
of, and public acquiescence in, the acts of Congress. 

145. The Movement toward Independence. — The major- Preliminary 
ity of the members of Congress were unwilling to consider ^^^p^- 



158 



American History 



[1776 



Hart, Cofitem- 
poraries, 
II. No. 186. 



Van Tyne, 

Revolution, 
50-71- 



Lodge, 
Story of Rev., 
I, 146-155. 



Resolutions for 
independence. 

Van Tyne, 
Revolution, 
71-78. 

Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
I, 183-192. 



Frothingham, 

Republic, 

513-532. 



the question of independence from Great Britain, for the 
people of the United States dreaded separation. Memorials 
came from several patriotic organizations before the close 
of 1775, but they received scant attention until the king 
proclaimed the Americans to be rebels and news was re- 
ceived that several thousand Hessians had been hired to 
reduce the colonies to submission. Early in January, 1776, 
there appeared a pamphlet entitled Common Sense, written 
by an English immigrant, Thomas Paine, and emphasizing 
the necessity and the benefits of independence. At this 
time the sentiment in favor of separation was pronounced 
only in New England, while the middle states and the 
South looked with abhorrence on such an action. Gradu- 
ally a change took place in the feelings of the people. They 
had gone too far to draw back. The king stubbornly refused 
concessions, and there was no alternative but complete sub- 
mission or independence. Congress recognized this sooner 
than most of the people, and on May 10, 1776, urged the 
colonies to form state governments, adding five days later 
as justification for this step a resolution that the British 
government had withdrawn its protection and that the people 
must look to themselves. 

When this resolution became known, the legislatures of 
all but one of the colonies instructed their delegates to 
vote for a declaration of independence. Meanwhile, on 
June 7, Richard Henry Lee introduced his famous resolu- 
tions ''that these united colonies are, and of right ought to 
be, free and independent states, that they are absolved 
from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political 
connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, 
and ought to be, totally dissolved," and ''that a plan of con- 
federation be prepared and transmitted to the respective 
colonies for their consideration and approbation." A com- 
mittee of five, composed of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, 
Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Living- 
ston, was appointed to draw up a declaration and a commit- 
tee was chosen, June 12, to prepare articles of confederation. 



I-IO. 



1776] Revolt and Independence 159 

The report of the committee on independence, written Declaration of 
principally by Jefferson, was debated in Congress for two ^"dependence, 
days, altered in some of its details, and finally adopted by ^^" J^"^' 
Congress, July 4, 1776. The committee on confederation 79-86. 
reported July 12, but no legal union was formed until long 
after (§ 173). 

146. The Character of the Declaration. — Independence its principles 
of Great Britain had been asserted because the colonies and statements. 
believed that they had a right to govern themselves in their 
own way, and the mother country had not permitted them MC^^nA^ 
to do this. We can perhaps see most clearly why our fore- Am. Review, 
fathers took this stand if we examine certain parts of the ^^3 (1896), 
Declaration. The second paragraph, 

^ .^ . BETSY Ross's 

for example, gives some of their views \^ ^.?^»s:v™Sl^ ''^'^^ 
upon government. ''We hold these 
truths to be self-evident, that all men 
are created equal, that they are en- 
dowed by their Creator with certain 
unalienable rights, that among these are 

life, libert}', and the pursuit of happiness. .^ n o r^ 
' '^' ^ ; ^^ First U. S. Flag 

That to secure these rights, governments 

are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from Cf. Channing 

the consent of the governed. That/ whenever any form ^^^ ^^^^• 

■, . , Guide, \ 137. 

of government becomes destructive of these ends,yt is 
the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to 
institute new government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
ciples and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall 
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness."/ 
After enumerating a long list of acts of George III which 
had aimed to overthrow these rights, the signers "in the 
name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, 
solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies, 
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, 
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British 
'Grown, and that all political connection between them and 
the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- 
solved; and that, as free and independent states, they have 




i6o 



American History 



[1776 



Disorder of the 
state govern- 
ments (1775). 

Hart, Union, 
k 39- 

Frothingham, 

Republic, 

491-496. 



Congressional 
resolution of 
May 10, 1776. 

Frothingham, 

Republic, 
496-499. 

Van Tyne, 
RevoLition, 
136-142, 



Composition. 



Van Tyne, 

Revolution, 
142-152. 



full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, 
establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things 
which independent states may of right do." 

147. The First State Governments. — While the colonies 
collectively were declaring their independence of Great 
Britain, the colonial governments were being replaced by 
separate state governments. As the war spread, the royal 
governors and their assistants and the judges frequently 
found it wise to leave the country. This left only a part 
of a government in several of the colonies, in some of which 
the assemblies asked Congress what they should do. In 
July, 1775, ^lassachusetts had been advised to use her old 
charter and to disregard the governor. In the following 
November, New Hampshire had been urged to call a con- 
vention representing the whole people in order to frame a 
state constitution, which she did gladly. 

On May 10, 1776, Congress took a great step forward which 
marked a new era in the history of independence, union, 
and constitutional development. It recommended that each 
colony "adopt such a government as shall in the opinion of 
the representatives of the people best conduce to the happi- 
ness and safety of their constituents in particular and of 
America in general." This suggestion was quickly fol- 
lowed by Mrginia, which in convention adopted a constitu- 
tion embodying not only a plan for the state government, 
but also a bill of rights. Connecticut and Rhode Island 
merely continued their charters, which were to all intents and 
purposes republican constitutions, while most of the other 
states called conventions for the purpose, but only ]\Iassa- 
chusetts submitted the constitution framed by her conven- 
tion to the people for ratification. 

These governments were similar in form to those of the 
colonies, but now both houses of the legislature were chosen 
by the people and the governors were elected by the legis- 
latures, except in New England and New York, where they 
were chosen by popular vote. The powers of the legislatures 
were increased greatly at the expense of the executive, the 



1776] Conditions affecting Amei'ican Success 161 

governors being deprived of the veto, for example, in almost 
all of the revolutionary governments. 

Conditions affecting American Success 

148. The Theater of War. — Whatever may have been General, 
the purpose of the patriot leaders before 1776, there was 
now no doubt that the struggle was one which would admit of 
no compromise. Let us consider therefore the conditions 
that were favorable or unfavorable to the American cause. 

The thirteen colonies that revolted against British rule Natural diffi- 
extended along the Atlantic coast over a thousand miles ^uities m con. 
and inland usually two or three hundred. This was in 
some respects an advantage to the British, because they at 
all times controlled the ocean and by seizing one or two 
seaports might transport their armies to any part of the coast 
they pleased. But the hold on a few seaport towns was in 
itself of very little importance to the English government. 
Unless the English generals could gain control and retain 
possession of the interior, their attempt to subdue the 
colonies would fail. Movements on land from one colony 
to another were prevented by the numerous rivers which 
flowed at right angles to the coast Hne. Moreover, any in- 
vasion of the interior was disastrous, because the American 
armies could withdraw easily to the frontier, being aug- 
mented by the militia which was always most patriotic in 
the inland counties. The British, unable to maintain direct 
water communication from the ocean to their armies, found 
it practically impossible to maintain an advanced position 
for any length of time. 

In one quarter only did circumstances seem to be in their Control of 
favor. The island of Manhattan with its magnificent har- ^^^ Hudson, 
bor could not be defended by the Americans, and was seized 
therefore and held by the British, who might proceed up the 
Hudson to Albany. On the north they controlled Montreal 
and the outlet of Lake Champlain as well as Lake Ontario. 
But even here the almost unbroken wilderness between the 
head of Lake Champlain and the Hudson River and be- 



l62 



American History 



[1776 



Possible 
policies. 



British 

and Hessian 

troops. 

Lecky, Am. 
Revolution, 
240-244. 

Van Tyne, 

Revolution, 
96-101. 



British leaders. 



Native leaders. 



tween Lake Ontario and the Mohawk valley was an ally 
of incalculable benefit to the patriots. 

149. British Military Organization and Policy. — To 

insure success the British needed either to exclude the 
colonies from communication with the outside world 
until they were willing to make terms, or to gain con- 
trol of the territory as far inland as the mountains. 
The first, which might have been accomplished by an 
effective blockade, they did not attempt, probably on 
account of the numerous harbors. The second required 
a large army skillfully led, and the second was the policy 
followed. 

Supported at all times by a large fleet, which remained 
inactive, the British army in America numbered, during the 
first half of the war, about forty thousand, and during the 
second half, about twenty-five thousand men. Most of 
these were experienced soldiers, but many of them were not 
English. Finding it difficult to enlist the necessary soldiers 
at home, George III hired from the dukes of the small 
German states, especially Hesse Cassel, about eighteen 
thousand veterans. The employment of these ''Hessians" 
undoubtedly intensified the feeling of the colonists, not alone 
because the king was willing to use those so-called mercenaries 
for their subjugation, but on account of the many outrages 
perpetrated by the Hessian troops. 

The soldiers of the British army on all occasions proved 
their courage, but wxre unfortunate in their leaders. Ap- 
pointed from a certain class of the nobility without ref- 
erence to military fitness, the English generals and other 
officers, with notable exceptions, exhibited an incapacity 
for their duties that is appalling and is perhaps the chief 
cause of the complete failure of the English plan of sub- 
jection. 

150. The American Army. — Our military leaders repre- 
sented the two extremes of superior ability and extreme 
incapacity. They were appointed by Congress and were 
often selected for reasons other than proved ability. For- 



1776] Conditions affecting American Success 163 

tunately George Washington was chosen as commander Fiske, Am. 
in chief. Hampered as he was by the unwillingness of ^^^^'^^^'^«. 
Congress to give him full direction of affairs, and constantly 148-152. 
handicapped by the lack of trained soldiers, he was without 
question chiefly responsible for the final establishment of 
American independence. Although at the time of his ap- 
pointment he had seen comparatively little fighting, this 
Virginia planter proved himself an able general and a skill- 
ful strategist — much more than a match for any of his 
English antagonists. He could strike hard when his chance 
came, but he could also wait, and a w^aiting policy w^as usually 
his only hope of success, because of the superiority of the 
British in numbers and discipline. Moreover, his foresight, 
generosity, and broadmindedness united the factions at 
home — foes more dangerous than the foreign armies. 
Among his assistants Nathanael Greene is accorded the 
highest place, although many others, like Benedict Arnold 
and Daniel Morgan, exhibited, within a more limited radius, 
conspicuous ability. 

Many of the highest offices in the army were bestowed Foreign 
upon foreigners who had not resided long in America or ^^^^'^^• 
had come here after the beginning of war. Some of these 
men, like LaFayette, Steuben, and Kosciusko, were heartily 
and unselfishly in sympathy with the revolution; others, 
like Conway and Charles Lee, w^ere adventurers who im- 
posed upon Congress and interfered with American chances 
of success. 

One of the chief difficulties encountered by the Americans American 
was their inability to maintain a permanent army. At the soldiers. 
beginning, enlistm.ents were for a term of one year or less. 
As the troops were poorly fed and clothed, paid in depre- Hart. Co«/^;«- 

• ■ 1 n r ^ • ^ ^ pOravieS, II, 

ciated currency or not at all, most farmers objected to leav- j^^^ 170-174 
ing their crops during the summer campaigns when the grain 
would suffer greatly. Later in the v/ar soldiers of the "con- 
tinental line" enlisted for three years. Although few in 
number they formed the nucleus of a regular fighting 
force. They were the only well-trained American soldiers. 



164 



American Histoiy 



[1776 



Numbers 
and elements. 



Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
VII, 185-192. 



Loyalists 
and patriots. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, II, 
Nos. 166-169. 



Van Tyne, 
Revolution, 
265-278. 



Because of the short terms of the others, it was often im- 
possible to obtain men enough to oppose the advance of 
the enemy, although in times of great danger many joined 
the army for a few days or weeks. Except at these intervals 
the number of American soldiers in the field was smaller 
than that of the British. 

151. The Loyalists. — As we noticed in a previous sec- 
tion (§ 145), a large part of the population agreed to a dec- 
laration of independence from the mother country with great 
reluctance. Another part was never convinced of the 
wisdom of the step and remained throughout the war loyal 
to Great Britain. Many of these loyalists simply refrained 
from taking sides, but many others were active in their 
opposition to the patriot party. Few of them were found 
in New England and Virginia, but in the other states they 
probably included one half of the population, being especially 
numerous and virulent in New York, Georgia, and the 
Carolinas. The inhabitants of the large towns, the office- 
holders, the clergy in the Anglican church, the members 
of the professions, most of the merchants, and owners of 
large estates usually cast in their lot with the loyalists rather 
than with the patriots. 

The persecution of the loyalists began before the outbreak 
of war, an effort being made by the use of tar and feathers 
and by similar outrages to intimidate the wavering, and 
make open espousal of the English cause unpopular. After 
the establishment of the state governments, the more promi- 
nent loyalists were deprived not only of political and civil 
rights but often of their estates as well. Where they were 
sufficiently numerous the loyalists retaliated with spirit, 
outdoing the patriots in brutality. In South Carolina 
and in some other states a partisan warfare of extreme 
bitterness was kept up even after the close of the war. In 
these fierce contests hundreds of persons Were killed, the in- 
nocent and defenseless suffering quite as frequently as the 
guilty. 

152. The Finances of th^ Revolution, — The difficulties 



1776] Conditions affecting American Success 165 

of achieving independence were financial rather than mili- The problem, 
tary. The lack of an established central government with 
well-recognized means of raising money for the payment of Dewey, /-^//a//.- 
war expenditures caused continued anxiety to the American '^'^^ ^"^•• 
leaders. Without a certain minimum of congressional ^'^' 
revenue the prosecution of the war was impossible. But 
how was this to be obtained ? The states were of course 
unwilling that Congress should exercise the right of taxa- 
tion, for after 1777 Congress enjoyed almost as little confi- 
dence as parliament had done before the war. Few would 
lend to Congress because it had no definite sources of in- 
come, no legal status, no international standing, and there- 
fore no credit. Nothing was left but for Congress to issue 
paper money on the credit of the United States and to ask 
the states for annual contributions with which to pay its 
most pressing needs. As the states were getting deeply into 
debt on account of their own war expenses, these requisitions 
were usually ignored. Paper money was in consequence 
the chief reliance of Congress. 

During the most trying years of the war. Congress opened Loans, 
loan offices through which the people loaned to the govern- 

>s T-, . . • 11 T-« Dewey, Finan- 

ment over $10,000,000. Foreign nations, especially r ranee, ciai Hist., 

helped us some, but most of the foreign loans were made §§ 19, 20. 
after the victory at Yorktown, so that they were not of direct 
value in conducting the campaign. 

153- Continental Currency. — When Congress began Issues and 

printing paper money in June, 1775, it was expected that ^P^eciaion. 

after a few issues the presses would be stopped. But on Lecky, Am. 

account of the difficulties of raising a revenue from other Revolution, 

sources, the issues grew constantly larger. By 1779 the ^ 7-292. 

face value of the bills printed amounted to nearly $250,000,- -^^^^^ Finan- 

000, although they had been worth to the treasury less than cmi Hist., 

one fifth of that amount in cash. Congress had provided §^ ^5. 16. 

jfor the payment of the bills by pledging the credit of the ^^^^^ 

(United States and apportioning to each state the share Money, 

it should redeem, but on account of repeated issues and "5-126. 
little other revenue, depreciation was inevitable. Congress 



1 66 



A m erica n History 



[1776 



sought to prevent this by fixing the prices which should be 
paid for commodities, naturally without effect. Before the 
last year of lighting a hundred dollars in continental currency 
would purchase less than one dollar in silver. A little later 
continental bills were used jokingly for papering rooms 
and for suits of clothing. It is not strange that toward the 
close of the war valueless articles were said to be "not 
worth a continental." 




A COiXriNEiNrAL Bill 



Justification. 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
k 17. 



White, 
Jifoney, 
126-129. 



An attempt was made to justify the issuance of paper 
money on the ground that it was a form of tax which could 
be escaped by no one who did business. But it imposed a 
most unfair burden on those least able to bear it, and was 
not only a most unjust tax, but a serious injury to business 
enterprise. If justified at all, it must be as a military 
necessity, for the states refused to pay the requisitions 
made on them by Congress, and that body should not be 
blamed for using the only practicable means it had for con- 
tinuing the war. 



1776] 



The Campaigns of iyy6 and lyjy 



167 



-fMtWashlSo^i 



The Campaigns of 1776 and 1777 

154. The Movement against New York (1776). — The 
eighteen months following the declaration of American inde- 
pendence witnessed the most active campaigns of the entire 
war. The British government had already resolved to 
make an attack upon the middle colonies with a large army, 
seize New York, gain possession of the Hudson and Lake 
Champlain, thereby 
cutting off New Eng- 
land from the other 
states, and subduing 
the middle states, which 
they considered an easy 
task because of the 
large number of loy- 
ahsts. 

Late in June, 1776, 
General Howe landed 
at Staten Island and 
was soon joined by 
his brother, Admiral 
Howe, with a fleet and 
reenforcements. To the British army of over thirty thou- 
sand regulars Washington was able to oppose a force 
but two thirds as large, few of whom were well armed 
or experienced. His was indeed a most difHcult task. 
Public sentiment demanded that he should not abandon 
New York without a contest, although it was absolutely 
indefensible against the larger force and fleet, w^hich could 
cut him off easily from retreat. Moreover he was obliged 
to fortify and hold Brooklyn Heights, which commanded 
the city but was exposed to a combined land and water 
attack. For nearly two months the British allowed him 
to strengthen his position. Howe then landed twenty 
thousand men at the southern end of Long Island, and by 
concerted movements overpowered the eight thousand men 



Plan of 
campaign. 




VICIMTY OF NEW YOKK 

(1776) 



Campaign on 
Long Island. 



Van Tyne, 

Revolution, 
102-108. 



Fiske, Am, 
Revolution, 
I, 204-212. 



Lodge, 
Story of Rev. 
I, 184-195. 



1 68 



American History 



[1776 



Retreat from 
New York. 



Van Tyne, 
Revolution, 
H8-128. 



American 
difificulties 
(Dec, 1776). 



Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
I, 227-229. 



Capture 
of Trenton 
(1776). 



Lodge, 

Story of Rev. 
I, 207-215. 



left by Washington, captured General Sullivan with one 
thousand men, and drove the remainder back to the 
East River. From this position Washington was fortunate 
enough to extricate his men before the fleet cut off his 
retreat. 

By two other flank movements Howe compelled Washing- 
ton to abandon first New York and later Harlem Heights. 
Then the American army was withdrawn to White Plains, 
where an indecisive battle took place. When Howe cap- 
tured the two forts, Washington and Lee, on opposite 
sides of the Hudson, Washington retreated skillfully 
through New Jersey, destroying bridges as he went. Seiz- 
ing all the boats on the Delaware, he placed that river be- 
tween himself and the enemy, and blocked their advance to 
Philadelphia. 

155. The Trenton-Princeton Campaign. — The Ameri- 
can cause seemed now almost hopeless. In spite of Ar- 
nold's brave defense of Lake Champlain (§ 142), Carleton 
had gained control as far south as Ticonderoga. New- 
port had been captured by the British fleet in Decem- 
ber, 1776. The army under Washington, having several 
times barely escaped destruction, had been driven from 
New York and New Jersey. Large numbers had taken, 
the oath of allegiance to Great Britain and apparently 
the backbone of the revolution had been broken effectu- 
ally. 

As the terms of enlistment for most of his soldiers would 
expire the first of January, Washington decided to assume 
the offensive — apparently a most foolhardy attempt. But 
as usual the British were their own worst enemies and had 
left their vanguard scattered at a half-dozen posts. The 
advance at Trenton was held by Colonel Rahl and a body 
of Hessians. On Christmas eve Washington crossed the 
Delaware, and attacked this force in the midst of their 
festivities. With the loss of two men killed and two wounded 
he captured over a thousand prisoners, only two hundred 
escaping. 

? 
I 
1 



^ni'\ The Campaigns of lyjd and lyyy 169 

The effect of this victory was instantaneous. The sol- Washington in 
diers reenlisted. Hundreds of militiamen joined Washing- New Jersey 
ton, and the people of New Jersey, aroused by the brutality ^'^'^'^^^' 
of the British and Hessian soldiers, again gladly espoused 
the American cause. Meanwhile Washington, who had R^yohuu>n 
withdrawn to Pennsylvania, returned to Trenton, disputing 131-135. 
the advance of Lord Cornwallis and his greatly superior 
force. As the Americans occupied a fairly strong position Lodge, 
and as night was at hand, Cornwallis postponed his attack story of Rev,, 
until morning, only to find that Washington had slipped ^^7-227. 
away in the night, leaving his campfires burning. Wash- 
ington had in fact marched around Cornwallis's main army 
and had attacked three regiments stationed at Princeton, 
routing them without great difficulty. He then retired 
to the foothills in the northern part of New Jersey, com- 
pelling Cornwallis to abandon the western part of the state. 
In the face of defeat Washington had outmaneuvered a 
force several times as large as his own and regained most 
of the ground he had lost. Frederick the Great, one of the 
highest military authorities in Europe, is said to have called 
this the greatest campaign of the century. 

156. The Plan of Campaign, 1777 ; Philadelphia. — In Plan to 
1777 the English government, still believing that the opposi- separate 
tion outside of New England was half hearted, determined 
to put an end to the war by gaining control of the Hudson 
and separating New England entirely from the southern ^^oiuUon 
and middle states. For this purpose Sir John Burgoyne 157-159. 
was selected to lead the northern army down Lake Cham- 
plain to Albany, cooperating with Howe, who was to ascend Fiske, Am. 
the river and make the separation of New England com- Revolution, 
plete. This plan had been outlined the previous year ^ °~^ " 
and did not meet with the full approval of Howe. By 
some inexcusable carelessness, the instructions to Howe 
were mislaid in a pigeonhole by the English colonial secre- 
tary. Lord Germain, and did not reach New York until 
August 16. Long before that date Howe had left New 
York, intending to capture Philadelphia, the ''rebel capital." 



I/O 



American History 



[1777 



Capture of 
Philadelphia. 



Accordingly he failed to cooperate with Burgoyne, and the 
latter was unable to carry out his plans. 

Washington supposed that Howe's destination would be 
Philadelphia, but held himself in readiness to move to any 
point threatened. Howe appeared first off Delaware Bay, 
but did not ascend that river on account of the forts erected 




ETFta.-ffT.av^/ •p""'<J«'pW(^''') \ ^ REVOLUTION 



IN THE 

NORTH 

Battletields X 

Sie;e3 ® 



BOnMAY ENS,C0.,N.1 



Lodge, 

Story of Rev., 
I, 280-302. 



below Philadelphia. Late in August he landed at the head 
of Chesapeake Bay. At Brandywine Creek his way was 
blocked by Washington, who had sent some of his best 
troops to the north. A flank attack made by Howe across 
the fords above Washington's main body was successful 
on account of the overwhelming superiority of the British 
in numbers and discipline The way now lay open to Phila- 



1777] ^fie Campaigns of iyy6 a7id 7777 171 

delphia, which gave Howe a cordial welcome. But Wash- 
ington was not content, and on October 4 attacked the British 
army, now stationed at Germantown, but without success. 
Howe captured the forts below the city, although they were 
defended with great skill. The British then gave themselves 
up to the enjoyment of winter festivities, while Washington 
went into winter quarters at Valley Forge only a short 
distance up the Schuylkill River. 

157. Burgoyne's Advance (1777). — Early in the summer Advance to 
Burgoyne had left Canada with about ten thousand English ^^^^ Hudson, 
regulars, Hessians, Canadian militia, and Indians. His 
advance down Lake Champlain was undisputed until he Lodge, 
reached Ticonderoga. By seizing some commanding heights ^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^'' 
\ that were left undefended he compelled the abandonment 
I of that fortress without serious fighting, the garrison join- 

Fiskc AfH 

' ing another detachment under General Schuyler. Real- Revo'iution, 
1 izing that his opportunity lay in the comparatively unsettled i, 268-275. 
• region between Lake Champlain and the Hudson River, 
' Schuyler withdrew slowly, felling trees across the roads or 

converting them into swamps, destroying bridges, making 
1^ the way impassable to an army encumbered with baggage 
i' and artillery. He accomplished his purpose admirably, 

for Burgoyne spent fifty days covering seventy-five miles. 

The American army meanwhile was strengthened daily 
I by arrivals from New England and the Hudson valley. 

I Having reached the Hudson and being short of provisions, Bennington. 
i Burgoyne sent Colonel Baum with six hundred Hessians 

] into what is now Vermont. To the support of this division Fiske, Am. 

\ he dispatched another four days later. The first was met ^'''^'>^"^'^''' 
. . I, 280-285. 

near Benmngton, August 16, by John Stark and a body of 

1] New Hampshire farmers. Stark attacked the Hessian camp, 

jj capturing practically the entire force. Barely was this 

engagement finished when the second detachment arrived. • 

hThis was beaten off after hard fighting. Burgoyne had 

II gained nothing and had lost a thousand men. 

( At this time Colonel St. Leger, who had advanced from Defeat of 
Lake Ontario in order to move down the Mohawk valley ^^- ^^s^*" 






172 



Americaji History 



1^77 \ 



Lodge, 
Story of Rev. 
I, 236-242. 



and cooperate with Burgoyne, was besieging Fort Stanwix 
near the western end of the valley. Herkimer, with some 
Dutch settlers, attempted to raise the siege, but was ambushed 
and driven back ; but when news came that Arnold was 
approaching with another force, the siege was raised, and 
St. Leger retreated. In this way, Burgoyne was left to 
meet the constantly increasing American army without 
hope of support from any quarter. 




Battles of 158. The Surrender of Burgoyne (i777). — The com- 

Bemis Heights, ^laud of the American army which faced Burgoyne had 
been transferred from Schuyler to General Horatio Gates, 
who was more popular among the New England soldiers. 
Gates was not an experienced commander, and took very 
little part in directing the campaign. He drew up his army 
at Bemis Heights directly in the line of the British advance. 
In this neighborhood two engagements were fought. The 
first, on September 19, was indecisive, but in reality an 
American victory, as the British advance was practicall}' 
checked. As the news of this battle brought still larger 
numbers of farmers to the American ranks, and as Burgoyne's 
communications were threatened by the American com- 



Winsor (ed.) 
America, VI. 



Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
I. 325-334- 



Fiske, Atn. 
Revolution. 



^777 \ TJie Campaigns of iyy6 and lyyy 173 

mands in his rear, he undoubtedly would have retreated 
but for the news that Clinton was ascending the Hudson 
with aid. On October 7 an attempt to reconnoiter brought 
on another battle. Arnold, although deprived of his com- 
mand, and Morgan, broke the British line and made Bur- 
goyne's position untenable. 

He attempted to withdraw, but was surrounded by the The surrender 
American forces, which outnumbered him three to one. ^^ Saratoga. 
Finally October 16, at Saratoga, he agreed to surrender his 
army, now diminished to 5791 soldiers and camp attendants. 
These wxre to be sent back to England on condition that I, 335-344. 
they should not serve again in America, but Congress kept 
them as prisoners of war, because the claim was made that 
the British had broken the Saratoga Convention. Thus the 
general who had boasted that he would never retreat yielded 
the last of his army of veterans to a temporary force of mili- 
tia and farmers called together by the attempted invasion, 
and directed by an inefficient commander. This was really 
the turning point of the war, for the victory at Saratoga 
had momentous consequences in America and Europe. 

Changed Conditions (i 778-1 779) 

159. French Aid before 1778. — The most important French hatred 
result of Burgoyne's surrender was the open alliance of the °^ England. 
French and Americans. France, keenly alive to the dis- 
graceful defeats of the last war with England, was anxious Lecky, Am. 
to improve the first opportunity of injuring her old enemy, ^.q^-^x ' 
Turgot, the comptroller general, realizing the financial 
condition of the country, advised King Louis to hold aloof van Tvne 
from interference, but a more active party under the lead Revolution, 
of Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs, urged that help 203-217. 
should be given to the United States secretly. This was 
done as early as 1776, but American interests were not „^™^ „^ '^' 

•' . . Ready Re/., 

managed well until the appointment of Benjamin Franklin v, 3241-3244. 
to the court of France. 

Franklin is one of the most extraordinary men of our en- 
tire history. Of unaffected manner and a most practical 



174 



American History 



[1778 



Benjamin 
Franklin. 



Appleton, 
Cyclopedia 
of Am. Biog. 



Terms of the 

alliance. 



mind, he was an astute philosopher and a far-sighted states- 
man. His contributions to the cause of education and science 
entitle him to a high position among the leaders in those 
branches, and as a diplomat he is unexcelled among Ameri- 
cans. Beginning life as a journeyman printer in Boston, 
he had run away to Philadelphia, established a paper of his 
own, founded the University of Pennsylvania, and brought 
the administration of the municipal government in his 

adopted city to a high 




state of efficiency, y 
He had gained a » 
world-wide reputa- , 
tion for his discov- ' 
eries of electricity, 
had been assistant 
postmaster- general 
for the colonies, and 
during the trying 
period immediately 
preceding the war 
had rendered invalu- 
able service to the 
colonies as a colonial 
agent in London. No 
one had done more 
than he to promote 
colonial union, and 
when the Declaration of Independence was drawn up, he 
was one of those selected for the task. His appointment 
to France was wise beyond expectation, for no one could 
have foreseen that his services to America in the next six 
years would be the most valuable of his remarkable career. 
i6o. The French Alliance (1778). — Franklin was very 
popular in France, and would probably have secured an 
alliance because of the bitterness toward England. After 
Saratoga, however, his task was extremely easy, and on 
February 6, 1778, a treaty of alliance was signed by which 



Benjamin Franklin 



1778] Changed Conditions 175 

France agreed to aid the United States in order to maintain Van Tyne, 
her "liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and ^^^'^'^^"^^'^"> 
unlimited." France renounced all possessions on the main- 
land of America, but was to retain any islands in the West 
Indies captured from Great Britain. The aUies were not to 
make peace or "lay down their arms until the independence 
of the United States shall have been formally or tacitly 
assured by the treaty or treaties that shall terminate the war." 
On the same day a commercial treaty was signed. 

The French Alliance and the subsequent war between Results of the 
France and England had a threefold influence on the ^^''^"'^^• 
contest in America, (i) It brought us substantial help in the 
form of a fleet and reQ;ular bodies of troops. (2) It also ^ecky, Atn. 

^ 1 V / Revolution, 

compelled the British to withdraw from the United States 398-399. 
a large number of troops. This crippled the English and 
made extensive operations difficult, so that the fighting was 
thereafter more desultory, except in the South during 1780 
and 1781. (3) As there were no invading armies to oppose 
and no possibility of driving the British from the few sea- 
ports that they held, the Americans took less interest in the 
war, and depended more on their French allies. 

161. Attempted Conciliation by the British (1778). — An- Terms pro- 
other result of Saratoga was the attempt made by the Brit- P°^^^ ^^' ^"^^ 
ish government to end the war by conceding all American 
demands except that of independence. In 1776 Admiral 
Howe had been instructed to offer pardon to all who would Revolution 
return to their allegiance, but he had failed through un- 227-233. 
willingness to recognize Congress as an American govern- 
ment. The full effect of Burgoyne's defeat may be apparent 
if we notice the offers which were made by Lord North 
in February, 1778, a few days after the treaty with France 
was signed, but before England knew of the alliance. The 
tea act and the Massachusetts government act were repealed, 
and the right of parliamentary taxation renounced except 
for duties on commerce, the revenue of which was to be 
expended by each colony for itself. The peace commis- 
sioners were to have power to treat with Congress, grant 



176 



American History 



[1778 



Rejection of 
peace. 



The Conway 
cabal. 



Fiske, Atn. 
Revolution, 
11,32-46. 



Inefficiency of 
Congress. 

Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
II, 26-32. 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
V, 3261-3263. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
II, 190, 198. 



pardons, and suspend all colonial laws passed by parlia- 
ment after 1763. In short, England agreed to return to the 
old colonial system if her former American possessions would 
resume their colonial relations. 

These efforts came to naught. Had the same offers been 
made even two years earlier they would have been accepted 
gladly, but now independence alone was satisfactory to the 
United States. Congress rejected all offers made by the 
commissioners, who returned to England, after announcing 
that thenceforth a war of destruction would be waged. 

162. Intrigue and Neglect (1778). — A third, though 
much less important, result of Saratoga was the attempt to 
remove Washington from his position as commander in 
chief. The repeated defeats which he had sustained during 
the fall of 1777 contrasted strangely with the victory in the 
North, and, to persons unacquainted with the facts, seemed 
proof that Gates was the greater general. In November, 
1777, a war board had been appointed with Gates at the 
head. An Irish adventurer, named Conway, who had seen 
some service in France, and whose promotion Washington 
had opposed, thought this a favorable moment to intrigue 
against the commander in chief. With Gates and a few 
others he sought to gain control of Congress; but the plot 
was exposed, Conway resigned from the army. Gates was 
detailed to the forts on the Hudson, and Washington en- 
joyed even greater confidence than before. 

Congress meanwhile found itself incapable of meeting 
the situation. Paper money was almost worthless, and there 
was no proper organization to care for the army. The 
soldiers were not only unpaid, but unprovided with clothes 
and food. The suffering at Valley Forge during the winter 
of 1778 was extreme and inexcusable. Many of the men 
wxnt barefoot in the snow, but, in spite of obstacles, under 
the supervision of Steuben, a small force of regulars was 
being trained that was to form the nucleus of the army 
during the uninteresting campaigns that followed. 

163. The Naval War (1776-1782). — At the beginning 



1778] Changed Conditions 1/7 

of the war the United States had no fleet and little attempt Lack of a navy, 
was made to create one. There being no fleet to oppose, 
comparatively few English men-of-war were sent to America, poraUes 
although Admiral Howe and others advocated a strict 11, No. 194. 
blockade of our coasts as the best and quickest means of 
bringing the colonies to submission. 

Numerous privateers were fitted out to prey upon Eng- Victories of 
lish commerce, an undertaking that was considered perfectly ^^"^ Jones, 
proper, and was highly profitable. Several American 
captains inflicted great damage on the shipping of the British ^'^^^' '^"^■ 
Channel and the North Sea. Among these was Paul Jones, u^ 120-130'. 
who in the Bon Homme Richard (1779) engaged in a fierce 
and bloody contest with the Serapis, conquering his antag- 
onist but losing his own vessel. 

After 1778 the war on the ocean assumed a different Naval war after 
character on account of the French. Possessed of a power- '^'^'^^' 
ful navy, she joined to this the navy of Spain, making an 
alliance with that nation for the purpose of expelling the ^'^^^^' ^^' 

-r-ii'ir r^•^ i- t -r-.-'iTi * Revolution, 

English from Gibraltar, and invading the British Isles. A jj 130-162. 
year later England declared war against Holland, because 
that country had indirectly given sympathy and aid to the 
United States. The war against these three continental 
countries England carried on principally through a naval 
contest aimed at their colonies in the West Indies. 

164. The War in the North and West (i 778-1 779). — Withdrawal 
While at Philadelphia, Howe was superseded by Sir Henry fy°"^^ Phiia- 
Clinton. As his army was reduced to provide troops for 
the West Indies, and as the possession of the ''capital" was 
of no value, he withdrew in June, 1778, to New York. At 
Monmouth courthouse, he was attacked by Washington. I, 316-324. 
The American van, led by General Charles Lee, an Eng- 
lishman who had been highly honored by Congress, retreated 
at the beginning of the battle, and, but for the personal efforts 
of Washington, the army- would have been badly disorgan 
^ized. As it was, the chance of victory had been lost and 
Clinton reached New York in safety. A little later an 
elaborate attempt to capture Newport ended in a fiasco. 



delphia. 

Lodge, 

Story of Rev. ^ 



178 



American History 



[1779 



Minor events. 

Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, II, 
85-90, 109-115. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
V, 3258-3260. 

Clark's con- 
quest of the 
Northwest. 



Van Tyne, 

Revolution, 
280-284. 

Ogg, x\/issis- 
stppi, 354-367- 

Lodge, 
Story of Rev., 
II, 7-28. 



During these years occurred the revolting massacres at 
Wyoming and Cherry valleys, perpetrated by Indians and 
loyalists. Clinton began also a series of raids along the 
coast, burning and destroying the seaports. Brilliant and 
successful but comparatively valueless assaults were made 
by General Wayne and INIajor Lee on Stony Point and 
Paulus Hook. 

The region directly west of Virginia and North Carolina 
and bevond the mountains had been settled gradually by ^ 
pioneers led by Boone and Robertson. These had success- ' 
fully repelled Indian attacks made upon them in the first \ 
half of the war, but they did not assume the offensive until • 
1778. In that year George Rogers Clark, with the sanction \ 
and aid of Virginia officials, descended the Ohio, surprised • 
and captured Fort Kaskaskia near the Mississippi, and 
marched overland to Vincennes. Hamilton, the British 
commander in the West, with headquarters at Detroit, had 
already attached the Indians to the English cause. He 
again gained Vincennes, but Clark, after a heroic march in 
melting snow, recaptured the fort (February, 1779), broke 
up the Indian confederacy, and established American rule 
over the entire Ohio vallev. 



Capture of 
Charleston 
(1780). 

Van Tyne, 

Revolution, 
293-299. 

Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
VI, 469-475. 

Lodge, 
Story of Rev., 
II, 29-42. 



The Close of the War (i 780-1 781) 

165. British Success in the South (1780). — ^ During the 
year 1778 Savannah had been captured by the British and 
the strongly loyalist state of Georgia had been overrun. 
Clinton now decided that the chief hope of success lay in 
following up the British victories in the South. Taking 
most of the men at his disposal, he advanced from Savan- 
nah to Charleston, to which the American commander, 
Lincoln, retreated, foolishly attempting to defend the town. 
In May, 1780, Charleston surrendered with its army of 
about five thousand, a blow that was especially serious 
because there was no other organized American force in 
the southern states. Clinton at once occupied the strate- 
gic points in the interior and threatened confiscation of 



1780] TJic Close of tJic War 179 

property to all who did not take the oath of allegiance. He 
then left Cornwallis with about half of his army to hold the 
country. A violent contest broke out between the patriots 
and the loyalists, as the latter were now strong enough to 
retaliate. The American guerrilla commanders, Sumter 
and Marion, kept up their annoying attacks, but the British 
had good reason to feel that Georgia and South Carolina 
had been completely subdued. 

A new southern army was being collected by de Kalb, Camden. 
who had some of Washington's continental soldiers and 
was joined by militia from North Carolina and Virginia. Winsor (ed.), 
The command of this force was intrusted to Gates, the J''^''^^'^' 

VI, 475-478. 

inefficient, although Washington wished to have Greene 

chosen for the position. Gates moved against Camden, Y\?,'ke Am 

where he was met by Cornwallis (August 15, 1780). Each Revolution, 

general had attempted to surprise the other by an early ^^' ^^5-i93- 

morning attack. The continentals stood their ground, 

but the militia fled at the first fire, and the battle ended in ^^ ^^' „ 

' story of Rev., 

the complete rout of the patriot army. The prospects of n^ 49-55. 
the Americans were indeed dim, and this time is called quite 
appropriately ^'the darkest hour of the Revolution." 

166. The Treason of Arnold (1780). — A disaster greater Arnolds careei 
than the capture of Lincoln or the defeat of Gates was ^"*^ failure. 
narrowly averted a month after Camden. Had Benedict 
Arnold's plan to betray West Point succeeded, even Wash- ^^^^ Ref 
ington might not have been able to save the North from the v, 3272-3273. 
fate that threatened the South. West Point w^as the best 
fortified and much the most important of the forts constructed Lecky, Am. 
by Washington to hold the Hudson. It had a garrison ^^'^^^«^^'^«. 
of three thousand men, and had been commanded by Ar- 
nold since July, 1780. Arnold was a brave, energetic, and 
efficient officer, but of overbearing manner, extravagant 
ways, and an unfortunate tendency to make enemies. He 
earned the cordial dislike of most persons with whom he 
associated, and had, perhaps for this reason, been promoted 
very tardily by Congress. In 1778 as commander at Phila- 
delphia, he had indulged in a number of sharp practices 



i8o 



American History 



[1780 



which led to an investigation, and finally a court-martial, 
in both of which he was acquitted. He had already made 
overtures to Clinton before applying for the position at 
West Point. Command was given to him gladly by Wash- 
ington, w^ho believed him ill treated. The plot to betray 
the fortress came to light, as is well known, through the 
capture of Major Andre, Clinton's aid. Arnold fled and 




THE 
REVOLUTION 

IX THE 

SOUTH 

Si^es ® 

Qreene'B route. Jan.-Sept. 1781 

Cornirallifl'a route, Jan.-Sept. 1781 



Kings Moun- 
tain (1780). 



Carrington, 
Battles, 520- 
522. 



was afterward employed by Clinton in attacking and burn- 
ing sea-coast towns. Andre was tried as a spy, convicted, 
and hanged. 

167. Campaigns in the South (i 780-1 781). — The 
tide of British success was now at its flood, but Corn- 
wallis was destined to lose two divisions in the Carolina 
foothills during the six months following Gates's defeat. 
The first of these was a body of loyalists and regulars 
under a skillful partisan leader, Major Ferguson. Penetrat- 
ing too far into the uplands, he was surrounded at Kings 



i78i] 



The Close of tJie War 



i8i 



Mountain by several bands of patriots, who captured the 
British force. 

Nathanael Greene was now placed in command of the 
southern army, part of which under General Morgan was 
widely separated from his own force. Thinking to destroy 
each section separately Cornwallis sent Colonel Tarleton 
against Morgan, who was at the Cowpens near Kings Moun- 
tain. By skillful flank movements and sharp fighting 
Morgan surrounded Tarleton and captured or destroyed 
over three fourths of his men 
(January 17, 1781). Corn- 
wallis was rapidly losing the 
army that he needed for the 
occupation of the South. 

Morgan did not remain at 
the Cowpens, but marched 
north rapidly in order to join 
Greene. Cornwallis followed 
with all speed, aiming to strike 
before they united. He even 
destroyed his heavy baggage, 
but, as the rivers were swollen 

with the winter rains, and as Greene had boats, which 
he lacked, he gave up the chase at the river Dan. 
Greene, having secured reenforcements in Virginia, offered 
him battle at Guilford Court House. Cornwallis's men, 
although greatly outnumbered, fought with great courage 
and remained in possession of the field. But their losses 
were so heavy that the British -general could not hold this 
advanced position. Unwilling to retreat to South Carolina, 
he withdrew to Wilmington, North Carolina, from which he 
marched into Virginia, expecting Greene to follow. 

Greene, however, resolved to regain control of South 
Carolina. At Hobkirk's Hill, just outside of Camden, he 
fought an indecisive battle (April 25, 1781) with the force 
left by Cornwallis, but compelled the abandonment of that 
important center by cutting his opponent's communications. 




Nathanael Greene 



The Cowpens 
(1781). 

Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
11,252-255. 



Maneuvering 
in North Caro- 
lina. 



Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
II, 256-261. 

Winsor (ed.), 
America, 
VI, 482-487. 



Reconquest 
of South 
Carolina. 

Fiske, Am. 
Revolution, 
II, 261-268. 



82 



Ajficn'can Histc 



O' 



[17S1 



Winsor (ed.), 

VI.4S7-494. 



Cornwallis 
in Virginia. 

Lecky, Am. 

Kfzvlution, 
44S-451. 

Fiske, An:. 

R<ri\-<iUtion, 
II.26S-272. 



Surrender of 
Cornwallis. 



Lecky, Am. 
R^i.\iliitic>n, 
451-456. 



Fiske, Am. 
R<r^-c>liitii>n, 
II, 2-:!-2S6. 



Larned (ed.), 
Ke.uiv A\-/.. 

V. 3277-3279- 

Mahan. 
luAufftcf of 
Sea Pcxver, 
3S7-392. 



In September he engaged the British in another battle at 
Eutaw Springs, much nearer Charleston. Again he could 
claim no victory, but the British as usual found it neces- 
sary to withdraw. 

168. Yorktown (1781). — Meanwhile Cornwallis had 
reached Virginia, where he found himself opposed by a much 
inferior force under LaFayette. After endeavoring in vain 
to bring on an engagement, since he found the people ac- 
tively hostile, he withdrew to the seacoast in order to be 

ready to cooperate with 
Clinton. Cornwallis's position 
on York peninsula was de- 
fended quite easily from land 
attacks, and seemed a safe 
one because the English had 
never been prevented from 
moving their armies by water 
whenever they pleased. 

But the British commanders 
failed to take into considera- 
tion the French tleet under 
de Grasse which had been in 
the ^Vest Indies, but now 
sailed for Chesapeake Bay. ^Vashington so deceived 
Clinton that he expected an attack on Xew Y'ork by the 
combined French and American armies, cooperating with 
the French tleet. Too late Clinton discovered that most 
of Washington's army was well on its way to Mrginia. 
A fleet was sent to aid Cornwallis, but was met near the 
entrance to Chesapeake Bay and compelled to retire 
after a short naval engagement. Retreat from York- 
town was shut oft" now on all sides. Daily the Ameri- 
can lines on the peninsula were brought nearer the forti- 
fications of the enemy, and, on October 14, the British 
outworks were taken by assault. October 17 Cornwallis 
surrendered, and two days later his army of over seven 
thousand men marched out while the the band played 
the old English tune, "The World turned Upside Down." 




L.XF.WF.TTE 



1782] TJie Treaty of Peace 183 

The Treaty of Peace (i 782-1783) 

169. Conditions affecting the Treaty of Peace. — The Problems of 

victory at Yorktown made further prosecution of the war England. 
impossible. Lord North, who, as prime minister, had 

carried on the war since 1778 at^ainst his own personal wishes, ^^" '^y"^* 

. . Revolution, 

resigned, and Rockingham formed a new mmistry on con- 309-316, 319- 
dition that the independence of America should be acknowl- 320, 328. 
edged. His cabinet was confronted with a very difficult 
task. England was at war with four countries, the United 
States, France, Spain, and Holland. In almost every 
quarter her enemies had been successful, most of all in 
America. England's sole hope of success lay in persuading 
either France or the United States to make a separate treaty,^ 
as she would then be in a better position to dictate to the 
others. For this separate treaty the ministry labored un- 
ceasingly. 

For the United States the negotiations were conducted American 
by three of her ablest statesmen, Benjamin Franklin, John ^°"^'^'^^^°"; 

•' ' •" ' *' ers and their 

Jay, and John Adams. They were bound by the French instructions, 
treaty not to conclude peace with Great Britain without the 
consent of France, and were seriously hampered by the Morse, 
instructions of Congress to do nothing without the "knowl- J'^^^^ Adams, 
edge and concurrence" of the French king "and ultimately 
to govern yourselves by their [the French ministers'] advice 
and opinion." As France had agreed in the treaty with 
Spain (1779) to continue the war until Gibraltar should be 
captured, and to share the American fisheries with Spain 
alone if Newfoundland were reduced, these instructions were 
in the interest of France and not of the United States. Fur- 
thermore there is no doubt that the French government 

* Even with the separate treaty, success could be attained by England 
only with a united ministry, yet the negotiation of the treaties with the 
continental nations was intrusted to the foreign secretary, Charles Fox, 
and of that with the United States to his political and personal enemy, 
the colonial secretary. Lord Shelburne. To complicate matters still 
further, Rockingham died in July, 1782, and his place was taken by Shel- 
burne, who did not enjoy the full confidence of his associates. 



160-165. 



IS4 



American History 



[17S2 



American 
claims. 



English 
claims. 



Negotiation 

ot the prelimi- 
nary treaty. 

Lecky, Am. 

Rexxnuticn, 

466-471. 
477-482. 

Lamed (ed.). 
Ready Ref., 
V. 3232-3357. 

Lodge, 
Si.^ry o/Rez'., 
II. 206-216. 

McLaughlin. 

C<omfederati<^Ky 

11-28. 



desired to have the United States weak enough to be de- 
pendent on France for continued aid.^ 

170. Claims and Negotiations (1782). — The claims se- 
riously presented by the American commissioners were 
four in number: (i) complete recognition of American inde- 
pendence; (2) the Mississippi River as a western boundary, 
and on the north the Great Lakes or a line through Lake 
Nipissing to the source of the Mississippi; (3) the right to 
fish off Newfoundland; and (4) the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi River. 

The English, on the other hand, wished to have the 
Alleghanies as the western boundary of the United States, 
and did not care to share the fisheries with the Americans. 
They insisteti that there could be no peace until the United 
States agreed to pay all debts due to British merchants 
in 1775, and to compensate the loyalists for losses sus- 
tained during the war. They intended to acknowledge 
American independence, but held the acknowledgment in 
reserve with the hop« of trading it for \-aluable concessions. 

With remarkable skill and good fortune, Franklin opened 
the negotiations for peace by persuading the English secre- 
tary, Lord Shelbume, to select as England's representative, 
Richard Oswald, an unsuspicious, open-minded man, 
easily intiuenced by the great philosopher. Through Os- 
wald he succeeded in obtaining recognition of almost all 
the American claims before the arrival of Jay from ^Madrid 
in July, 17S2. On account of his experience in Spain, Jay 
had grown distrustful of all Europeans, and declared that 
he would not proceed until the independence of the United 
States was accepted as the basis of the treaty rather than as 
one of its provisions. Shelbume expressed his willingness 
to do this, on condition that we make a separate treaty. 
When Franklin asked Jay if he would break his instructions 
to follow the advice of the French ministers, Jay repUed, 
''as readily as I break this pipe," throwing the fragments 



* France also wi<;hed to have the American boundaries limited to the 
Alleghanies. See map opposite p. 1S5. 



1783] The Treaty of Peace 185 

into the fire. With the aid of Adams, who became the 
champion of the American fisheries, negotiations now pro- 
ceeded, and a preliminary treaty was signed November 30, 
1782, without the knowledge of the French. This was, 
however, to become operative only when accepted by par- 
liament and when the French and the English agreed upon 
terms of peace. Although rejected by parliament, on 
September 3, 1783, a new treaty almost identical with that 
of 1782 was signed at Paris. 

171. Provisions of the Treaty of Peace (1783). — In Boundaries. 
the opening section of the treaty. Great Britain acknowledged 
the independence of the United States. The boundaries winsor {^.d 1 
agreed upon were as follows: on the north from the mouth America, 
of the St. Croix to the source of that river, north to the high- ^^^' ^71-180. 
lands that separated the rivers flowing into the St. Lawrence 
from those flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, along those 

i highlands to the Connecticut River, parallel 45 to the St. 

I Lawrence, the middle of the St. Lawrence and the Great 
Lakes to the Lake of, the Woods, and thence to the source 

j of the Mississippi,^ on the west, the Mississippi River to 

iJ parallel 31, and on the south parallel 31 to the Chattahoochie 

I River, and along the present north boundary of Florida to 

I I the Atlantic Ocean. 

1 The people of the United States were to have the right other 
I] to fish off Newfoundland. Creditors were to be paid hona provisions. 
|( pde debts in sterling money. Congress was to recommend 

to the state legislatures restitution of all estates, rights, and p^^JiL-^' 
i"l properties to loyalists, and the treaty declared that there 471-474. 
y should be no further persecution of that class. The British 
i armies were to be withdrawn at once from all posts in the 
' United States, no negroes being taken with them. Finally, 

the navigation of the Mississippi was declared to be free to 
j subjects of both countries. The greatest victory of the 
\ Revolution had been won, not by armies in America, but by 
' statesmen in Europe. 

^ "A due west course to the river Mississippi." It was supposed at that 
time that the source of the Mississippi was north of the latitude of the Lake 
of the Woods. Later it was discovered that it was almost directly south. 



1 86 



American History 



[1775- 



Problems of 
union and in- 
dependence. 



First period 
of the war 



Second period 
of the war 
(1778-1783). 



172. Summary. — The war between the colonies and 
Great Britain made independence inevitable during the 
second year of the conflict. Although the colonies were 
united from the beginning, the union was represented until 
1 78 1 solely by Congress, w^hich exercised less, authority 
year by year. With a large percentage of the people loyal 
to Great Britain, the political leaders were obliged not onlyl 
to form a national government but to organize state govern-' 
ments, create an army on limited financial resources, secure 
recognition of the United States abroad, and finally make 
peace on favorable terms. 

During the first year of the war all battles were confined 
to New England or the northern border. When in the sum- 
mer of 1776 the theater of action was transferred to the 
middle states, the English armies began a serious struggle 
for the control of the Hudson, and incidentally the Delaw^are. 
Gaining a foothold on New York, which was maintained to 
the end of the war, the British occupied New Jersey until 
repulsed by Washington, and sought in 1777 to gain control 
of the Hudson and of Philadelphia. 

With the failure of these plans and the French alliance, 
the English generals began active campaigns in the South. 
Although attended by success at first, they lost gradually 
all the southern colonies that they had occupied until, after 
Yorktown, they held only Charleston and Savannah. When 
peace was made, everything seemed to favor the American 
commissioners, who gained extensive territories in the 
West, besides the concession of almost all other demands 
except those relating to commerce with Great Britain. 



TOPICS 



1. The Loyalists: Winsor (ed.), "America," VII, pp. 185- 
214; Van Tyne, "Loyalists in the Revolution;" Flick, "Loyalisin| 
in New York." 

2. Burgoyne's Campaign (1777):' Fiske, "American Revolu-| 
tion," I, pp. 262-343; Lodge, "Story of the Revolution," I, pp. 228- 
278; Carrington, "Battles of the Revolution," pp. 303-354. 



1783] The Revolutionary War 187 

3, The Treaty of Paris (i 782-1 783) : Winsor (ed.), " America," 
VII, pp. 89-165; Lee (ed.) (Veditz and James), "North America,'* 
VI, pp. 423-442; Bigelow, "Franklin," Part III, Chapters III-V; 
Pellew, "John Jay," pp. 144-228. 

STUDIES 

1. Loyalists at the beginning of the Revolution. (Howard, 
"Preliminaries of the Revolution," pp. 313-326.) 

2. Struggle for Lake Champlain (1776). (A. T. Mahan in Scrih- 
ners, XXIII (1898), pp. 147-160.) 

3. New York and the independence movement. (Van Tyne, 
"Revolution," pp. 88-95.) 

4. Battle of Long Island. (Carrington, "Battles of the Revolu- 
tion," 199-219.) 

5. Finances of the War. (Lee (ed.) (Veditz and James), "North 
America," VI, pp. 443-456.) 

6. The genius of Franklin. (W.MacDonald in Atlantic Monthly, 
Vol. 96 (1905), pp. 450-462.) 

7. Arnold's career (i 778-1 781). (Fiske, " American Revolution," 
II, pp. 206-239.) 

8. Battle of Kings Mountain. (Lodge, "Story of the Revolu- 
tion," II, 56-66.) 

9. French influence over Congress. (Pellew, " Life of John Jay," 
124-127, 150-165.) 

10. Jay's suspicions of France. (Pellew, "Life of John Jay," 
pp. 179-200.) 

11. The military ability of Washington. (Ford, "True George 
Washington," pp. 274-292.) 

12. Meaning of the Revolution. (Lodge, "Story of the Revolu- 
tion," II, pp. 224-248.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Why did the Americans desire to gain possession of Canada? 
What plans were suggested to that end ? Why was the failure of the 
expedition of 1775 not an "unmixed misfortune"? 

2. Were the Americans fighting the battles of English freedom? 
Was independence inevitable ? How far had the desire for separation 
spread by April, 1775? by July, 1776? What effect did the Declara- 
tion have on parties in the United States ? on our standing abroad ? 

3. Make a study of the Declaration. What do you think of the 
bases of the argument in § 2 ? of the argument itself? Point out what 
reasons were illegal in English law ; which were contrary to colonial 
practices before 1763? Did the Declaration make the states inde- 
pendent individually, or collectively? 



1 88 A))icncan Histofy 

4. What was the importance of the first state governments ia) 
in our constitutional history? {b) in reference to independence? 
Wh>- were the legislatures predominant during the quarter centur>' 
following 1776? 

5. What does the proportion of the loyalists show as to the feeling 
of the colonists regardmg the war ? What rights had the Tories ? 
Was the policy of the states toward the loyalists after 1781 wise? 

6. Name the different sources of congressional revenue during the 
war. \Miy did not Congress levy duties on imports ? \Miat diffi- 
culties did it encounter in borrowing ? Discuss the wisdom of issuing 
continental ciu-renc\-. 

7. What causes produced the French alliance ? \Miat obligations 
were imposed on each side by the alliance ? What was the difference 
in the conduct of the war, feeling of the people, and theater of action 
before the alliance and after ? 

8. Of what value to the British was the control of the Carolinas 
and Georgia ? What territory was controlled by the British, :March 
I, 1 781? November i of the same year? 

9. Compare the reasonableness of the British and American claims. 
Compare the claims with the provisions of the treaty. How do you 
account for American success ? 

10. Give in outline a histor>- of the international changes of 
territor}- from 165^ to 17S4. 



CHAPTER IX 

CREATION OF A GENERAL GOVERNMENT 

(1781-1789) 

Articles of Confederation 

173. Formation of the Confederation. — In June, 1776, proposal 

when the movement for independence was well under way, i" Congress. 
Congress appointed a committee of one from each state to 

draft articles of union. The first report of this committee Revolution, 

was made by the chairman, John Dickinson, on July 12, 183-186, 

1776, but the question of completing a confederation was ^^ ~^°^* 

treated with indifference by most of the delegates, and it ^^^^^^ j^^^^ 

was not until November, 1777, that Congress agreed upon Leaflets, '^o.t.q 
Articles of Confederation. 

These articles were to go into effect when ratified by all Ratification 

of the states, but three and a half years elapsed before the by the states, 
last of the states gave her consent. During this interval 

*^ ^ Curtis, 

the old Congress, with its powers undefined, and its author- consfl Hist., 

ity growing less year by year, cared as best it could for the 1,86-97. 

interests of the United States. By February, 1779, however, 

only Maryland had neglected to sign, and for two years the 

little commonwealth refused until Virginia promised that 

her claims to the land northwest of the Ohio River (§ 180) 

should be surrendered to the central government. 

I 174. Provisions of the Articles of Confederation. — The Composition 

j government of the United States under the Articles consisted ^"^ powers 

of Congress, 
of a Congress composed of not less than two nor more than 

seven delegates from each state. There was no separate y^^^^ Critical 
< executive or judiciary. Congress had the right to make Period, 93-98. 
1 treaties, and in fact took charge of all foreign affairs, but 
t it had no authority whatever to enforce any article of a 

treaty which a state refused to respect. Congress was per- 

1 189 

I 

r 



190 



A in eric an History 



[1781 



MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No, 2, Arts. V, 
VII-X. 



State and 
interstate 
regulations. 



Nature of the 
Confederation, 
Fiske, Critical 
Period, 98-101. 
Curtis, 
Const' I Hist., 
I, 98-103. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, III, 
Nos. 39-41. 

Importance of 
the Confed- 
eration, 



mitted to declare war and make peace, to construct a navy, 
to organize an army, to borrow and issue money, and to 
make requisitions on the states for sums sufficient to pay 
all current expenses. When a vote was taken, each state 
had one vote, and the support of nine states was required 
for all measures of importance. Congress was also the court 
of final resort in interstate disputes. 

The attempt was made by the framers of the Articles to 
render these powers effective by prohibiting to the states 
the sending of ambassadors, the making of treaties, the lay- 
ing of duties which violated any treaty of the United States, 
and the making of war. One especially valuable article 
provided for the establishment of an interstate citizenship, 
making it possible for a citizen of one state to become a 
citizen of another by a bona fide residence in the latter. 

175. The League of States formed under the Articles 
of Confederation was in no sense a nation. The states wxre 
as yet unwilling to establish a true central government or 
give Congress the powers necessary to secure an international 
standing and to gain respect at home. The union was crude 
and unsatisfactory. As has been well said, the Confederation 
seemed to have been designed to accomplish a minimum 
of result with a maximum of effort. 

Jealousy of any government which exercised its rule 
beyond the limits of any one state led the states to assert 
their separate sovereignty and independence. In every 
way the union was sacrificed to the states, because of their 
deep-seated dread of a government that was not local. 
Yet when we consider the situation, the intense spirit of 
localism, the narrowness that marked many of the political 
actions of the people, the fear of oppression through union 
which was constantly present during colonial times, and 
the inexperience in forming a legal union of the states, we 
cease to wonder that the Confederation was so imperfect. 
Indeed, if we compare the Congress of the Confederation 
with the Second Continental Congress, considering that the 
latter was exercising war powers without any direct legal 



1783] 



Articles of Coiife deration 



191 



authority, — powers that in time of peace might disappear 
entirely, — we can realize perhaps that the Confederation 
was a more perfect union than the one existing in 1776. 

176. The Amendment of the Articles of Confederation. — 
No amendment of the Articles was to become a part of that 
document until ratified by all of the states. For this reason 
the imperfections which were inevitable in any first gov- 
ernment, and especially marked in the Confederation, could 

not be eradicated easily. The 

Confederation was in consequence 
short-lived. 

Since no government can long 
maintain its authority on an in- 
sufficient revenue, the most serious 
need of amendment was notice- 
able in connection with the 
finances. Congress had exhausted 
its paper money early in the war 
(§ 153). It was not allowed to 
levy taxes, and was able to borrow 
very little abroad (§ 152). Prac- 
tically therefore its sole resource was the requisitions made 
on the states. As these were paid with increasing reluctance 
and in decreasing proportions. Congress tried twice to 
amend the Articles. On February 3, 1781, it asked that 
Congress be allowed to collect a five per cent ad valorem 
duty on imports to be used exclusively for the interest 
and principal of the public debt. To this all consented 
except Rhode Island. The second proposed amendment, 
accepted by Congress April 30, 1783, provided for a duty 
for twenty five years of five or more per cent on seven 
enumerated articles, to be applied to the interest only 
of the public debt. It took four years to gain consent 
of twelve states, and the thirteenth. New York, finally 
refused to ratify the amendment. 

If it was impossible to obtain a legal change in the Articles 
when the need was so great, we can see that the Articles 




Robert Morris 



The process of 
amendment. 



Financial 
amendments. 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial His^., 
^^ 21, 22. 



Curtis, 
Consfl Hi^t, 
I, 157-167. 

A7ner. Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No. 28. 



192 



American History 



[1781 



Temporary 
character of 
the Articles. 



were unsuitable for a permanent constitution, and would 
of necessity be replaced by a more satisfactory document 
in the course of a few years. 



Dangers and 
problems. 

McLaughlin, 
Confederation, 
39-46, 55-60. 

Fiske, Critical 
Period, 
142-147, 189. 



Complaints of 
the soldiers. 



Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
105-114. 



McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

59-68. 



The Critical Period (i 781-1787) 

177. Critical Conditions. — The period following the 
establishment of the Confederation has very properly been 
named "the critical period of American history." The 
union produced by the struggle for independence was to be 
tested by the much more trying problems of peace. Jeal- 
ous of one another, yet not daring to separate; burdened 
by debts, with resources greatly impaired by the war, the 
states were forced to make good their claim that they were 
capable of the self-government they desired — a task that 
was especially difficult because the revolt against British 
domination had developed a spirit of protest against author- 
ity of every kind. Still more serious were the refusal of the 
states to subordinate their interests to those of the Union and 
the difficulties of cooperation among the states. Foreign 
powers refused to treat with a people who formed "one 
nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow." The vast terri- 
tory beyond the Alleghanies, in which the claims of the 
states overlapped, was a perpetual menace to continued 
harmony. Trade between the states was in a most chaotic 
condition, since each regulated its commerce to its own 
advantage. With good reason might European statesmen 
believe that the new republic would be dissolved within 
a few years. 

178. The Old Soldiers. — Not the least of the dangers 
feared by the people at the close of the war was the conti- 
nental army. To us these fears seem almost without foun- 
dation, but there w^as a chance that in the disordered con- 
dition of affairs, the army, which was the only well-organized 
body in America, might seize the reins of power. The sol- 
diers felt that they had been treated badly and were dis- 
satisfied on account of the failure of Congress to pay them 
promptly. In 1781 two regiments had revolted because 



lySi] The Critical Period 193 

they thought Congress had broken faith with them, and 
Congress was driven from Philadelphia in June, 1783, by 
a company of half-drunk and mutinous soldiers. To this 
was added the popular distrust caused by the Newburgh 
address — an anonymous appeal to the officers of the army 
to seek redress for neglect and wrongs. Although this came 
to nothing, on account of the tact and wisdom of Washing- 
ton, it increased the dread of military interference. 

The army was disbanded in June, 1783, the soldiers being Society of the 
paid in paper money. Before separating, the officers or- Cincinnati, 
ganized a society called the order of the Cincinnati, very un- { r nt m 
wisely providing that at the death of any member his place poraries, 
should be taken by his eldest son. So great was the indig- ii, No. 218. 
nation manifested everywhere at this attempt to establish 
a so-called aristocracy that the objectionable feature was /j^^^-^^ „. 
soon dropped. In point of fact the organization does not 119. 
seem to have exerted a very marked influence over the 
politics of the succeeding years. 

179. Land Claims of the States. — During the period of Claims based 
the Confederation the West exerted a constant influence °" charters. 
on the policy of the United States. Although by the Proc- p.^j^^ 
lamation of 1763 (§ 94) settlements had been prohibited Critical Period, 
west of the mountains, and by the Quebec Act (1774) (§ 137) 189-191. 
the territory northwest of the Ohio River had been granted 
to the province of Quebec, no less than seven states laid oid Northwest 
claim to western lands.^ By virtue of "sea to sea" char- 188-196. 
] ters, four of these, Massachusetts, Connecticut, North Caro- 
lina, and South Carolina, claimed the western belts included Donaldson, 
j between their northern and southern boundaries prolonged 
I to the Mississippi. Virginia asserted her title not only to 
the lands west of her but north of the Ohio as well, because 

I her charter of 1609 included the phrase " from sea to sea, 
west and northwest. ^^ 
I New York claimed the territory between the Ohio and the New York's 
j Great Lakes, because the Iroquois, who kept in subjection claim. 

^ The map opposite p. 185 indicates these claims more definitely 
and accurately. 



194 



American History 



\ 



[1781 



Validity of the 
claims. 



Attitude of 
Maryland. 



Atner. Hist. 
Leaflets, No. 
22, 1-8. 



Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
191-193. 

Donaldson, 
Public Domain, 
60-63. 

Hinsdale, 
Old Northwest, 
197-217. 



Cessions by the 
states. 



the Indians of that region, had by treaty conferred upon 
New York their claims to its jurisdiction. Georgia asserted 
her right to the Southwest because in 1764 royal instructions 
had extended her jurisdiction over this region. 

The validity of these claims was questioned with good 
reason by the states that held no western lands. Not only 
had the charters been granted in ignorance of the geography 
of America, but with a single exception, that of Connecticut, 
these charter grants had been revoked. Moreover, Great 
Britain, by the Quebec Act (1774), had shown that none of 
the older colonies could claim jurisdiction of any western 
lands in the North. 

180. Land Cessions (1781-1802). — As early as 1778 
Maryland protested against the recognition of these claims, 
which she deemed extravagant and unjust. New Jersey 
and Delaware, when joining the Confederation, expressed 
the hope that the large states would be willing to curtail 
their western boundaries, but Maryland waited for the states, 
especially Virginia, to give up their claims before she signed 
the Articles. She felt that her future was jeopardized by 
her neighbor's ability to sell cheap lands and thereby re- 
duce Maryland's population, which would be drawn off 
by the low taxes of Virginia or to the fertile valleys of the 
West. She took the broad, patriotic view that the western 
lands " if wrested from the common enemy by the blood 
and treasure of the thirteen states, should be considered as 
a common property, subject to be parcelled out by Congress 
into free, convenient, and independent governments." 
To meet the objections of Maryland, and to remove the very 
serious dangers arising from interstate strife over conflict- 
ing claims. Congress, on September 6, 1780, urged the states 
to transfer their western land claims to the United States. 
When assurances w^ere given that this would be done, Mary- 
land joined the Confederation, March i, 1781. 

That same day New York ceded her western lands to the 
United States, and three years later Virginia gave up all 
claim to territory northwest of the Ohio except for certain 



1787] The Critical Period 195 

military lands along the Ohio River. In 1785 Massachusetts Amer. Hist. 

yielded her claims to lands beyond the present western boun- ^^«A^^. 
dary of New York, and the next year the Connecticut cession ""' ^^' ^~^^' 

was completed, a strip along Lake Erie, known in history ^^^^.^' ^''''^''^'^^ 

as the ''Connecticut Reserve," being retained by the state 193-196. 

until 1800. South Carolina (1787) gave up her claim to a ... 

1,1 , . ., ^ ' / / o r King, Ohio, 

belt about thirteen miles wide, and in 1790 North Carolina 167-172. 

yielded to the United States the jurisdiction of what is now Hinsdale old 

Tennessee, most of the lands having already been granted Northwest. 

to private parties. Not until 1802 did Georgia formally 218-246. 

cede the last of her western lands, the delay being caused Donaldson, 

by disputes over certain ''Yazoo claims," lands irregularly P"f^'><' Domain, 

^ granted by the Georgia legislature. ^~ 

\ 181. Ordinances for the Government of Western Ter- Ordinance of 

jritory. — Long before these cessions were completed. Con- ^784- 

jgress adopted, April 2^, 1784, resolutions proposed by ^iske, 

Thomas Jefferson for the government of all the western ^'''f'^^^''-'''^' 
1 . 196-199. 

territory ceded or to be ceded by the various states. Small _ , 

... . 1 r , , / . , McLaughlin, 

I States were to be formed and admitted to the Union as soon Confederation, 

las their population equaled that of the least populous among 114-117. 

ithe original states. They were to have republican govern- Amer. Hist. 

jments and were to remain forever a part of the United States.^ Leaflets, No. 32. 

ri No attempt was made to put this plan into operation, Ordinance of 

jand the real territorial system of the United States dates ^787. 

jfrom the much more famous Ordinance of 1787. In that Fiske, 

"^document are contained the principles of territorial govern- Critical Period, 

ent which the United States has used with slight modifica- ^°3-207. 






ions from that day to this. The territory was to be governed McLaughlin, 

temporarily in one or two districts by a governor, a secretary. Confederation, 

knd judges selected by Congress, but when each district "^-^^2. . 

I 

1 * These resolutions followed in the main the suggestions made by a 
Ihommittee of which Thomas Jefferson was the leading member. Although 
the resolutions applied to all western territory, it was quite evident that 
only that in the Northwest was contemplated seriously, since names were 
Suggested for states in that region alone. These names were finally 
|)mitted from the resolutions, as was also a clause prohibiting slavery in 
Ul the western territory after 1800, this antislavery clause being favored 
j)y only six out of the ten states represented in Congress. 



196 



American History 



[1787 



MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No. 4. 



Slavery in the 
Southwest. 



Donaldson, 
Public Domain, 
161-163. 



Settlement of 
the West. 



Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
199-202. 

McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

128-137. 



Navigation of 
the Mississippi. 

Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
207-211. 



contained five thousand free male adults, there should be a 
representative assembly. Not less than three nor more than 
five states were to be formed from the territory, as soon as 
each contained not less than sixty thousand free inhabitants. 
None of these states were to be separated from the Union, 
perfect religious liberty was guaranteed, and civil rights were 
assured the inhabitants. Most interesting of all, there was 
to be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said 
territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted" — a 
phrase that was to become famous in American history. 
By this article and one which provided for a land system 
much simpler than that of colonial times, the Ordinance of 
1787 exerted an inestimable influence on the later develop- 
ment of the Northwest and of the nation. 

Jefferson was unable to extend his liberal antislavery 
ideas to the territory southwest of the Ohio, for, when Con- 
gress accepted the cession of North Carolina (1790), it 
agreed that ''no regulations made, or to be made, by Con- 
gress shall tend to emancipate slaves." Except in this 
particular, the Ordinance of 1787 w^as extended to the public 
domain in the South. 

182. The West and Foreign Affairs. — In the years 
following Yorktown there had been a great exodus through 
the passes of the Alleghanies into the fertile valleys of eastern 
Kentucky and Tennessee. These hardy pioneers had a 
thinly veiled contempt for the inefficient Congress, and when, 
in 1784, North Carolina offered to cede Tennessee to the 
United States, the settlers took the law into their own hands 
and organized the state of Franklin. North Carolina there- 
upon withdrew her offer, and after two years of fighting 
reestablished her control in eastern Tennessee. 

The same spirit that opposed government by a Congress 
which could give no protection led those westerners to resent 
interference by Spain with the free navigation of the Missis- 
sippi. Spain was displeased with the extension of United 
States territory to the Mississippi, and had just cause for 



1784] The Critical Period 197 

complaint in the restriction of the West Florida boundary McLaughlin, 

to the thirty-first degree.^ Spain now closed the entrance to confederation, 

91-101. 
the Mississippi, and seized the stock of an American trader 

who had descended the river as far as Natchez. The story 
of his loss aroused the rough and ready pioneers, who ^^^.^li ^ 
sought to retaliate. Their anger was inflamed still more when ill. No. 45. 
they learned that John Jay, the secretary for foreign affairs, 
had agreed that the Mississippi should be closed for twenty- 
five years in return for a commercial treaty with Spain 
which would open to our ships a profitable trade with the 
West Indies. The South heartily espoused the cause of the 
West against the commercial North, and the treaty was never 
completed. 

183. Relations with Great Britain were strained during Failure to ob- 
the Confederation because of commercial difficulties and the ^^"^^^ treaties, 
failure on both sides to carry out the treaty of peace. The 
English army had carried off many negro slaves and refused 'I'" 7,/J 
I to surrender the forts south of the Great Lakes, as British vil, 307-308. 
fur traders were unwilling to give up the lucrative trade of 
I that region. On the other hand several states passed laws Fiske, 
^ which prevented British creditors from collecting debts CnhcalPenod 
incurred before the war. A larger number took especial 
I delight in persecuting the loyalists who remained in the 
I United States or sought to return. Many loyalists were ^^evolution, 
I disfranchised. Estates which had been left untouched in 256-268. 
I the war were confiscated, and damages were sought for the 
'j property of patriots which had been in the possession of Uan, Contem- 
'ithe enemy in New York and other places. In South Caro- ■^^^^^^^^' g ' 
ijlina loyalists were compelled to emigrate, and many w^ho 



1 ^ In the preliminary treaty of peace (1782), Great Britain and the 
JUnited States agreed in a secret article that if Great Britain retained West 
jFlorida, the northern boundary of the province should be the parallel passing 
'through the mouth of the Yazoo River as theretofore ; but if it was trans- 
'ferred to Spain, the boundary should be parallel 31. At that time this in- 
jtermediate territory was controlled absolutely by Spain. When the secret 
article became known, Spain was greatly incensed; but in 1795 she agreed 
to the thirty-first degree as the boundary between the United States and 
[Florida. 



igS 



A)/irrii-(JN History 



[•7«4 



Attonipt to 
soouif ;i com- 
nuM-cial troatv. 



M.Hi. Hist., 
VII. 3(X)-3io. 



MoLauqhlin, 
( \'nft\if ration, 
102-107. 

Fiske. 

Oitu\tn\-rioJ, 

13S-144. 

H.irt. Cont<-m- 
111. Nos. 50-53. 



Paper money, 
rrewtt :•. 
Woeilt-n 
(,1786). 

L\imbrid^e 
.\fod Hist., 
VII. 312-313. 
Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
162-165. 
16S-177. 



ivfusoil wcMV kilKnl. Probably one luiiulrcd thousaiul per- 
sons loft tho country for I'Jigland or the Britisli colonies 
during the war and the years succeeding. As these refu- 
gees were unable to secure coni|)ensation from the state 
legislatures for their losses, the British government appro- 
]M-iateil a large sum of money for them, besides giving them 
helj) in other ways. 

These violations of treaty c)bligations and acts of violence 
not only caused ill feeling, but stixxl in the way of a com- 
mercial treaty with Great Britain which we desired greatly. 
In making the treaty of peace in 178:;, no commercial agree- 
ments were made by the two nations. In consecpience 
I'-ngland prohibited trade with the British West Indies 
excejit in l-'nglish ships and alsv) restricted a large part of the 
commerce with the British Isles to English ships. This 
pi^licy she would not change because her minister claimed 
that we could make no concessions of value tc^ them. Beft^re 
177(1 we had protested against the British navigation acts 
because they prevented our colonial trade with foreign coun- 
tries; after that date we objected to them because they 
interfered with traile between the United States and British 
dependencies. Many Americans desired by retaliation to 
force Great Britain into granting us trade advantages, but 
this was impossible, for Congress had no power to place 
restrictions on Knglish commerce that would be uniform 
throughout the United States, and several of the states 
sought to attack English trade by levying duties on goods 
brought from Great Britain. 

184. Internal Disorder. — Although times were fairly 
prosperous in spite of state jealousy and foreign difficulties, 
most of the cash had been exported to pay for goods bought 
abroad. There had been so much speculation following 
the close of the war that debts were heavy and discon- 
tent rife. For relief the debtors demanded issuance of 
large sums of paper money. This was granted in seven 
states. Of necessity the currency depreciated, and aggra- 
vated the evils. In Rhode Island the legislature passed an 



17^7] '^h.e Critical Period irjg 

act forcing men to take the almost worthless paper. A McF.Hughiin, 
butcher named Wecden refuserl to do this and appealed ^-""A^^''^^^'^^. 
to the courts, v/hich declared the force act unconstitutional 
(1786). Amid great excitement, at a special session, the 
legislature removed the obnoxious judges. This was the 
first conspicuous case in which a court declared null and 
void an act of a legislature. 

In Massachusetts the hard-money party [jrevailcfl, but Shays's 
the advocates of a paper currency attacked the lawyers ^<''^"'^^^'->^- 
and closed the courts that had been instrumental in collect- „ . ,. , 

Hart, Conlem- 

ing debts. Led by Daniel Shays, formerly a captain in the porane^, 
American army, the rioters gained possession of \\V;rcester n^.-^'^-sS. 
and towns to the west. At length, being short of arms and „ , 

^ ' ^ .McLaughlin, 

ammunition, they attacked the arsenal at Springfield, con/ederaiion, 
They were finally defeated by the militia under General 154-i'v- 
Lincoln (1787). 

Meanwhile, the states were becoming more and more in- interstate 
censed with one another on account of commercial difficulties. "'^*^" relations. 
Those that had seaports took unfair advantage of their neigh- 
bors, levying unjust and unnecessary duties. New Jersey 
was compared to a cask tapped at both ends. Connecticut 144-147. 
was on bad terms with both Massachusetts and New York. 
Some of the states imposed special restrictions on foreign 
commerce, some invited foreign trade by removing all 
duties. Affairs were in a chaotic condition and becoming 
worse. 

All of this disorder convinced people who had hitherto x\ef;dofa 
been indifferent that the authority of the state governments ^^""''"^ ""'^'"• 
must be upheld in enforcing the law, and that a stronger ^^^^^ contenv- 
central government was absolutely necessary. The country poranes, 
was in a prosperous condition on the whole; the people were ^^'' ^^^'^- 54. 
becoming more united and realizing their dependence on ^^' ^^' ^^' 
one another, the churches were taking steps toward perfect- 
ing national organizations, but a new government was re- 
quired for the United States, and many believed that the 
Articles of Confederation should not be allowed to stand 
in the way. 



Fiske, 
Critical Period. 



200 



American History 



[1786 ! 



Meeting of the 
conference. 



Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
213-218. 



McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

172-183. 



Spring of 
1787. 

Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
220-222. 



Curtis, 
Const' I Hist. 
I, 175-185. 



Formation of the Constitution (i 787-1 788) 

185. The Annapolis Conference. — As nothing could 
be done under the existing Confederation toward remedy- 
ing these defects, an earnest attempt was now made, under 
the lead of Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, to 
obtain new articles of union. Their opportunity arrived 
when in 1786 Virginia and Maryland were discussing a 
system of tolls and com- 
mercial agreements for the 
Potomac River. Dele- 
gates from all of the 
states were invited to join 
representatives from these 
two at Annapolis, Mary- 
land, and discuss ways of 
improving commerce be- 
tween the states. Nine of 
the states appointed com- 
missioners, but only five 
were represented at the 
conference. Unable to 
transact any business of 
importance, and believing 
that the time had come for decisive action, these men 
adopted a resolution offered by Hamilton urging the state 
legislatures to select delegates for a constitutional conven- 
tion which should revise the Articles of Confederation. 

Congress was asked to indorse this convention, but re- 
fused. Without waiting for the sanction of that body, the 
state legislatures began to appoint representatives. When 
a majority of the states had taken this step. Congress yielded 
so far as to call another convention to meet at the same time 
and place. During this winter of 1 786-1 787, the defeat 
of the second amendment of the Articles (§ 176), and the 
anarchy accompanying Shays's rebellion, roused people to I 
the need of a new and better constitution, so that the sum- 




JAMES Madison 



^7^71 > Formation of Constitution 201 

mer of 1787 was a propitious time for changing the funda- 
mental law of the United States. 

186. The Connecticut Compromise. — At the old state- Members of 
house in Philadelphia, where the Declaration of Independ- theconventioa 
ence had been signed, the delegates to the convention 
gathered in May, 1787. Many leaders of the revolution Fiske, 

1 1 TTT 1 • T-i 1 T T 1 -T. Cvitical PcT lod, 

were there, among them Washmgton, l^ranklm, John Rut- 224-229 
ledge, Charles and C. C. Pinckney, Roger Sherman, and 
Robert Morris. But the work before them was performed j^^^^au hiin 
to a greater degree by younger and perhaps less known men. Confederation, 
James Madison, the author of the first outline, and Gouver- 184-191. 
neur Morris, the writer of the final draft, of the Constitution, 
were among the younger members, as were also Alexander 
Hamilton and James Wilson, the most ardent advocates 
of a strong government in America. It is probably the ablest 
body of men that ever assembled in this country. Its mem- 
bers represented many views and classes. A few placed 
local interest and state pride before all else, a small number 
would have sacrificed every hope of a better government 
because too narrow-minded for such a great undertaking, 
but the majority earnestly strove to subordinate personal 
preferences for the public good. 

Before many sessions had been held, the delegates began Parties in the 
to arrange themselves in two groups or parties. The larger convention, 
of these favored a new Constitution, with a Congress of 

.... Ca77ibridge 

two houses, a separate executive and judiciary, and a very j^j^^ Hist., 

great increase of national power. The other wished to vii. 246-249. 

revise the Articles of Confederation, giving Congress power piske, 

to levy duties and internal taxes, and allowing that body to Critical Period 

appoint an executive and judiciary. The latter group was ^35-25°- 

composed chiefly of delegates from the small states who McLaughlin, 

feared that concentration of power in the central govern- Confederation, 

ment would be a great advantage to the larger states and ^^2-220. 

correspondingly dangerous to themselves. 

As the advocates of the national government were in a Compromise 

majority, the small-state party consented to frame a new over repre- 
^ . . , , , , . sentation. 

Constitution, and began a contest for equal representation 



202 



American History 



[1787 



Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
250-255- 

McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

221-235. 



Three fifths 
compromise. 



McLaughlin, 
Con feder- 
ation, 1^']- 
260. 



Fiske, 

Critical Period, 
255-262. 



Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 

in, 264-269. 



Third great 
compromise. 



of the States in the new Congress. The ''national" party 
(the delegates from the large states) wished to have the rep- 
resentation in both houses according to the population of 
the various states. After a protracted contest the conven- 
tion adopted a compromise, usually known as the " Con- 
necticut Compromise," because proposed by the delegates 
from that commonwealth. Each state was to have two 
members in one house — the Senate — and to be represented 

according to population in the 
other — the House of Repre- 
sentatives. 

187. Later History of the 
Convention. — With the adop- 
tion of the Connecticut Com- 
promise came a new arrange- 
ment of parties, for the support 
of the small states to the Con- 
stitution was now fully assured. 
Since the most important sub^ 
jects over which there was 
serious dispute were concerned 
with slavery, the new parties 
were almost sectional, as the 
North was already quite opposed to the extension of the 
system. The first question that came up was about the 
counting of the slaves. An enumeration of blacks was 
necessary for representation in the lower house of Congress 
and for the levying of direct taxes, which the states were to 
pay according to their population. As the South wanted 
slaves counted for representation, and the North wanted 
them counted for taxation, it was decided for purposes of 
enumeration to call five blacks equal to three whites. 

A little later New England clashed with the extreme 
South over the questions of navigation acts and the slave 
trade. The southern states, fearing that their agriculture 
would be sacrificed for the commerce of the North, were 
unwilling to give Congress the power of enacting navigation ^ 




James Wilson 



1787] Fonnatio7i of Constit2itio7i 203 

laws except by a two thirds vote. They likewise wished to Fiske 
prevent Congress from forbidding the slave trade. The ^/"'^^ 
North opposed both of these measures. As Gouverneur 



Morris said, this was a chance for a "bargain among the confederation 
northern and southern states." A compromise was finally 260-265. 
adopted which declared that the foreign slave trade should Cambridge 
not be forbidden before 1808/ prescribing no special majority ^od. Hist., 
for navigation acts, and forbidding the taxation of exports. ' ^'^ ~^ ^' 

These compromises closed the most heated sessions of Completion of 
the convention, but did not lessen the interest with which ^^^ ^^'°''^- 
for four months the members grappled with the problems Fiske, 
before them. FinaUy on the 17th of September, 1787, the CrUUaiPeriod, 
completed draft of the Constitution was signed by delegates 
from all the states except Rhode Island, and the first and 
most important stage in this momentous work was com- 
pleted. 

188. Feeling of the People. — The Constitution was to Objections to 

go into effect when ratified by conventions chosen by popu- ^^^ Constitu- 

lar vote in the states. If accepted by nine of them, it was 

to be established ''between the states so ratifying the same." McLaughlin, 

But the people did not fully appreciate the evils of the Con- Confederation, 

federation, and dreaded the creation of a "consolidated" ^7-231,287- 

200. 
government. They feared that the president would become 

a dictator, and thought that the national courts would be 
an instrument of t}Tanny, especially as the Constitution 
contained no bill of rights, protecting the liberty of the in- 
dividual. Others declaimed against the power of Congress 
over both the purse and the sword, urging, as did Richard 
Henrv Lee, that they preferred a rope of sand to a rod of 
iron, but these " Anti-Federalists," although numerous, were 
not united. 

Fortunately the advocates of the Constitution included Conditions 
most of the able political leaders, whose zeal never flagged favorable to 
until eleven states had indorsed the new Union. They had 
the sympathy and help of the commercial and conservative 

' So strong was the sentiment of the people against the foreign slave trade 
that action was taken long before 1808, prohibiting that slave trade in that 
year. 



204 



American History 



[1787 



McMastcr, 
I 'ni(ed States, 
I. 454-472. 



Curtis, 
Const' I Hist. 
1, 623-640. 



Final adoption. 

Schouler, 
United States, 
I. 65-79- 



McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

283-317- 



Compact 
theory. 



classes, which were disgusted wath the inefficiency of the 
Confederate Congress. Among the officers of the continen- 
tal army, even before the close of the war, the favorite toast 
had been "A hoop to the barrel." Now arose a demand 
for a "new roof." Processions were held and popular in- 
terest aroused in favor of the Constitution. Thinking men 
were convinced of the need for a new government by the 
able papers written by Hamilton, Madison,, and Jay, which 
were published under the title of The Federalist. But 
prejudice against centralization of power was deep seated, 
and the Constitution was truly "drawn by grinding neces- 
sity from a reluctant people." 

189. Ratification of the Constitution by the States. — 
The ratification began in December, 1787, with a unanimous 
vote in little Delaware. With the exception of Rhode Island 
the small states fell into Hne rapidly, showing that they were 
satisfied with the Connecticut Compromise. In Massachu- 
setts, Virginia, and New York fierce contests were waged. 
Objection was made to the " consolidated " government and 
to the lack of a bill of rights, but Patrick Henry argued 
with ability against the absolutism of the president. These 
states and three others proposed amendments to the Consti- 
tution when giving their consent, but the ratifications were to 
stand even if the amendments failed. By the first of Au- 
gust, 1788, all of the states had ratified except North Caro- 
lina and Rhode Island, which became members of the 
Union in November, 1789, and May, 1790, respectively.^ 
But Congress did not wait for them, and in September, 1788, 
selected the first Wednesday, January, 1789, as the day for 
the appointment of presidential electors, and the first Wednes- 
day in March for the first meeting of the new Congress. 

Character of the Constitution 

190. Dispute over the Nature of the Constitution. — 

From the very first there were dift'erences of opinion regard- 

* Rhode Island did not finally join the Union until the Senate had 
passed a bill prohibiting commerce with that stale. 



1783] Oiaracter of Constitution 205 

ing the character of the<^nstiiution; differences which ex- Lodge, 
plain many of the constitutional disputes of the early his- W'«5xfer, ^ 
ton- of the United States. ^Nlost of those who opj)osed its ^^^ ' 1 

ratification, and in fact a majority of the others, held that j 

it was a compact or agreement made between sovereign 
states. To them the United States was still a league from 
which, many of them claimed, any member might with- I 

draw if it desired. Had not the stat^ been sovereign imder 
the Confederation? they asked. Had not each joined the 
Union of its own accord? How then had any state lost its 
sovereigntv? Right or wrong, the compact theory of the 
Constitution was the one indoRed throughout the Union 1 

for two or three decade, and the one that was held by the I 

South as late as the Cisil War. | 

At no time, however, did all believe the Constitution National 
a compact, and it may well be doubted whether any large ***^- - 

proportion of American stat^men held that ^-iew even in | 

our early histor)-. !Many of the most sincere adherents of \^„ p^i ^^^ | 
the state sovereignt}- doctrine, moreover, steadfastly com- 11.336-343- ! 
bated the idea that a state might secede from the Union, even I 

if the Constitution did not specificallj' deny such a course. ' 

A large number of th(^e who framed the Constitution or 
formulated the earli^t policies of the United States thought 
that document a reaUy national Constitution, and the United 
States a nation, not a league. They denied that the states 
had been sovereign from 1776 to 1788, and claimed that the 
ratifications in many of the states were not volimtary but 
unavoidable. 

191. The Nation and the States. — A!:houzh theC^'E::- I -erde- 
tution deals almost exclusively v.ith the centra.! go. emner.t. .—'-''-- i 
it really explains the relation of the nation to the stat^. ^.v ^, | 

It grants certain powers to the government of the United Am. G^r^'t, 
States and denies some of these and others to the states, W 255-^63. 
but all powers are left to the stat^ which are not dek- ^^^ ^^ | 
zated to the central government or specifically denied c^wumweaiA 
to the stat^. If Consre^- -jtA ^ =*"*e legislature make (abrit^ed). 
conflicting laws rek : object, those *^"^*^ 



2o6 



American History 



[1788 



, Am. 
)^ 338- 



Stanvvood, 
Presidency, 1-9. 



enacted by Congress prevail, for the Constitution says 
that the Constitution, the national laws, and treaties 
shall be the supreme law of the land. Yet the nation and 
the states are dependent on each other. The two together 
form a whole — each by itself an incomplete part. Neither 
state law nor national law alone is sufficient for our govern- 
ment. Ours is "an indestructible union composed of in- 
destructible states," as Chief Justice Chase said at the close 
of the Civil War. 

192. Congress. — The legislative body under the Con- 
stitution is called Congress as formerly, but is composed of 
two houses, one supposed to represent the states and the 
other the people. For the smaller, the Senate, each state legis- 
lature elects two members for a term of six years, one third 
of the senators retiring every second year. Each state has 
at least one member in the House of Representatives chosen 
every two years, but its number depends on its population. 

The new Congress obtained the right to make laws for 
all subjects which the convention thought could not wisely 
be left to the states, because of the disastrous effect of con- 
flicting legislation on these topics. It has power to levy 
different kinds of taxes, borrow money, and regulate foreign 
and interstate commerce. It cares for some foreign relations 
of the United States, has the right to declare war, and raise 
an army and navy. It may coin money, make a rule for 
naturaKzation, establish post offices, grant patents and 
copyrights, and perform other acts permitted by the Con- 
stitution. In order that it might not be hampered by too 
narrow an interpretation of its powers, it has the right "to 
make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry- 
ing into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 
vested by this Constitution in the government of the United 
States, or in any department or officer thereof." 

193. The President. — After protracted debate, the con- 
vention came to the conclusion that the president should 
be chosen for a term of four years and be reeligible to the 
office. Various methods of election were considered, 



1788] Character of Constitution 20 J 



direct popular election meeting with no favor, and election Ashley, 
by Congress being rejected as likely to make the executive ■^/'^- ^°'^'^' 

• • • vy 359~36s. 

dependent on the legislative department. The choice was 

given finally to electors, equal in number to the senators 

and representatives from each state, who are chosen in what- ^J^^ l.^^^ 

ever way the states prescribe. It was intended originally monweaith 

that these electors should exercise independent judgment (abridged), 

when casting their votes, but before many years electors 

found themselves obliged to vote as they were directed by 

the parties from which they were chosen. 

The powers intrusted to the president are sufficiently Powers, 
great to make his position an important one and to show 
that Henry did not fear a dictatorship needlessly. Besides Ashley, 
the right to execute laws in general, the president has com- "^' ^^ ' 
mand of the army and navy, the right of sending ambassa- 
dors, of making treaties and appointing officials with the 
consent of the Senate, the right to veto bills passed by Con- 
gress, and many other less important duties. 

194. The Courts. — Under the Confederation, Congress Judges and 
was the court of last resort in interstate disputes. It had Jurisdiction, 
the right also to appoint judges who might try prize cases, 

but there was no regular judicial system for the United Ashley, 
States. The Constitution changed all this by providing ^^ .t_^.22, 
for a Supreme Court, and permitting Congress to erect such 
inferior courts as became necessary. The judges in all these ^^ ^^ 
were to be selected by the president and Senate, holding jm. Com- 
their offices during good behavior. The jurisdiction of monweaith 
these courts covered cases arising not only under the national ^^ " ^^ 
laws and treaties but under the Constitution as well, thus 
allowing the Supreme Court to interpret finally the meaning 
of any clause in the Constitution. Cases affecting states or 
arising between citizens of different states or between an 
American and a foreigner as well as cases affecting national 
representatives or the United States itself were to be tried 
in the courts of the nation. 

195. Amendment of the Constitution. — The failure of 
the Confederation was due in great part to the necessity of a 



208 



Ainencan History 



[1788 



Method of 
amendment. 

Meigs, 
Groxvth of 
Const., 
272-277. 



National bill of 
rights (1791)- 



Schouler, 

I hiited States, 

1. ii3-"5- 



Colonial and 
state models 
used. 



unanimous vote of the states for all changes in the Articles. 
A different scheme was adopted for amending the Consti- 
tution — one which at that time seemed too flexible if any- 
thing, but which has proved much too difficult a process 
for ordinary use. Amendments may be proposed by two 
thirds of each house of Congress or by a convention called 
on the application of two thirds of the states. These become 
parts of the Constitution when ratified by the legislatures or 
conventions in three fourths of the states. 

This method was used at once in fulfilling the promises 
made by the friends of the Constitution that a bill of rights 
should be submitted to the states. The amendments pro- 
posed by the ratifying conventions in the states were con- 
sidered carefully and revised in the first Congress, twelve 
being adopted by that body. Two of these were rejected 
by the states and the other ten were declared in force as part 
of the Constitution, December 15, 1791. The first eight 
enumerate rights of the individual with which the national 
government is not to interfere, and the tenth declares 
that all powers "not delegated to the United States by the 
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved 
to the states respectively or to the people." 

196. The Sources of the Constitution. — This bill of rights 
was to a large extent copied from those found in the state 
constitutions of that time, and is similar to the bills of rights 
of to-day.^ The government established under the Con- 
stitution proper was likewise in great measure an adapta- 
tion of a state government to the needs of a federal union. 
The president was in many ways "an enlarged copy of the 
state governor." His military powers, the right of appoint- 
ment and of veto, followed the best practices in the common- 
wealths. Congress was composed of two houses like the 
legislatures in ten of the states. The ?Iouse of Repre- 
sentatives was chosen by popular vote from districts, on a 
plan similar to that used by the assemblies even in colonial 
times. The plan of a continuous senate had been tried 



1 Ashley, "American Federal State," §§ 554-567. 



1789] Character of Constitution 209 

successfully in New York, Delaware, and Virginia. The 
national courts, with their great })Ower of interpreting the 
Constitution, were not unlike those of the states, which in 
several cases had exercised the right to set aside unconsti- 
tutional laws.' These similarities are not accidental. 
Most of the members of the constitutional convention had 
already sat in state constitutional conventions and had .seen 
that those parts of the state constitutions worked best which 
f(jllowed the usage of the time. They drew constantly 
upon the experience of their own states, and even the method 
of electing a president was suggested by a practice employed 
when choosing senators in Maryland. 

In one respect at least the members of constitutional "Original" 
conventions were obliged to consider the needs of the situa- features, 
tion without experience to help them; namely, in deciding 
the relation of the states to the nation. It is true they ran- J- H. Robin- 
sacked history from the time of the Amphictyonic league ^^' ^^^^ ^^^ 
to that of the Swiss Republic for help in solving this problem, and Social \ 
but without result. In creating a federal system they did '^«^«^^. | 

the only wise thing possible, and adopted the only system ' j 

that could reconcile conflicting interests at the same time ' 

that it established a stable government. We owe much to ' 

the men who, with the wish of experimenting as little as 
possible, laid a permanent foundation for a new and better 
union. 

The Organization- of the New Government (1789) 

197. The Presidency. — On the first Wednesrlay in Janu- Election of 

ary, 1789, presidential electors were chosen by all the states Washington. 
then in the Union with the exception of New York. In 
most of the states the choice was left with the legislature, 

but in Virginia and Maryland the people were allowed to United states, 

vote for electors. A month later the electors met at their i. 525-530- 

respective capitals and cast two votes for their candidates, stanwood, 

one of whom could not be a resident of the same state with Presidency, 

themselves. The result was of course a foregone conclusion. ^^3i- 

* For example, Trevett v. Weeden, § 182. 



McMaster, 
People of 



P 



2IO 



American History 



[1789 



Washington as 
President. 



Lodge, 

Washington, 

11.47-63. 



Washington's 
inauguration. 

McMaster, 
United States, 
I. 538-540- 



Elections and 
first meeting. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
I. 530-534. 



Washington was chosen unanimously for the presidency, 
John Adams being selected as vice president. 

At this time Washington was fifty-seven years of age, and 
without doubt the foremost man in America. Yet his 
victories had been almost exclusively on the field of battle, 
and as an administrator he was practically without experi- 
ence. On this account he took particular pains in the 
selection of his advisers, surrounding himself with men 
of exceptional ability. In the solution of the many problems 
of domestic and foreign affairs with which the new govern- 
ment was compelled to grapple, his sound judgment and 
lofty patriotism were of the highest value, and the interests 
of the United States and her people were protected during 
his administrations as they could have been under few other 
presidents, however skilled they may have been in affairs 
of state. 

Washington's first inauguration occurred in New York 
City, April 30, 1789, after a triumphal journey from his 
home at Mt. Vernon, Virginia. The oath of office was 
administered on the balcony of Federal Hall, in Wall Street, 
the populace shouting their approval: "Long live George 
Washington, President of the United States." Washington 
then retired to the Senate chamber, where he read his in- 
augural address to the houses of Congress. 

198. Beginnings of the New Congress. — The Congress 
of the Confederation had appointed March 4, 1789, as the 
date upon which its successor should begin business, but on 
that day only a few members had reached New York. Con- 
gressional elections had been held quite late, and in many 
sections no representatives had been chosen by the beginning 
of March. New Jersey, for example, kept the polls open 
for three weeks, and in many of the New England districts 
two elections were necessary since the state laws required 
a majority vote before certificates of election were issued 
to the successful candidates. Moreover, bad roads delayed 
some, for it took many of the members three weeks to reach 
New York from their own homes. More than all else, the 




George Washington 



212 



American History 



[1789 



First tariff act 
(1789). 

Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 

kh 35-36. 

McMaster, 
United States, 
I. 545-550- 

Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
138-144. 



Tonnage act. 

Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
130-134. 

The problem 
of organization. 

Schouler, 
United States, 
I, 104-106. 



example of procrastination and inaction set by the Confeder- 
ate Congress exerted a pernicious influence in making the 
congressmen indifferent and dilatory. 

At length, on April 6, a quorum was present in both houses. 
As the government was in pressing need of revenue, Congress 
did not wait for the inauguration before beginning business. 
James Madison immediately introduced a tariff bill in the 
House, which had exclusive right to originate measures relat- 
ing to revenue. Then followed weeks of debate in which 
the representatives sought to increase the duties upon arti- 
cles manufactured by their constituents, or to lower those 
which might interfere with their agricultural interests. Few 
changes were made in the Senate and the bill became a 
law on July 4, 1789. It provided for ad valorem duties 
of from five to fifteen per cent, and for specific duties on 
many articles. As a source of revenue it was a complete 
success — although the rates were raised afterward — and 
it contained the germ of our present system of protection 
to American industries. 

A few days later. Congress passed a tonnage act which 
imposed a small tax on American vessels engaged in com- 
merce, and a much heavier tax on all foreign vessels. 

199. The Executive Departments. — The next task of 
Congress was that of providing the new government with 
machinery for the administration of the laws. Although 
the Constitution mentions the executive departments, it 
makes no provision for their organization and powers. 
Two important questions were left therefore to the decision 
of Congress: (i) what departments were necessary and what 
duties should be assigned to each; (2) should the work of 
each department be performed by boards or under the super- 
vision of superintendents or secretaries ? The first question 
was settled by creating the three departments of state, the 
treasury, and war, and arranging for an attorney-general 
and a postmaster-general in addition. On the second there 
was little difference of opinion, for the board system had been 
used without great success under the Confederation, and 



1789] Organization of the New Government 213 



the majority favored heads of departments. Four of these, 
the secretaries of state, treasury, and war and the attorney- 
general, were to form a cabinet or advisory body for the 
president. This cabinet was essentially different from 
that of England, for the English cabinet at that time was 
the real executive of Great Britain, whereas the American 
cabinet was solely an ad- 
visory body, which was in 
fact not called together 
during the first adminis- 
tration of Washington. 

Washington did much 
to insure the success of 
the new government by 
the selection of his as- 
sistants. The ablest of 
these were Thomas Jeffer- 
son, who became secre- 
tary of state, and Alex- 
ander Hamilton, who was^ 
chosen for the treasury 
portfolio. All the mem- 
bers of the cabinet were 
in fact men who enjoyed 

the confidence of the people, in addition to being earnest 
supporters of the Constitution. The one on whom the 
heaviest burden fell, Hamilton, although but thirty-four 
years of age, had already rendered valuable services 
to this country during the Revolutionary War, and in 
securing the adoption of a stronger government than that 
of the Confederation. Particularly versed in the financial 
methods of his time, he was well fitted for the task of estab- 
lishing and strengthening the public credit. As a political 
manager he had few superiors, but he made the great mistake 
of distrusting the people, for he favored a central govern- . 
ment that was almost monarchical, which looked to the 
aristocracy for its support. For this reason he was never 




ALEXANDER HAMILTON 



Members of 
the cabinet. 



Hamilton. 



Bassett, 
Federalist 
Systetn, 16-20. 

Lodge, 
Wa ';hington, 
n, 62-71. 



214 



ATuericaii History 



[1789 



Judiciary Act 
of 1789. 



Schouler, 
United States, 
I, 107-108. 



Willoughl^y, 
Supreme Court, 
22-26. 



Justices of the 

Supreme 

Court. 

Pellew, Jay, 
354-366. 



Need of Union. 
Defects of the 
Confederation. 



popular with the masses and much of his effort was spent in 
trying to stem the rising tide of popular government. 

200. The National Judiciary. — The last step in organiz- 
ing the new government consisted in passing the Judiciary 
Act in September, 1789. According to the Constitution 
there was to be a Supreme Court and such inferior courts 
as Congress might create. Congress decided that there 
should be a chief justice of the Supreme Court, with five 
associate justices. It divided the United States into three 
circuits, a northern, a central, and a southern, but it did 
not provide for any separate circuit judges. Sixteen dis- 
trict courts were created, one for each of the thirteen states, 
besides Vermont, Maine, and Kentucky. To each district 
was assigned a district judge, an attorney, and a marshal. 
The jurisdiction of these courts was clearly defined, and elab- 
orate provision was made for the appeal of cases from state 
to national tribunals. This judiciary act, largely the work 
of Oliver Ellsworth, was so nearly perfect that it is still the 
basis of our judicial system, although enlarged by the ad- 
dition of the circuit courts of appeals in 1891. 

For chief justice, Washington appointed John Jay, a 
man of great learning and sound judgment. His colleagues 
also were able jurists and strong Federalists. At first their 
duties were comparatively light, and it was many years 
before people began to realize what an important work had 
been given to the national courts. In fact it was not until 
the nation became more united after 18 15 that the court 
was able to strengthen the central government greatly (§ 254). 

201. Summary. — Separation from Great Britain forced 
the colonies to decide whether they would unite or be sepa- 
rate from each other. Although union was the only at- 
tempted solution of the problem, the states were unable 
and unwilling to form a strong confederation. The chief 
defect of the Confederation — the fact that the states were 
sovereign — made it impossible for Congress to raise money 
for its needs, to enforce the laws that it made, or to regulate 
commerce for the general good. Coupled with these spe- 



,\ 



1789] Organization of the New Goveriunent 215 

cific defects was the provision of the Articles that they could 
be amended only with the consent of all the states. The 
states were in danger of drifting into commercial warfare 
and anarchy unless a substitute for the Articles could be 
devised. 

When the need of a new constitution was recognized, The new 
and a convention was called to revise the Articles of Con- Constitution., 
federation, most of the leaders desired a national Constitu- 
tion. They did not insist on that form of union, because they 
feared that it would be rejected by the states, but a com- 
promise plan was adopted by the convention at Philadelphia 
and ratified by conventions chosen for that purpose in the 
states. This federal union bound the states closely together 
without consolidating them under a centralized government. 
Such a federal repubUc was different from any that had 
existed before, so that there were numerous heated contro- 
versies during the period following 1787 regarding the powers 
of the national government and the rights of the states. 
The success of the new government was due in large part to 
the favorable circumstances under which it began its work 
in 1789. 

TOPICS 

1. DEVELOPiiEXT OF THE West : "American Nation Series," 
VIII, pp. 222-241, IX, pp. 269-288, X, pp. 128-137; Roosevelt, 
"Winning of the West," I, pp. '122-221 (to 1774); Moore, "North 
West under Three Flags," pp. 333-385 (after 1787); Winsor, "West- 
ward Movement," pp. 43-62, 77-100. 

2. FiXAXCLAX COXDITION OF THE UXITED STATES (1781-1787): 

Sumner, " Histcr^^ of American Currency," pp. 43-57; Bancroft, 
" Histor}- of the Constitution," I, pp. 31-45, 76-91, 228-241; Curtis, 
"Constitutional Histor}- of the United States," I, pp. 45-134, 157- 



3. The Ordixaxce of 1787: Johnston, "American Political 
Histor}'," I, pp. 95-105; Dunn, "Indiana," pp. 177-218; Hinsdale, 
"Old Northwest," 255-269; Sato in "Johns Hopkins University 
Studies," IV, pp. 88-120. 

4. The Coxn-ecticut Compromise: "Cambridge Modem His- 
tor}," pp. 251-264; Curtis, "Constitutional Histor}- of the United 
States," I, pp. 368-406; Bancroft, "Histor}- of the Constitution," II, 
pp. 36-67. 



2i6 Americcui History [1781- 



STUDIES 

1. Importance of the Articles of Confederation. 

2. Treatment of the loyalists. (McMaster, "People of the United 
States," I, pp. 107-130.) 

3. Reception of first American minister by George III. (Hart, 
(ed.), "Contemporaries," III, No. 53.) 

4. Paper money in the states under the Confederation. (Mc- 
Master, "People of the United States," I, 281-305, 331-355.) 

5. Defects of the Confederation. {The Federalist, XV-XVII.) 

6. The movement toward a better union. (Curtis, "Constitu- 
tional History of the United States," I, pp. 221-232.) 

7. The Virginia plan. (Madison, Journal of the Constitutional 
convention, Tuesday, May 29.) 

8. Hamilton's proposed plan of Union. (Madison, Journal, 
Monday, June 18.) 

9. Means to prevent legislative corruption considered by the 
convention. (Meigs, " Growth of the Constitution.") 

10. Report of the Committee of Details. (Madison, Journal, 
Monday, August 6.) 

11. Election of senators. (Meigs, "Growth of the Constitution," 
pp. 68-80.) 

12. Opposition of Henry to the Constitution. (Tyler, "Patrick 
Henry.") 

13. Defects in the methods of amendment. (Burgess, "Political 
Science and Comparative Constitutional Law," I, pp. 143-154.) 

14. Methods used to obtain ratification. (McMaster, "People 
of the United States," I, pp. 454-461.) 

15. Madison's view of the Constitution. (The Federalist, 
No. 39.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. What one underlying principle of the Confederation was of 
greater importance than any others? Name four specific defects of 
the Articles. Was there a greater degree of real union in this country 
in 1777 or in 1782? (Give reasons in full.) 

2. Give your opinion of the course taken by Maryland (1778- 
1781). How did the surrender of the land claims strengthen the 
Union ? 

3. What constitutional right had Congress to pass the Ordinance 
of 1787? To what extent were the provisions of the Ordinance in 
sympathy with the times ? ahead of the times ? What influence did 
they have upon the United States then ? upon our policy and history 
later? 



1789] Creation of a Geiieral Govcimment 217 

4. Was the period from 1781 to 1787 a critical period? Why? 
Do "hard times" have anything to do with cheap money agitation? 
Prove your answer from American history. Show how the commer- 
cial selfishness of the states produced a spirit of disunion and at the 
same time a spirit of union. 

5. State clearly who were the parties in each of the compromises 
adopted by the Convention. Tell what each party desired in each 
case and show which party won in each compromise. Were the 
compromises necessary? Did they pave the way for civil war? 

6. Why were not the Articles of Confederation amended as they 
provided ? What right had the Convention to propose a new consti- 
tution ? Was not the process revolutionary ? What was the status of 
North Carolina and Rhode Island between 1788 and the dates at 
which they ratified the Constitution? (Johnston, "American Politi- 
cal History," II, pp. 336-343-) 

7. Compare the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution in 
regard to real character, form of government, powers of Congress, 
prohiVjitions on the states, and methods of amendment. 

8. P'rom our standpoint was it a disadvantage that the Articles 
of Confederation could be amended only by a unanimous vote ? Is 
the Constitution amended too easily? What features of the Con- 
stitution are based on previous experiments of the states? What 
features were borrowed directly from other countries ? What features 
are "original"? 



CHAPTER X 



Number. 



Provincial 
characteristics. 




since the 
in 1800 
5,000,000. 



THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

Social Conditions 

202, The People. — Although there had been Httle emi- 
gration from Europe to America during the last half of the 
eighteenth century, the increase in population had been 

more than fourfold, 
population 
was over 
The white 
population was, more- 
over, fairly homoge- 
neous, as all of the 
foreign peoples were 
being assimilated grad- 
ually into a race that 
was not English, 
though predominantly 
Anglo-Saxon. 

There was still a 
marked difference be- 
tween the sections as 
there had been at an 
earlier time; for, al- 
though the people of 
1800 were more liberal in their views and less restricted 
in their occupations than their grandparents, the sections 
lost their colonial characteristics slowly. Yet with all their 
differences of temperament, religion, and pursuits, the people 
of the various states were alike in their preference for their 
own states, and in their prejudice in favor of local customs. 
The American republic was still essentially a nation of farm- 

218 



i8cx)] 



Social Conditions 



219 



ers, energetic and enterprising, but rude and rather narrow.^ 
Not many had traveled beyond the limits of the county in 
which they were born, and few indeed had visited other 
states, except during the war, which had brought into con- 
tact men from distant sections. With the development of 
commerce and improved means of communication, it was 
only a question of time before many of the barriers between 
remote states would be broken down, since they had grown 
out of isolation and were fostered by local prejudice; but 
it was several decades before most of the people considered 
the interests of the whole country as important as those of 
their own state or locality. 

Most of the people in 1800 lived within a short distance of The cities 
the seacoast, but the cities were not numerous and had 
grown slowly except during the last decades of the century. 
Only two cities, Philadelphia and New York, boasted over 
50,000 inhabitants and only two others, Boston and Balti- 
more, had more than 20,000. There had been some improve- 
ment in the character of the shops, in the paving of the streets, . 
and in the town houses, but a half century had not altered 
essentially the manner of living, nor brought many addi- 
tional comforts. 

203. The Frontier. — A few pioneers began crossing Western settie- 
the mountains before the close of the last French war, and ""^^^ts. 
the emigration to the West continued in spite of the king's 
proclamation (1763) reserving that country to the Indians 



McMaster, i 
United States, 
I, 11-16, 55-60,1 
64. 83. 1 



^ McMaster gives the following description of the Massachusetts farmer: 
"The Massachusetts farmer who witnessed the revolution plowed his land 
with the wooden bull-plough, sowed his grain broadcast, and, when it was 
ripe, cut it with a scythe, and thrashed it on his barn-floor with a flail. His 
house was without paint ; his floors were without carpet. When darkness 
came on his light was derived from a few candles of home manufacture. 
The place of furnaces and stoves was suppUed by large cavernous fire- 
places which took up one side of the room, and, sending half the smoke 
into the room, sent half the heat up the chimney. His food was of the 
simplest kind, was served in the commonest of dishes and eaten with the 
coarsest of implements. Beef and pork, salt fish, dried apples and vege- 
tables, made up the daily fare from one year's end to another."' " History 
of the People of the United States," I, p. 18. 



220 



Americmi History 



[179T 



Dangers from 
the Indians. 

Coman, 
Industrial 
Hist., 158-166. 

McMaster, 
United States, 
I , 596-604. 

Sparks, 
Expansion 
of Am. People, 
88-103. 



Life on the 
frontier. 



Sparks, 
Expansion, 
149-158, 
238-248. 



Problems to be 
settled. 



Madison, 
Journal of 
Const'l Conv. 
298, 312, 327, 
345.448, 460. 



(§ 94). At the close of the Revolutionary War there was 
an exodus from the Atlantic slope to the fertile valleys of 
Kentucky and Tennessee, which no dangers from savages 
seemed able to check. These emigrants followed the trails 
through Cumberland Gap and the passes farther south, 
although some went by way of Pittsburg and the Ohio River. 
North of the Ohio, the Indians were in undisputed posses 
sion until 1794. In 1791 they had defeated and almost 
destroyed an army under General St. Clair which had been 
sent against them. Encouraged by the British, who still 
held many posts in the Northwest, the Indians demanded 
that the Ohio be the limit of the western settlements. After 
their army had been destroyed by General Anthony Wayne, 
they agreed to a compromise line across Ohio. This 
line was removed farther at later dates. 

After 1795 the settlers poured into Ohio rapidly. In 
1800 there were nearly 50,000 in the present state of Ohio, 
and over 400,000 west of the Alleghanies. Villages were 
few and small. Cincinnati contained but a hundred 
houses, and Pittsburg, the largest town, had less than 2000 
people. Most of the pioneers lived on separate farms, often 
near a blockhouse or stockade for protection. Their houses 
were invariably of logs and their clothes of skins or coarse 
homespun cloth. Many reckless men found their way to 
the frontier, but the people, as a rule, were honest and 
hard-working, with the love of justice which equaled their 
ardor for liberty. 

204. The Admission of New States. — We have noticed 
already at some length the cession of western lands by the 
states to Congress and some of the western problems which 
Congress was asked to solve (§§ 179-182). Many people 
had thought it unwise to extend the boundaries of the United 
States beyond the Alleghany mountains because of the diffi- 
culties in maintaining a Union which included two diverse 
sections, one of which was interested almost solely in Atlan- 
tic seaboard affairs, while the other belonged to a remote 
and separate region with interests of its own. The wiser 



1796] Social Conditions 221 

counsels prevailed when they sought to obtain from England 
this territory. But the problems of controlling this territory 
became prominent. The people of the frontier insisted that 
they should manage their own affairs either as an independ- 
ent nation or in states of the Union. Many on the seacoast, 
especially in New England and Pennsylvania, protested 
against the admission of new states west of the mountains, 
because of the danger that in time the new states would 
outnumber the old and control the destiny of the country. 
Again wise counsels prevailed, and the Congress of the 
Confederation agreed that the new states to be organized 
in the West should not be small as suggested at first 
(§ 181), but should be large and should be admitted on an 
equality with the states already in the Union. 

When the Constitution was adopted, Congress w^as al- Three new 
lowed to control the admission of new states in this way.^ states (1790- 
It adopted a liberal plan at the beginning, for three states 
were admitted before 1797. The first of these, Vermont 
(1791), comprised lands in dispute between New York and 
New Hampshire. Kentucky (1792) had been settled by 
Virginians and was until her admission a part of Virginia. 
Tennessee (1796) had been settled by the people of North 
Carolina, but was the first state organized in the territory 
controlled by Congress. 

205. The Movement toward Emancipation. — One of Emancipation 
the most beneficial results of the Revolutionary War was ^" ^^e states 
the attempt to free the slaves or ameliorate their condition. 
It was only natural that fair-minded men who had for years pj^j^^ Critical 
insisted on the rights of man, who indorsed the view that Period, 71-76. 
all men are created equal, should take some steps toward 
abolishing human bondage. An attempt had been made 
in Virginia before the war to discontinue the slave trade, but 
the king had aroused the wrath of the people by vetoing 
the law passed by the colony. After they became independ- 
ent, Delaware and Virginia prohibited the slave trade within 
their boundaries, and Pennsylvania provided for gradual 

1 Constitution, Art. IV, Sec. 3, CI. i. 



222 



Americajt History 



[1783 



emancipation. In 1783 Massachusetts abandoned the sys- 
tem of slavery entirely, since her judges held that slavery 
had been abolished by the provision of the state constitution 
which declared that all men were born free and equal. Other 
states followed the lead of these, those in the middle South 
by preventing the further importation of slaves and those 
in the North by voting for gradual emancipation. In 1800 
New Jersey was the only state north of Mason and Dixon's 
line in which negro children could become slaves. 

In this antislavery agitation the Quakers had taken the 
most active part, ably seconded by that earnest apostle of 
democracy, Thomas Jefferson, and by leading New England 
Puritans. The Quakers scarcely waited for the new Con- 
stitution to go into effect before petitioning Congress (1790) 
to abolish slavery. After several bitter speeches, resolu- 
tions were adopted to the effect that Congress could not in- 
terfere with slavery in the states, but that Congress might 
control the slave trade absolutely. 

206. The Cotton Gin and Slavery. — The enthusiasm 
for emancipation which had developed during the Revolu- 
tion and was noticeable as far south as the Carolinas died 
out gradually. A counter movement in favor of slavery 
began when, in 1793, a young New Englander of inventive 
mind, Eli Whitney, perfected a machine for separating 
cotton seeds from the fiber. Whitney's gin enabled a negro 
to clear of seeds as much cotton as a thousand negroes had 
been able to do by hand. It gave an impetus to cotton- 
growing, then an unimportant industry, which made cotton 
the most important product in all the states South of North 
Carolina. It created a demand for slave labor on the cotton 
plantations which made the institution of slavery much 
more valuable and desirable in the South. Not only did 
it create in the extreme South a stronger proslavery senti- 
ment than before, but it converted the lukewarm Virginians 
and Marylanders into ardent advocates of slavery, because 
it gave them a market for their surplus slaves. Interest 
revived in the slave trade, which was forbidden by the Con- 



i8oo] Political and Religious CJianges 223 

stitution after 1808, and many merchantmen engaged in the 
vile traffic. Even after that date, Africans were smuggled 
into the United States after a voyage of horrors. 

Political and Religious Changes 

207. Voters and Officeholders. — It is easy to overesti- 
mate the influence which the Revolution exerted directly 
upon the suffrage. The leveling influences of the Revolution 
did affect the right to vote; but they did not abolish, they Thorpe, 
only modified, the property qualification which had been 
universal in colonial times. In a few states taxpayers as 
well as owners of land were allowed to vote, but man as man \ 
had not yet established his right to a share in the govern- j 
ment. Yet the quarter century following the Declaration 

of Independence brought a much greater share in the work i 

of governing to those that were voters. The constitutions j 

of the states were framed by conventions chosen by the people j 

for that purpose, just as the Constitution of the United States i 

was ratified Vjy similar conventions. Numerous officials 

were chosen by popular vote and in two states the people 1 

ratified the constitutions. The belief that the people should 

rule was gradually gaining headway. • 

Everywhere the old demand that no one should vote unless Qualification 

he held certain religious views was discarded, so that Catho- °* ^^^^""^ ^"^; 

officeholders, 
lies and Jews voted on the same terms as rrotestants. ine 

same liberality was not shown to officeholders, for it was Fiske, Critical 

thought that only men of property and certain religious P^^^od, 69-70. 

views were competent to direct affairs of state. The Ordi- ... 

^ ^ ^ Ashley, Am. 

nance of 1787 and the Constitution of the United States did Fed. state, \ 
not permit any discrimination in regard to religion for na- S7^-S7^' 
tional or territorial officials. j 

208. Tendencies toward Democracy. — In other things Disuse of dis- 
than politics the tendency toward democracy at the close of 
the eighteenth century was noticeable. After the war the 
term " gentleman " came into disfavor and was used little 
even by those who believed with John Adams in the rule 
of " the rich, the well-born, and the able," because public 



224 



American History 



[1800 



Abolition of 
special privi- 
leges. 

Fiske, Critical 
Period, 70-71. 



Disestablish- 
ment of state 
churches. 



Fiske, Critical 
Period, 76-83. 



sentiment was a growing force which no public man could 
afford to ignore. When the first Congress was seeking a 
title for the president, popular opposition to anything savor- 
ing of rank was so pronounced that " his excellency " seemed 
the only title not odious to the people. Men whose ances- 
tors had been proud to recognize the superiority of the gen- 
try insisted on their right to a position of social equality. 
Slowly but surely the old order of society was passing away. 
Distinctions in dress were less conspicuous than in an earlier 
day. The aristocrat was obliged soon to keep his cocked 
hat, his wig and queue, his knee breeches, his silk stockings, 
and low silver-buckle shoes for dress occasions. A plainer, 
more useful costume was becoming universal for everyday 
business. 

Many of the special privileges enjoyed by the proprietors 
of the great estates in New York and Maryland were abol- 
ished. Primogeniture had been formally set aside in all of 
the states, and in the national territory laws had been enacted 
before 1800 giving the children equal shares in the property 
of a father who died without will. 

209. Religious Freedom. — The movement for religious 
liberty was the most complete of all those accompanying 
the Revolution. Before the war the Anglican church was 
established in seven colonies, the Congregational in three, 
while three did not sanction a state church. Except in 
Pennsylvania and Maryland Catholics were not allowed to 
vote or to hold religious services. As already noted (§ io6), 
many dissenting congregations were allowed to hold ser- 
vices which were of course illegal. Virginia signalized her 
independence by freeing dissenters from paying taxes to 
support the established church (1776), and a few years 
later, after a memorable contest, largely through the in- 
fluence of Jefferson and Madison, passed an act establish- 
ing complete religious freedom. Outside of New England, 
the other states disestablished their state churches during 
the revolutionary period, but in Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
and New Hampshire the union of church and state survived 



1786] Political and Religions Changes 225 ■' 

until the nineteenth century, although members of other 
denominations were no longer expected to attend the Con- 
gregational service. In fact there was no other part of the 
country in which greater real liberty of religious thought 
existed than in New England. 1 

During the Confederation there were meetings of clergy- National 
men connected with all of the prominent sects in America, ^'^^''^hes. 
National churches were organized by the Episcopalians, 
the Methodists, and the Presbyterians before the adoption F'ske, CHtua 
of the Constitution. In some cases these organizations ^^'''^ ' ^ ^'| 
held meetings of the governing body of the church. Thus i 

organized and strengthened, the churches were able to se- j 

cure better men for their noble work. ' 

Economic Conditions 

210. Commerce. — Before 1789 the commerce of the Commerce I 

United States did not thrive. The disputes with Great before 1789. j 

Britain before the Revolutionary War, and the attempt of i 

the mother country to enforce the navigation acts, prevented I 

a free exchange of commodities with other countries. The i 

war and the Confederation made matters worse for a time, , 

because England closed the ports of the British West Indies, \ 

at which so much of our colonial trading had been done, I 

and refused to allow commerce on advantageous terms with j 

Great Britain, while other nations were not anxious to trade ] 

with states that followed no regular commercial policy. ! 
During this period it is true we had made commercial 
treaties with France, Holland, and Prussia. New avenues 

of commerce had been opened in hitherto forbidden parts I 
of Europe and America. Enterprising Yankee skippers 
had rounded Cape Horn and crossed the Pacific to China, 

bringing back precious and profitable cargoes besides large 1 

amounts of silver. Yet the total amount of commerce ] 

was small and the quantity imported was much in excess I 
of that exported. 

Under the new government came a radical change. The Commerce 

prosperity which followed the adoption of the Constitution ^^^^^ ^789- j 



226 



American History 



[1789 



was noticeable at once in the very great increase in our ex- 
ports. Laws were passed in 1789 which regulated the im- 
ports (§ 198) and gave an advantage to American vessels 
over foreign vessels engaged in trade. Shipbuilding re- 
ceived a new impetus, especially after 1793. Even Great 
Britain was eager to trade with us and made a fairly favor- 
able treaty in 1794 (§ 222). With the outbreak of war be- 
tween France and England (1793), American ships enjoyed 
a still larger carrying trade, and the American flag was seen 
on every sea. In 1800 the exports of the United States 
were three times as large as the entire commerce of the 
country twelve years earlier. 

211. Industry. — Although there had been little change 
in the industrial methods and Httle industrial advance be- 
fore 1789, separation from Great Britain had compelled 
us to manufacture many articles that we had imported 
previously from England. As the states were free from 
the prohibitions which had been placed upon manufactur- 
ing by the English government, the people now turned 
their attention to the production of iron and steel articles 
and to many branches of industry unknown before 1776. 

To no person did the adoption of the Constitution prove 
a greater boon than to the manufacturer. Before 1789 
he had labored at a very great disadvantage. In a new 
country where raw materials and labor wxre higher than in 
the old world, he found it difficult to compete with the mer- 
chants of Europe. He needed protection of some kind and 
this help he obtained from Congress, for the new government 
left no doubt as to its policy by passing as its second law an 
act in favor of protecting home industries from foreign 
competition. Two years later appeared Hamilton's famous 
report on manufactures which exerted an inestimable 
influence. With the " stimulus of a slightly protective 
tariff industry expanded, although manufacturing was on 
a smafl scale and made slight headway until the opening 
of the nineteenth century, because there was no improved 
machinery. England took precautions to prevent the ex- 



1792] Economic Conditions 227 j 

portation of the inventions which were made by her citizens, 1 

including Watts's steam engine, Arkwright's and Hargreave's ^ 

spinning machines, and Cartwright's power loom. 

212. Currency. — The year 1789 marks an epoch in Needs before 
the history of currency in the United States, for the Con- ^787- Provi- 

^ , , r 1 sions of the 

stitution gave Congress complete control of the money sys- constitution 
tem and forbade the states to issue bills of credit or make 
anything but gold or silver a tender for payment of a debt, j^^^^ p^^^ \ 
There was need of these provisions. It was essential that dai Hist., \ 
there should be a uniform standard throughout the coun- ^^ 25, 29, 30. | 
try, and there was need of a stable as well as a uniform cur- 
rency. A repetition of the business confusion and distress Madison, j 
which followed the experiments of the states with paper •'°^^^^ ^/ 

^ ^ ^ ConstlConv., I 

money during the Confederation (§ 184) was to be avoided 541-543. 
at all costs. This could be done only by leaving the ques- 
tion of money to Congress alone. But if Congress were to 
issue continental money, the situation would be little better 
than under the Confederation. Many members of the con- 1 

stitutional convention of 1787 wished to prohibit Congress I 

from issuing bills of credit. After a discussion, in which the | 

members showed how little they favored a national paper • j 

currency, the convention decided not to place the prohibition ] 

on Congress for fear that at some future time the need might I 

be very great, and the issuance of paper money might be j 

not only necessary but wise. But for this far-sightedness ] 

the nation could not have issued " greenbacks " during the | 

Civil War, nor could we have these notes for use to-day. 

During the Confederation, Congress adopted a decimal Currency legis- 
system of coinage based on suggestions made by Robert ^^*'°" (1792- | 
Morris and Thomas Jefferson. No coins were struck at 
that time, nor until after an act was passed (1792) establish- 
ing a bimetallic system of money with a legal ratio of 1 5 to i , ^ J72>!f/ ^T^' 
that is, with fifteen times as much pure silver in a silver 
dollar as there was gold in a gold dollar. At that time the ^ 

. ^ ^ Coman, Indus- 

busmess of the country was done by means of Spanish and trial Hist, 
English coins, much of the small change consisting of quar- 151-154- 
ters and eights of the Spanish dollar. These foreign coins 



228 



American History 



[179- 



McMastcr, 
United States 
11,72-74, 
360-363. 



Highways, 

wagons, 

traveling. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, III, 
Nos. 21, 35. 



Adams, United 
States, I, 5-15. 



McMaster, 
United States, 

I. 44-53- 

II, 560-565. 



were usually old and worn and often clipped, but it was 
necessary that they be legal and accepted even by the govern- 
ment in payment of taxes, for very little gold and silver 
was brought to the mint for coinage into American money. 
Several times Congress designated a date at which these 
foreign coins were no longer to be used, but in each case 
the lack of a national currency made it impossible to carry 
the act into effect. In fact foreign coins were used ex- 
tensively in the 
United States 
until the Civil 
War. 

213. Improved 
Means of Com- 
munication.^ — 
The last half of 
the eighteenth 
century witnessed 
important im- 
l)rovementsinthe 
means of com- 
munication but very little in the methods. In the older 
sections, the highways of 1800 were superior to those of 
1750, although in the spring the ruts were deep and the 
mud appalling. Many trails had been widened into wagon 
roads and several important highways leading to the 
West had been cut through the forests. In the most enter- 
prising states, turnpike companies had been organized for 
the purpose of improving the roads, defraying their ex- 
penses by charging tolls of all travelers. Bridges were little 
more common than fifty years earlier, but the ferries were 
more numerous and much better. Freight was carried by 
wagon rather than on horseback. A large coasting trade 
gave employment to numerous swift packets which usually 
carried passengers. Between all of the large cities regular 
stagecoach lines plied throughout the year, but the journey 
was not much more comfortable than at an earlier day. 




An El 



N 111 Cl'.N I'UKY COACH 



i8oo] Economic Conditions 229 

The stages were cumbersome, the roads far from smooth, 
and the taverns lacking in comforts. The man who de- 
manded clean sheets in a room by himself was considered 
an aristocrat. Although these coaches ran at least fifteen 
hours a day, it took two days to go from Philadelphia to 
New York and at least five from New York to Boston. 

Meanwhile the mail service had been brought to a fairly improved 
high state of perfection. Under Benjamin Franklin, who Postal service, 
was postmaster for the colonies after 1753, routes were 
established and a few regular post offices created. Real McMaster, 
improvement, however, dates from the inauguration of "'^^^^ states, 
Washington. The postmasters-general of our first twopresi- \\^ 58-67. 
dents saw the number of post offices increased from seventy- 
five in 1790 to nine hundred and three in 1800. The rates 
for letters, the only articles carried before this time, were 
fixed (1792) at from six to twenty-five cents a sheet according 
to the distance. Thereafter newspapers, the best of which 
were small four page sheets, were included in the posts at 
the rate of one cent or a cent and a half a copy. Two years 
later, magazines were taken also, but the rates were almost 
prohibitive. 

TOPIC 

1. The Frontier: Sparks, "Expansion of the American Peo- 
ple," pp. 1 18-148; Hart, "Contemporaries," III, Nos. 31, 32, 35; 
McMaster, "People of the United States," III, pp. 459-486, 521-543; 
Thorpe, " Constitutional History of the American People," I, Chapters 
VIII-IX. 

STUDIES 

T. Social conditions. (Hart, "Contemporaries," III, Nos. 11-15.) 

2. The "middle passage " on a slave ship. (Spear, "The Slave 
Trade in America.") 

3. An early trip to Chicago. (McMaster, "People of the United 
States," I, pp. 259-262.) 

4. Hamilton's report on manufactures. (MacDonald, "Docu- 
ments," No. 12.) 

5. Trip on the Mississippi. (Hart, " Contemporaries," III, No. 34.) 

6. Theater in the later eighteenth century. (McMaster, " People 
of the United States," I, pp. 84-95.) 



230 American History 



QUESTIONS 

1. What causes were of greatest importance in the western move- 
ment? Why did the people of the western settlements have interests 
different from those living on the seacoast? In what respects did 
Congress and the constitutional convention follow a wise western 
policy ? 

2. Compare the sentiment in opposition to slave trade in 1790 
with that before the Revolutionary War. Explain how Whitney's 
cotton gin affected slavery in the states that could not raise cotton. 

3. Show how the leveling influences of the Revolution affected 
civil, religious, and political rights. Which class of rights was granted 
first? most tardily? 

4. To what extent did the organization of the government under 
the Constitution affect the stability and success of the state govern- 
ments, popular rights, our international standing, foreign and inter- 
state trade, industry, and business in general? 



PART III 

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION 

(1 789-1843) 

CHAPTER XI 
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PROBLEMS (1789-1811) 

PRESIDENTS 

George Washington (1789-1797) Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) 
John Adams (i 797-1 801) James Madison (1809-18 17) 

214. Problems confronting the New Government, 1789. — Organization 
Although the adoption of the Constitution had removed the ^"^ emdeucy 
most serious danger to the continuance of the American government. 
Republic, there was still doubt concerning the efficiency of 
the new government. Was the new Union after all to be 
but an improved Confederation, with the states disunited, 
with a central government incapable of protecting national 
interests, commanding respect neither at home nor abroad ? 
The Constitution seemed to prepare the way for a govern- 
ment capable of solving these problems, but the adoption 
of a paper constitution was a simple matter compared with 
the creation of a government which should be completely 
organized and whose parts should work in harmony. The 
organization of the executive departments was the first 
thing to be done, and the success which attended this work, 
joined with the wisdom in the choice of the men who should 
manage affairs of state (§ 199), left no doubt that the paper 
constitution would become the real Constitution. 

While the organization of the departments was being 
completed, the new government was obliged to provide itself 
with a revenue that should be permanent and adequate. 

231 



232 



American History 



[1789 



With money for its current needs, it could then attempt to 
establish the credit of the United States which, during the 
Confederation, had been practically nil. The debt was 
large, interest had not been paid, and the ordinary certifi- 
cates of the United States were worth only one seventh of their 
face value. It was necessary to reestablish harmony among 
the states, w^hich had waged on one another for years a 
species of commercial warfare. Foreign trade must be 
protected and extended, the nations which had injured us 
commercially during the Confederation being compelled to 
treat us fairly because the loss would be theirs if they refused 
to do so. National prestige must be created by show^ing 
foreign powers that we constituted a nation deserving of 
consideration and respect, that we were not to be the tool 
of France or England or any of the other European nations.^ 

In the central West the new government had yet to gain 
the real allegiance of the settlers who could be held in the 
Union only by gaining control of the entire Mississippi. 
In the Northwest the British still kept several posts in the 
territory which had been granted to us in 1783, and domi- 
nated the Indians of that region. In the Southwest, Spain, 
which refused to recognize our right to territory around 
Natchez, refused to give up her forts or make any concessions 
which would give a satisfactory outlet to the Gulf. More- 
over, both France and England desired to possess Louisiana, 
and were intriguing to gain possession of the territory, which, 
as the colony of a powerful nation, woujd be a menace to 
all of the United States west of the Alleghany mountains, 
and would effectually prevent the expansion of the nation 
beyond the Mississippi River. 

Some of these difficulties were removed easily, but many 
of them proved serious. Because of the conflicts that began 
in Europe in 1793 and continued almost without interruption 
until 1815, some of the problems existing in 1789 were ag- 



^ Fortunately, at this crisis, Europe was at peace and the United States 
had proved conclusively its right to an international position before, in 
1793, foreign problems became serious (§§ 220-224). 



1790] Foreign and Domestic Problems 233 j 

i 
gravated greatly, while a number of others were presented 

which seriously affected the stability of the new nation. ! 

In fact, American affairs during most of these periods were \ 

dominated by conditions in Europe, until the nation finally 

began war rather than submit to the humiliations forced on 

us by the great powers of Europe. 

Financial Policy and Political Parties (i 790-1 793) 

215. The National Debt. — The first session of the first Hamilton's 
Congress had performed valuable services in equipping the ^^^po^. 1 

new government for its work. Its successors, following 
suggestions of Hamilton, by strengthening the public credit, MacDonaid, 
made it possible for that skillful pilot to steer the Ship of j^^ 5^ 
State clear of the financial rocks and shoals upon which the 
governmental vessel of the Confederation had been wrecked. ^^^ ^ \ 

No sooner had Congress met in January, 1790, than Hamil- Hamilton, 
ton submitted his first report on the public credit. This 85-96. 
called attention to the public debts of the United States, 1 

consisting of the foreign debt and the domestic debt, and \ 

urged that they be funded at their face value. In addition , 

Hamilton proposed that the debts incurred by the states for i 

the common defense during the Revolutionary War should • 

be assumed by the national government and paid from the j 

treasury of the United States. 1 

There was no opposition to refunding the debt which we Funding of 
owed abroad. A different feeling was noticed in connection ^°i"e>g" ^"^ 

^ . domestic debts. 

with the payment of the domestic debts. These consisted 
principally of certificates of indebtedness which had been ^^^^^ Finan- 
issued to individuals and which, by act of Congress, were ciai hist., \ 39. 
transferable. Before Hamilton's report was submitted they 
had been worth about fifteen cents on the dollar, but as Schouier, 
soon as his suggestions were made public, the market price Umted states, 
became nearly three times that figure. Speculators took ' ' 1 

advantage of the ignorance of the people in remote districts i 

, , , , r / -r 1 r .1 McMaster. ; 

and purchased large numbers of these certificates before the ^/^^^^^ ^f^fg^, 
holders learned of this rise in value. Congress found it 1,568-578. 
necessary to" answer two questions, (i) Shall the certifi- 



234 



American History 



[1790 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., ^ 40, 



cates be paid at their face value ? Madison voiced the gen- 
eral feeling when he said, '' the debt is the price of our 
liberties, and cannot be diminished a farthing." So it was 
agreed wisely that the national government should not fol- 
low the vicious custom of the old Congress in repudiating a 
part of its debts. (2) The second question produced a 
long debate. Was the total amount of a certificate to be 
paid to the present owner if that person was not the original 
holder of it, or was the present owner to receive the market 
value and the balance to go to the original holder ? Madi- 
son advocated the second alternative, but the policy of dis- 
criminating between earlier and later holders of certificates 
met with little favor. Hamilton's argument that the people 
must learn not to part with government securities and that 
the administration should therefore deal with the present 
owners only, finally prevailed, and Congress authorized 
new loans, at a rate of practically five per cent, to pay the 
old certificates, 

216. Assumption of State Debts. — The House of Repre- 
sentatives was divided about equally on the question of the 
assumption of state debts, most of the northern members 
favoring the measure, while the majority of those from the 
South were opposed to assumption. Some of the southern 
states, among them Virginia, had reduced their war indebted- 
ness, and others were opposed to a measure which they 
believed favored the commercial classes at the expense of 
the agricultural sections. ^' State-assumption " had a very 
small majority, however, until the representatives arrived 
from North Carolina, which had recently become a member 
of the Union. In order to obtain the votes necessary to 
carry the measure, Hamilton and Jefferson came to an agree- 
ment at a dinner given at the latter's home. Jefferson 
promised that two Virginia congressmen should support 
assumption, if Hamilton would assure the location of the 
national capital upon the banks of the Potomac. There had 
been heated discussions over the question of the location 
of the capital, for the northern men wanted it in Pennsyl- 



1794] Finance and Politics 235 

vania and the southern representatives desired the Potomac. 
Jefferson's offer was accepted, and the state debts were as- 
sumed by the national government. The seat of govern- 
ment was to be Philadelphia for ten years, and after that 
a district not exceeding ten miles square on both sides of 
the Potomac. As a result of the compromise, the national 
government temporarily gained the ill will of a large part 
of the South. Three quarters of a century later, the loca- 
tion of the capital on the border of the Confederacy was a 
menace to the Union and an important influence in pro- 
longing the Civil War. On the other hand the assumption 
of these debts did much to strengthen the central govern- 
ment at a time when its continued existence was still a 
matter of some doubt. 

217. New National Taxes. — Since the government of Excise tax 
the United States was already undertaking with vigor the ^^-^^^ ^"^ , 

. . whisky rebel- 

duties conferred on it by the Constitution, the revenue ob- uon (1794). 

tained from customs was needed for expenses other than the 
payment of interest on the state debts. Hamilton there- 
fore recommended an excise tax upon whisky, which was 
adopted in March, 1791. This tax was very unpopular, 
especially in the mountains of North Carolina and Pennsyl- Bassett, Feder- 
vania. In parts of these states there occurred riots similar ^^'-^^ System, 
to those caused by the Stamp Act, and the collectors ap- 
pointed by the treasury department were compelled to re- 
sign. When, in 1794, the government attempted to collect 
delinquent taxes in western Pennsylvania, and there was 
again disorder accompanied by meetings of armed men 
who defied the authority of the United States, Washington 
called out fifteen thousand militiamen. At the approach of 
this army, the rioters dispersed and the insurrection was 
ended. Although only a few ringleaders were punished, the 
lawless elements feared thereafter to oppose the enforcement 
of national law. 

As a revenue measure this excise tax was not a marked other taxes, 
success, nine tenths of the government's income still being 
derived from the customs duties. The rates upon imports 



236 American History [1791 

Dewey, Finan- had been increased, and, because of the development of 
ciai Hist., foreign commerce which the new Constitution had brought, 

the revenue for 1793 amounted to twice that obtained for 
the six years from 1783 to 1789 by the Confederate Congress. 
Yet the prompt payment of interest on the public debt and 
the proper administration of the new laws of the United 
States demanded a still larger sum. In 1794 taxes were 
levied upon carriages, auction sales, and certain manufac- 
tures, so that people became accustomed to a still further 
extension of federal authority. Later, in 1798, a direct tax 
was levied upon houses, lands, and slaves. 
Discussion in 2i8. The United States Bank. — In 1791 Hamilton sug- 
Congress gestcd a national bank, which would strengthen the public 

U79IJ- credit, provide a uniform currency, and aid the government 

_ in its financial operations. A bill creating such a bank 

Dewey, Fman- ^ ^ c^ .i .. . ti 

ciai Hist., \ 43. passed the Senate without opposition, but was immediately 
assailed in the House on the ground that it was an uncon- 
MacDonaid stitutional measure. Madison claimed that as the Constitu- 
Documents, tion did not give Congress in explicit language the power to 
No. 9. incorporate a bank, it was not constitutional unless the found- 

ers of the government approved such an act. On the con- 
trary, he said, the Convention of 1787 believed that the na- 
tional government had no authority to grant articles of 
incorporation. He was answered by Fisher Ames, who 
showed that Congress had already exercised many powers 
not directly conferred on it by the Constitution. Ames 
urged that " Congress may do what is necessary to the end 
for which the Constitution was adopted, provided it is not 
repugnant to the natural rights of man, or to those which 
have been expressly reserved to themselves, or to the powers 
which are assigned to the states." By a sectional vote 
of thirty-nine to twenty, the bank bill was passed by the 
House, more perhaps because it appealed to the commercial 
interests of the North than because of constitutional argu- 
ments. 

Washington submitted the bill to Jefferson and Randolph 
for their opinions, and then sent those opinions to Hamilton 



I 



1792] Finance and Politics 237 j 

for his consideration. Jefferson argued that the bank was Jefferson's and i 
not a "necessary and proper"^ means of carrying into Hamilton s 
effect the financial powers of Congress, and claimed that if 
that body could adopt any means it thought necessary and y^j^^g^^j, 
proper, it would invade the sphere of the states and destroy Am. Pol. Hist^ 
their rights. Hamilton's reply was logical and convincing. 1, 114-119. 

He stated that the states and the nation have different spheres ; 

of activity, and that the United States is sovereign within McMaster, ; 
its own sphere. He asserted that not only the " express " ^"'^^^_ ^^"^''^ 
or enumerated powers of Congress were delegated, but those 

that were " impHed " as well, and showed that the use of MacDonaid, " 
an implied power to supplement an express power could Doawients, 
not injure a state provided the object for which both were ^°^* ^°' ^^' 

used was one not reserved to the states. Washington ac- } 

cepted the view of Hamilton and signed the bill, and the I 

use of impHed powers was not again questioned while the ] 

Federalists remained in power. 1 

219. The Formation of Political Parties. — During the Reorgani- j 
three years that had elapsed between the inauguration of zation. \ 
Washington and the creation of the bank, the revival of ] 
business, the continued prosperity in every line, popular \^ p^^ V^^.^^ j 
confidence in Washington, and national pride in the growing i, 206-211. i 
prestige of the American people, had undermined all the ' 
old opposition to the Constitution which had been voiced Bassett, ' 
by the Anti-Federalists. But as Hamilton had seen his federalist 
financial plans enacted into law and had attached to the new ' ^ '\ 
government the classes interested in commerce and manu- 
factures, he had aroused an opposition among those de- ' 
voted to agriculture which had grown stronger year by year. ! 
The leader of this opposition was Jefferson, who fought the I 
policy of Hamilton in the cabinet, and began organizing 1 
his followers in the country. j 

The party of Hamilton, the members of which called them- Federalist • 

selves Federalists, included the majority of the aristocracy P^^'^y- j 

in the United States chiefly because the party believed in ^ 

government by the " well born." All the moneyed rnen as Hamilton. i 

» The Constitution, Art. I, § 8, cU i5.. i 



238 



American History 



[1792 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist. 
I, 220-223. 



Republican 
party. 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist, 
I, 208, 215-220. 



Partisan abuse. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
Nos. 85-88. 

McMaster, 
United States, 
II, 110-112, 

249-255. 
296-306. 



well had profited by the strong policy of the government 
under which business had improved so greatly, and were 
therefore ready to accept Hamilton's doctrine of implied 
powers. In the North and in South Carolina, the Federalists 
were in a decided majority. 

Although an opposition party, the adherents of Jefferson, 
known as Republicans, had well-defined views on public 
questions, modeled after those of their leader. Their 
chief doctrine was the restriction of the powers of the cen- 
tral government in order to protect the states from the 
aggressions of Congress. Coupled with this was a belief 
that the country should be ruled by the common people for 
the benefit of the agricultural classes. 

Each of these parties employed newspapers in which 
appeared partisan articles supporting their respective 
claims. In time the criticisms of the administration in the 
Republican papers degenerated into personal attacks upon 
Washington, the war of these pamphlet writers being 
scurrilous beyond belief. At one time Washington was 
nicknamed '' the step-father of his country." At another 
he was accused of stealing from the public treasury. Driven 
to desperation he said that he would rather be in his grave 
than in the office of president. 



Proclamation 
of Neutrality. 



MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No. 13. 



Foster, Am. 
Diplomacy, 
153-156. 



Foreign Affairs (i 793-1 798) 

220. Difficulties with France (1793). — Fortunately for 
the United States the new government was established quite 
firmly before it was obliged to deal with any important for- 
eign problems. But during the period from 1793 to 181 5, 
there was scarcely a year that did not bring fresh difficulties. 
The revolution which had broken out in France in 1789 
had in 1792 led to the establishment of a republic, and in 
January, 1793, to the execution of Louis XVI. Early in 
April news was brought that France had declared war 
against England. Washington without delay called his 
cabinet together and asked the members whether the French 
treaty of 1778 was still binding upon us, and whether he- 



1793] Foreig7i Affairs 239 

should declare the United States neutral. Hamihon and Lodge. 
Knox held the treaty to be without effect, and all agreed that ^^'ashington. 
the United States should take no part in the war, but should 
receive a minister from the French Republic, thereby recog- 
nizing that government. This wise policy of refraining 
from a contest which lasted two decades was adopted, and 
Washington on April 22^ 1793, issued his famous Procla- 
mation of Neutrality warning citizens of the United States 
to avoid all acts that were not strictly neutral in character. 

Two weeks earlier, a French minister, Edmund Charles Trouble with 
Genet, had landed at Charleston. Young, ardent, and 
irresponsible, a fit representative of the Girondists who then 
governed France, Genet did not wait to be accredited bv ^^^^^' 
our government, but began fittmg out privateers. Pro- \\ 146-163. 
ceeding leisurely overland he evoked great enthusiasm for 
the French cause. His treatment of Washington, who did Johnston 
not in the least alter his determination to keep the coun- Am. Pol. Hist 
tr\' neutral, was at first cool and then rude. Strangely ^' i3i-i44« 
enough. Genet did not ask us to carr}^ out the treaty of 1778 
to defend the French West Indies against England because Bassett. 
he hoi>ed to make a new treaty in which we would agree ^..j^^^ j^_^2 
to help France regain Louisiana. Being called to account 
for his violations of international law, he stirred up opposi- 
tion to the government, urged the formation of societies United staus, 
on the model of the French JacoVjin clubs, and at length de- i^ 9^107. 
clared that he would appeal from the President to Congr^s. ^^^' ^^"^■*^' 
Hitherto popular feeling had h>een ver}- bitter against Wash- 
ington for not favoring the French openly, h)Ut as Genet 
became more indiscreet, a reaction set in which left the ad- 
ministration more popular than ever. A request for Genet's 
recall was honored at once, as the Girondists v.ere no longer 
in power, and an episode that might have had serious con- 
sequences but for the recklessness of Genet, no longer aroused 
general interest. 

221. Grievances against England ri794j. — Following Failure to keep 
close up^jn the excitement over French actions, came an ^^^ ^^^ ^ 
outburst of wrath against the aggressions of Great Britain, 



240 



American History 



[1794 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist., 
I, 144-147- 



Interference 
with American 
commerce. 



Johnston, 
Atfi. Pol. Hist. 
I, 147-150. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
II, 165-168. 



Negotiation 
and provisions, 



There had been some bad feeling between the two countries 
because of the failure on each side to observe features of the 
treaty of 1783. As ten years earlier, Great Britain still 
retained the military posts in the Northwest and was accused 
of inciting the Indians of that region. No compensation 
had ever been made for the negroes carried off by the 
English in 1783. On the other hand England was offended 
that obstacles had been placed in the way of collecting 
debts due to her merchants and complained because the 
states had refused absolutely to compensate the loyalists 
for injuries sustained during the war. 

When war began between France and England in 1793, 
each used all possible means of injuring the other's com- 
merce and eventually of damaging the enemy by interfering 
with neutral trade, England being the chief offender because 
she was more powerful on the ocean. American vessels 
were seized if found carrying goods of the enemy or when 
they had on board contraband of war, the latter being held 
most unjustly to include provisions destined for a French 
or British port. Great Britain also began to reenforce 
the Rule of 1756, which declared that neutrals should not 
enjoy during war a commerce with colonies that were closed 
to them in times of peace. Ships trading with the French 
West Indies were therefore subject to capture. English 
war vessels further exercised the privilege of stopping Amer- 
ican ships and impressing sailors who were thought to be 
British citizens. Many of these had no doubt sought em- 
ployment in a neutral marine to avoid service in the British 
navy, but a larger number were American-born or natural- 
ized American citizens.^ 

222. Jay's Treaty (1794). — Aroused by these outrages, 
Congress declared an embargo on all vessels or ports of the 
United States, and voted a large sum for harbor defenses. 
But Washington desired a peaceful solution of the differences 



^ England claimed that no English citizen could ever forswear his alle- 
giance to her, on the principle of once an English citizen always an English 
citizen. 



1795] 



Foreign Affairs 



241 



with England, and appointed John Jay as special envoy 
to the court of St. James. Jay was well received by the 
English ministry, and concluded a treaty covering some of 
the points at issue. Each nation was allowed to trade with 
the other on the most favorable terms given to any other 
power. The northwest posts were to be evacuated in 
1796, and compensation was promised for any merchant- 
men unlawfully seized, but the subject of impressment was 
not mentioned. The United 
States agreed to pay all of 
the debts which British 
creditors could not collect. 
By Article XII trade was 
permitted with the British 
West Indies during the war 
with France, and for two 
years thereafter, in vessels of 
less than seventy tons, pro- 
vided that no molasses, 
sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton 
was to be carried in Ameri- 
can vessels to any part of 
the world. 

This treaty was submitted by Washington to a special 
session of the Senate, which debated it in secret and rati- 
fied by a two thirds vote after striking out the objectionable 
twelfth article. A few days later, the text of the treaty was 
made public for the first time. From all parts of the coun- 
try arose a storm of protest. Jay, Washington, and the 
Federalist senators were accused of betraying the country 
and were subjected to criticism more virulent than that of 
two years before. Opposition meetings were held in all of 
the large cities. Jay was burned in eihgy at various places, 
and Hamilton, attempting to speak for the treaty, was stoned 
by a mob in New York City. Nevertheless the treaty was 
signed by Washington and went into force without the 
offensive article on West Indian trade. 

R 




John Jay 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist^ 
I, 150-155. 

Pellew, Jay, 
294-313- 



Lodge, 
Washing-ton, 
II, 181-194, 
201-207. 

McMaster, 
United States, 
II, 212-216, 
245-255. 



242 



American History 



[1795 



Although this treaty was in many ways unsatisfactory 
to the nation, it postponed war with Great Britain for several 
years and placed us upon a friendlier footing with that 
power. Considering the circumstances it was probably 
as favorable a treaty as a young though growing nation 
could expect to make with the chief maritime power of the 
world, which was at that time using every means to crush 

a formidable antagonist. 
Its real importance is 
shown clearly by the 
objections made to it 
by France (§ 224) and 
by the concessions which 
we were able to obtain 
from Spain at this time 




(§ 231). 

223. The Close of 
Washington's Adminis- 
tration. — Washington 
declined to accept a 
third term as President, 
glad to escape the cares 
of the office and the 
abuse of his enemies. 
Before the election of his successor was held, he issued a 
farewell address to the people of the United States, urging 
them to avoid geographical parties and foreign entangle- 
ments. 

Jefferson was the natural candidate of the Republican 
party, but the Federalists knew that it was hopeless to at- 
tempt the election of their leader, Hamilton, and selected 
Vice President Adams as the most available man. Interest 
in the election centered in the effort of Hamilton to have 
Adams again chosen as vice president, and to secure the 
selection of Thomas Pinckney as president. Party lines 
were not drawn closely and the result was most peculiar. 
Pinckney did not obtain the full support of the Federalists 



1798] Foreign Affairs 243 

I 

in the North, and received fewer votes than Jefferson. Stanwood, i 
Adams had a majority of but three over Jefferson, so P^^'^dency 1 

^ •' ,. Chapter IV. 

that, according to the Constitution, Jefferson, a Repubncan, , 

became vice president, and Adams, a Federalist, was chosen I 

president — '' the president of three votes," as he was some- | 

times called. ! 

Adams was an exceptionally honest and able man, but Character of , 

so conceited and overbearing that his undoubted merits were ^ * ' 

often overlooked. In the revolutionary Congress he had Appleton's ' 

been one of the most active and efficient workers. He has Cyclopedia of 1 

the honor of being the chief author of the only revolutionary ^^<^* i 

state constitution — that of Massachusetts — which is still gchouler 

in use. Although blunt and outspoken, he had rendered United states, 

valuable services abroad under the Confederation, and, as ^' S05-512. 

vice president for eight years, he had gained the good opin- ^ 
ion if not the cordial support of the moderate Federalists. 

224. Trouble with France (1796-1800). — Jay's treaty Quarrel 

was even less palatable to the French than to the United ^^''^^ ^^^ '' | 

\ States. Even so imperfect an understanding with Eng- Johnston, 

land was held to have abrogated the treaties of amity and ^^n- Pol. Hisu 

commerce made in 1778.^ Coupled with the recall of James • ^ 3-i 

Monroe, who, as minister at Paris, had sought to curry Yos\.er,Am. ! 

I French favor by the neglect of his duties, the Directory Diplomacy, 1 

refused to receive the new minister, C. C. Pinckney. A year '^7^-'^77' 1 

later three special envoys were sent to settle matters peace- 1 

fully if possible, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry being \ 

selected to act with Pinckney. As soon as the Americans 1 
attempted to present their claims, the secret representatives 
of the Directory made certain demands, including one for a 

loan and $240,000 for the personal use of the directors, the i 

last-named sum to be paid at once. The agents intimated ; 

that if this bribe was paid and the loan promised, their \ 

claims against us would not be pressed. After months of i 

effort that was fruitless because the French made the pay- ; 
ment of the bribe a prerequisite to all negotiations, the 

envoys departed. j 

* Officially the treaties were still in force, however. 1 



244 



American History 



[1798 



X. Y. Z. papers. 

Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist., 

I, 168-175. 

McMaster, 
United States, 

II. 374-385- 

Naval war, 
and treaty of 
1800. 

Bassett, 
Federalist 
Sysfetn, 
237-251. 



Anti-alien laws. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos. 17-19. 

Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist., 
I, 181-184. 

Bassett, 
Federalist 
System, 
252-259. 



Meanwhile, the dispatches of the envoys reached America 
with the insulting demands of the French agents. These 
papers were submitted to Congress and in a ringing message 
President Adams urged preparations for the national de- 
fense. The enthusiasm of the people was intense, and in 
addition to the appropriations made by Congress for the 
equipment of men-of-war and the raising of an army, popu- 
lar subscriptions were raised for the arming of privateers. 

The next year (1799) one French frigate was captured, and 
another greatly injured in the West Indies, but the contest 
with France was brought to a close when Adams sent three 
commissioners to Paris in opposition to the wishes of his 
own party. In 1800 a treaty was concluded with Napoleon, 
now first consul, and the real head of the French government, 
who desired to acquire Louisiana and wished first to regain 
the friendship of America. This provided for peace, declared 
the alliance of 1778 dissolved in exchange for the surrender of 
our claims for damages done to our commerce by the French, 
and gave guarantees that as neutrals we should thereafter be 
free from arbitrary interference with legitimate commerce. 

Federalists and Republicans (i 798-1802) 

225. The Alien and Sedition Laws (1798). — The publi- 
cation of the insulting "X. Y. Z. letters," and the popular 
enthusiasm in favor of strong measures against the French, 
caused the Federalists to pass three acts aimed ostensibly 
at aliens, but really designed to silence the vicious attacks 
upon the administration made by Republican journalists 
who were of foreign birth. The Naturalization Act provided 
that no alien could become a citizen until he had resided in 
the United States fourteen years. By the Alien Act the 
president might for two years order all aliens whom he con- 
sidered dangerous to the United States or engaged in secret 
machinations against the government to leave the country.^ 

^ An Alien Enemy's Act was passed a fortnight after the first Alien Act. 
In case of war or invasion, the president might order the arrest of any 
adult male citizen of the nation with whom we were at war. 



179^] Federalists arid Republicans 245 

Many foreigners, fearing that the government might apply 
this law strictly, left the United States of their own accord. 

The Sedition Act was much more drastic.^ It provided Sedition Act. 
fines and imprisonment for any person guilty of impeding 
the enforcement of national law or for any one who might J"^ °"^' ' 

■' o Documents, 

" write, print, utter, or publish any false, scandalous, and No. 20. 

malicious writing or writings" against any national officials 

with intent to defame them or bring them into contempt or ^m^^Poi' Hist 

disrepute. Under this act, the Federalists attempted to i, 184-188. 

prevent the reelection of Representative Lyon of Vermont. 

Lyon was arrested, tried, and sentenced to imprisonment J^?^")-. 

for four months and the payment of a fine of $1000. His system, 

fine was paid by friends, and his district reelected him to 259-264. 

Congress. The Sedition Act stirred up more hatred than ' 

11 1 1 T^ 1 T . , 1 McMaster, I 

it suppressed, and reacted upon the Federalists, in the end united states 

destroying the popularity caused by the war excitement. 11,396-404. ! 

Such arbitrary government was not possible in a free and \ 

enlightened republic. i 

226. The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions (1798- Principles I 
1799)- — The Republican leaders quickly took advantage announced. 

of these Federalist blunders and strengthened their organi- 1 

zation, especially in the South and West. Among the means jjo^iiments ' 

used for undermining Federalist power were protests issued Nos. 21-23. j 

by certain legislatures against the anti-foreign laws enacted I 

during the summer of 1798. The first of these resolutions ^assett, I 

Fcdcvci list 

was suggested by Jefferson to the Kentucky legislature, and system 
is a truly remarkable document. It asserted that the central 265-271. 
government was created by a compact of the states for J 

special purposes only, '^ and that whensoever the general \ 

government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are un- 
authoritative, void, and of no force." It maintained that 
the government of the United States is not the judge of the \ 

powers that are conferred in the Constitution, but that each ; 

state " has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of in- '\ 

fractions as of the mode and measure of redress." The ; 

violations of which complaint was made were discussed at { 

^ The Sedition Act expired by limitation March 4, 1801. \ 



246 



Americmi History 



[1798 



some length. These resolutions, adopted in November, 
1798, were submitted to the legislatures of the other states, 
seven of which in their replies distinctly denied the right of 
the states to nullify a national law. Virginia protested in 
resolutions drawn up by Madison against the Alien and 
Sedition acts as '• palpable and alarming infractions of 

the Constitution," 
although the tone of 
the Virginia resolu- 
tions w^as much milder 
than that of those 
adopted in Kentucky. 
With these replies be- 
fore it, the next legis- 
lature of Kentucky 
declared its attach- 
ment to the Union, 
reaffirmed its previous 
assertions, and added 
that, as the sovereign 
states have the un- 
questionable right to 
judge of any infrac- 
tion of the Constitu- 
tion, " a nullification 
by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under 
color of that instrument, is the rightful remedy." 

227. The Election of 1800. — The presidential election 
of 1800 was interesting and exciting. Parties were much 
better organized than four years earlier, and the electors 
were now required to vote in accord with instructions rather 
than to follow their own judgment. The candidates wxre 
again Adams and Jefferson, the Republicans uniting upon 
Aaron Burr of New York for vice president, and the Fed- 
eralists selecting C. C. Pinckney of South Carolina for the 
second place. Adams had not added to his popularity 
during his four years of office. He had made the mistake 




i8oi] Federalists and Repiib Hearts 247 

of retaining Washington's cabinet, dismissing the members 
who opposed him only a short time before the election of 
1800. The breach with Hamilton had been widened, and 
Adams was obliged to shoulder responsibility for the odious 
anti-foreign laws of 1798. 

Nevertheless the election was not one-sided. Jefferson Election. 
and Burr received seventy-three votes each, Adams obtained 
sixty-five, and Pinckney sixty-four. As the electors, accord- McMaster, 
ing to the Constitution, did not designate which candidate 
was to be president and which vice president, the House of 522-526^ 
Representatives, voting by states, was obliged to select the 
chief executive. None questioned for an instant that Jeffer- stanwcod 
son was the real candidate of the Republicans, but the Presidency, 
House was Federalist and for a time it looked as though the ^^'^P^^"^ ^* 
Federalists in their chagrin would vote for Burr. Fortu- 
nately, Hamilton used his influence in favor of Jefferson, and 
on the thirty-sixth ballot Jefferson was chosen president. 
Three years later Congress proposed as a twelfth amend- 
ment to the Constitution that the electors designate the office 
of the candidates for whom they voted. This was adopted 
without delay, and is the method used at the present time. 

Finding that the election had gone against them, the Federalist 
Federalist Congress passed a Judiciary Act providing for appointments., 
circuit judgeships which Adams filled with members of his 
own party. With unseemly greed the Federalists seized Schouier, 

re ,^ . , , i United states, 

upon every office that was vacant m order to reduce the 1^00-504. 
patronage of the new administration; but at midnight, 
March 3, 1801, this work of spoliation was checked by 
Jefferson's attorney-general, who entered the office of Secre- 
tary of State Marshall, and stopped the signing of commis- 
sions. 

228. Jefferson and his Party. — The inauguration of Inauguration.' 
Jefiferson was marked by a simplicity lacking in those of his 
predecessors. Without parade, in the dress of an ordinary Schouier, 
citizen, he proceeded to the capitol and delivered an inaug- United states, 
ural address, noteworthy for its breadth and moderation. ' ^ " 
The most skillful partisan leader of his time, he decried ' 



248 



American History 



[i8or 



Adams, 
United States, 
I, 185-208. 



Views of 
Jefferson. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
III. No. 106. 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist. 
I, 253-258. 



The man Jef- 
ferson and his 
advisers. 



party animosities. '' Every difference of opinion is not a dif- 
ference of principle. We are all Republicans — we are all 
Federalists." In eloquent language he summarized the 
principles on which our government is based — equal and 
exact justice to all men, *' peace, commerce, and honest 
friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none," 
the support of the state governments in all their rights, the 
preservation of the general government in its whole con- 
stitutional vigor, a jealous care of the right of election by the 
people, the supremacy of the civil over the military author- 
ity, economy in the public service, and the maintenance of 
individual freedom. 

Thus auspiciously did the members of Jefferson's party 
come into control of the national government, a position 
which they held with few interruptions for sixty years. Al- 
though their views and practices changed greatly during 
those six decades, they followed in the main the lines laid 
down by their great leader. Jefferson had something of 
the demagogue in his disposition, and had no scruples against 
reversing his previous policies if anything was to be gained, 
but he was consistent in his desire to make the United States 
a,^mocratic nation, and in that consists his greatest service 
fto his country. Under the Federalists the central govern- 
ment had been strengthened, so that its permanence was 
assured, but it was out of touch with the people and dis- 
trusted by them. Jefferson, rightly reading the future, 
foresaw that the nation would become democratic and that 
our governments must become so. More than any one else 
he aided in this movement of extending power to the masses. 
He trusted the people and sought in every way to give every 
man equal opportunities and equal privileges. 

At the time of his election Jefferson was in his fifty-ninth 
year, and had devoted half his life to public affairs. As 
the writer of the Declaration of Independence, he had gained 
an international reputation early in life. During the Con- 
federation he had rendered inestimable services in the cause 
of freedom in his own state and in the West. He had served 



i8oi] 



Federalists and Republicans 



249 



abroad, and had been secretary of state under Washington, 
but had not made a brilliant diplomat. Tall and ungainly 
in appearance, rather eccentric in manner, and given to an 
ostentatious simplicity of dress, he nevertheless possessed 
a bright, pleasant way which made him extremely popular. 
In the direction of national affairs he called to his aid, among 
others, James Madison, who was secretary of state, and Albert 
Gallatin, who was placed in charge of the finances. By 
these three able and pa- 
triotic leaders were the 
interests of America con- 
sidered and protected amid 
the many difficulties that 
beset Jefferson's two ad- 
ministrations. 

229. Reversal of Fed- 
eralist Practices. — Jeffer- 
son believed that his party 
had saved the government 
from becoming monarch- 
ical, and therefore consid- 
ered his election a revolu- 
tion as important as that 
of 1776. In point of fact 
few policies of the Federalists were reversed, although some 
of their practices were changed, and the most objectionable 
of their laws were repealed. For purely personal reasons 
Jefferson, who was a poor speaker, did not address the houses 
of Congress after the manner of Washington and Adams, 
but sent to them a written message — a custom followed 
by all of his successors. 

At the time of his inauguration, most of the offices were 
held by political opponents, whom he retained, except in 
a few cases. Resisting the clamor of his friends for recog- 
nition, Jefferson made few removals except for incom- 
petency and gave some of the positions made vacant to 
moderate Federalists. 



Channing, 
JeffersoJiian 
System, 4-10. 




Thomas Jefferson 



Jefferson's 
general policy. 



Attitude to- 
ward removalsj 



Channing, 
Jeffersonian 
System, 10-17. 

McMaster, 
United States, 
II. 583-588. 



250 



Americmi History 



[1801 



Financial, mili- 
tary, and naval 
policies. 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
k^ 54-57- 



Changes in the 
judiciary. 



Schouler, 
United States, 
11,25-27. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
II, 607-612. 



The financial policy of the administration was outlined 
by Gallatin, the secretary of the treasury. Under the Fed- 
eralists taxes had been multiplied, and the revenue had in- 
creased constantly, but expenditures had increased in even 
greater proportion because the Federalists believed in a 
comparatively large army and navy, and desired the ex- 
pansion of national authority regardless of expense. The 
national debt was, in consequence, eight millions more in 
1801 than in 1791. This debt Gallatin planned to pay within 

less than twenty years, 
principally by reducing 
military and naval ex- 
penditures. At his sug- 
gestion and in accordance 
with the wishes of the 
President, the army was 
reduced to three thousand 
men, and many of the 
naval vessels were placed 
out of commission, the 
protection of the coasts 
being left to tiny " gun- 
boats " which were as 
inexpensive as they were ineffective. At the same session 
of Congress, the internal revenue taxes, which had been 
from the beginning odious to the Republicans, were re- 
pealed, the loss of income from this source being compara- 
tively slight. 

230. The National Courts. — The Republicans attempted 
to undo the work of their predecessors by attacks upon the 
courts. The scandalous Judiciary Act of 1801 which created 
unnecessary circuit judgeships, and provided berths for 
many partisans whose terms of office were expiring, was 
repealed in 1802. Other acts were passed which reduced 
greatly the number of cases likely to be brought before na- 
tional tribunals. No change was made, however, at this 
time in the Supreme Court, to the chief justiceship of which 




Albert Gallatin 



i8o5] 



Federalists and Republicans 



251 



John Marshall had been appointed by President Adams 
six weeks before the close of his term. 

This great jurist, for over thirty years the head of the high- 
est court of the United States, exerted an influence upon 
the development of a strong national government within 
the United States which was second to that of no other man. 
By force of intel- 
lect he dominated 
the court long 
after the Repub- 
licans had gained 
a majority of the 
places on the 
bench, and in a 
series of decisions 
marked by unan- 
swerable logic 
(§ 254) made the 
powers of the 
Constitution so 
real that even his 
political o p p o- 
nents accepted his 
views and used in 
the most liberal 
way the powers 
conferred on the national government by the Constitution. 

The Republicans showed their distrust of the courts also 
in attempting to remove a number of judges. In Penn- 
sylvania m.ost of the judges in the highest court were im- 
peached, but retained their positions because the moderate 
Republicans believed that conviction for partisan reasons 
was a menace to free government. United States District 
Judge Pickering was impeached and found guilty, though 
not for political offenses. Much the most conspicuous case 
was that of Justice Chase of the Supreme Court. Although 
a man of parts, he had aroused the animosity, of his oppo- 




JOHN Marshall 



252 



American History 



[1800 



Importance of 
the river to the 
West. 



Hart, Contetn- 
poraries, 
III, No. III. 



Disputes 
before 1800. 



Turner, F. J., 
in Review 
of Reviews, 
XXVII 

(1903). 578-581. 



nents by his biased conduct in one or two semi-political 
trials and by offensive remarks in a political speech. His 
prosecution before the Senate was conducted by John Ran- 
dolph, a most eccentric individual whose conduct of the case 
was absurdly incompetent. Chase was defended ably and 
was acquitted. These impeachments, although undertaken 
for partisan reasons, had a wholesome influence in prevent- 
ing further abuses of judicial privileges. The acquittals 
likewise were most fortunate, for they insured the pro- 
tection of the courts against unjust attacks by their ene- 
mies. 

Western Problems (1800- 1806) 

231. Disputes over the Lower Mississippi River. — The 

most momentous question that arose during Jefferson's 
first administration was concerned with the purchase of 
Louisiana. This important addition to our territory was 
the outgrowth of controversies over the navigation of the 
Mississippi River and the right of deposit at the mouth of 
that river. Before 1800 Spain controlled the western bank 
of the river as well as the eastern bank for two hundred 
miles from its mouth. But the inhabitants of the region 
west of the AUeghanies needed both the navigation of the 
river — their natural means of communicating with the 
outside world, since it was extremely difficult for them to 
carry their products across the AUeghanies — and a right 
of deposit near the mouth for goods to be shipped abroad. 
We noticed (§ 182) the storm of protest that greeted the 
proposal to close the Mississippi for twenty-five years at 
a time when the West was settled very little. In the absence 
of treaty agreements, however, Spain had not been punc- 
tilious about interfering with our western trade until in 1795 
Thomas Pinckney concluded a treaty with that power. 
Alarmed by Jay's treaty (§ 222) and by the prospect of an 
alliance between Great Britain and the United States, Spain 
recognized the thirty-first parallel as the northern boundary 
of West Florida, opened the Mississippi to our commerce, 



1803] Western Problems 253 ] 

1 
and gave us a right of deposit at New Orleans. Spain was Ogg, Missis- \ 

the more wiUing to make these concessions in order to gain ^*^^^' 4i9-439| 

the goodwill of the United States, because France was very ' 

anxious to regain Louisiana and Great Britain was willing j 

to intrigue for its possession, and at this time the United ^ 

States was less grasping than either of the great European i 

rivals. , 

In 1800 Napoleon, now first consul of France, forced Louisiana 

the king of Spain to sign the treaty of San Ildefonso, and to (1800-1803). , 

cede him Louisiana, on the express stipulation, however, 

that it should never be transferred to any other power. Channmg, 

-.TTi 1 • 1 1 • A • 1 Jeffersonian 

When this treaty became known m America the next year, ^y^i^^ ^\-(ixl 
Robert R. Livingston, our minister to France, was instructed j 

to purchase if possible the Isle of Orleans, upon which New p^^^^^ 
Orleans is located, and West Florida, so as to give us control Uttited states, 
of the entire east bank of the Mississippi. Soon after, and ^^zs^^etseq. 
before the actual transfer of Louisiana to France, the Span- 
ish officials at New Orleans took away our right of deposit, j 
thereby arousing a demand for war throughout the West. 
The importance of the Mississippi to the West and to the 
country at large, and the danger to the United States of hav- 
ing a powerful nation in control of the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi, may be appreciated from the emphatic language of 
Jefferson, whose sympathies before that time had been dis- : 
tinctly French. '' The day that France takes possession of j 
New Orleans ... we must marry ourselves to the British \ 
fleet and nation." " By uniting with Great Britain, we 1 
must make the first cannon which shall be fired in Europe 1 
the signal for the tearing up of any settlement she [France] 
may have made." 

232. The Purchase of Louisiana. — The purchase of Negotiations.! 
New Orleans, and if possible West Florida, was desired so \ 

much that James Monroe was selected to act with Living- Hart, Content 
ston, who had already been authorized to expend $10,000,000 poranes, 
for these few thousand square miles of swampy land.^ But 

^ The instructions to Livingston emphasized more than anything else i 

the need of control by the United States of the east bank of the Mississippi ; I 



254 



American History 



[1803 



just as Monroe reached Paris, after Livingston had spent 
several months negotiating in vain for the east bank of the 
Mississippi, Napoleon offered to sell all of Louisiana. He 
had hoped to make this vast region the foundation of a 
colonial empire, but the army which was needed to hold it 
had been destroyed in insurrections in San Domingo, war 
was soon to begin in Europe, and the maritime superiority 
of England left all of the French colonies exposed to her 
attacks. Although our representatives at Paris were not 
authorized to purchase so vast a region, they did not hesi- 
tate long, and after some haggling over the price, on April 
30, 1803, Louisiana became ours for the paltry sum of 
$15,000,000.^ As Talleyrand, the French minister of 
foreign affairs, said, we had made a " noble bargain." In 
the words of Livingston, *'We have lived long, but we have 
this day done the noblest work of our lives." 

Jefferson believed that the Constitution did not authorize 
such an action as this purchase and would have preferred 
to wait for an amendment to that instrument giving him 
unquestioned authority. But time was all important. 
Napoleon might repent, England was likely to be jealous, 
and Spain sure to protest. Jefferson's cabinet advised rati- 
fication at once, and his friends persuaded him that the 
power to make treaties gave him the right to acquire terri- 
tory. Congress was called for an early date, and, as the pur- 
chase was very popular, the Senate ratified the treaty after 
a comparatively brief debate. Public sentiment had changed 
so that no one now considered the annexation of Louisiana 
by treaty to be unconstitutional; but the Federalists, who 
feared that the West might come to dominate the East, claimed 
that no states could be admitted from this territory. In this 



if France would sell us West Florida and New Orleans, we agreed to 
guarantee to her the west bank of the Mississippi, and if France refused 
our request, arrangements were to be made for an alliance with Great 
Britain. 

* Sixty million francs in 6 per cent stock of the United States and twenty 
million francs to be paid by the United States to our citizens for damages 
done by French men-of-war before 1800. 



i803] 



Western Problems 



255 



they were opposed by the Republicans who had completely 
abandoned their strict constructionist views, and from this 
time made a fairly liberal use of " implied powers." When 
the first state, Louisiana, was admitted from this territory 
(181 2), however, several Federalists maintained that it 
was sufficient cause for secession from the Union. 

233. Extent and Importance of Louisiana. — The bound- 
aries of this immense region were intentionally left indefi- 
nite. The Louisiana 
treaty copied the words 
of the treaty of 1800 
between France and 
Spain, which were, 
" Louisiana with the 
same extent that it now 
has in the hands of 
Spain, and that it had 
w^hen France possessed 
it " before 1762. But 
these limits never had 
been determined.^ 
Livingston claimed that 
they included West 
Florida, but Napoleon 
would not support his 

claim, and we know now that, although Napoleon coveted 
West Florida, he did not consider it a part of Louisiana. 
Nevertheless, the doubt regarding the southeastern bound- 
ary and our former desire to obtain West Florida, led the 
United States to seize the disputed strip before the be- 
ginning of hostilities with Great Britain in 181 2. 




LOUISIANA 

Showing natural boundaries 

and treaty boundaries 

(1313. 1819) 



McMaster, 

United States 

n 1. 31-34. 
371-375. 



^ In order to explore parts of the new territory', parties were sent respec- 
tively to the source of the Mississippi, up the Missouri and across by 
the Arkansas to the Rocky Mountains, the summit of which was thought to 
be the limit of Louisiana on the northwest. The expedition under Lewis 
and Clark crossed the Rockies (1805) and descended the Snake and 
Oregon rivers, thus giving us a better claim to the Oregon country. 
(See § 303.) 



256 



American History 



[1803 



On the southwest a much larger, if at that time less inter- 
esting territory, was claimed by both the United States and 
Spain. Spain would have restricted us to the Mississippi 
basin, with scarcely any of the Gulf coast, but many Ameri- 
cans believed the Rio Grande to be the dividing line between 
Louisiana and Mexico. In 181 9 this country gave up its 
claim to all land west of the Sabine River in return for the 
cession of East Florida (§ 261). 

The purchase of Louisiana had a very great influence on 
the future of the United States. It doubled the area of the 
United States, giving us complete control of the entire Missis- 
sippi basin and permitting expansion to the Pacific. It re- 
moved obstructions to commerce in the western states and 
prevented international complications with the nations that 
held or sought to seize Louisiana. It compelled the Repub- 
lican party to abandon its old strict construction position, 
and increased the power of the national government by giv- 
ing it control of a vast region. In the territory acquired 
at this time a true democracy and a national spirit were 
developed which influenced the rest of the people. In this 
territory occurred the great struggle between the forces 
favoring the extension or exclusion of slavery, which ended 
in civil war. Finally, the great West has contributed in 
innumerable ways to the economic development of the great- 
est agricultural and commercial nation of the world. 

234. The Burr Conspiracy (1805-1806). — Soon after 
the annexation of Louisiana the West became the scene 
of a remarkable conspiracy formed under the leadership 
of Aaron Burr. This was one of the last of the numerous 
attempts to separate the West from the East and organize 
the West under a distinct government, because the two sec- 
tions had so little in common. In 1804 Vice President 
Burr, failing of election as governor of New York largely 
through the efforts of Alexander Hamilton, challenged the 
latter to a duel, which resulted in the death of Hamilton. 
Burr was obliged to flee from the East and devoted his 
attention to the formation in the Southwest of a confederacy 



1805] Western Problems 257 

to be ruled by himself. It is generally supposed that Burr ^ 

wished to detach the western states from the Union and then j 

conquer Mexico. Burr's movements were reported at Wash- 1 

ington, but for a long time nothing was done, although Burr 
had the support of a large part of the West and was in secret 
correspondence with General Wilkinson, the commander "l 

of the army at New Orleans. Burr was arrested at length ; 

and brought to Richmond, Virginia, where he was tried in \ 

the Circuit Court on the charge of treason, Chief Justice j 

Marshall presiding. President Jefferson was summoned ' 

to appear at the trial with papers, but refused, although the ; 

papers were sent. The evidence being insufficient. Burr 
was released after a tedious trial lasting six months. 

Commercial Warfare (1805-1811) 

235. European War and American Commerce before Our neutral 
1806.— The wars waged by England and France between ^^'"'"^^"2 trad 
1793 and 181 5 made possible an abnormal development 
of American commerce. Because of the naval superiority Commerce, ' 
of Great Britain, France and her allies had been unable to 1789-1811. 
trade with her colonies and had accordingly opened her ; 

colonial ports to neutral trading vessels. In spite of the 
attempt made by Great Britain to apply the Rule of 1756, 
which prevented our carrying goods directly between a 
colony and a mother country, our foreign commerce had 
increased threefold between 1792 and 1796 and had nearly i 

doubled between 1796 and 1805. But the risks incurred 
increased with the amount of the traffic. Both Great 
Britain and France exercised the right of seizing goods of | 

their enemies on neutral ships, notwithstanding the Ameri- | 

can claim that " free ships make free goods." Contraband 
of war was forfeitable if discovered, and neutral ships carry- 
ing it were often confiscated as aiding the enemy. This \ 
would have been a fair practice had the term *' contraband 
of war " been defined justly; but when it was held to include \ 
breadstuffs, the most important of American exports, the ! 
United States had just cause for complaint. I 



^- 



258 



American History 



[1805 



Still more serious was the interference with neutral trade 
because of a new interpretation of the " Rule of 1756." 
Before 1805, American vessels had been permitted to ob- 
tain a cargo in the French or Spanish West Indies, sail to 
a port of the United States, remove their cargoes, and give 
bonds that their goods would be reexported, and, after 
reloading, sail for continental Europe. In May, 1805, the 



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'93 '95 '97 '99 1801 '03 '05 '07 

EXPORTS AND IMPORTS (I789-I8II) 

Imports Exports - 

Goods imported and reexported at once 

(A KXU to this latter trade that England objected after 1805) 



highest British court of Admiralty decided that this prac- 
tice was an evasion of the " Rule of 1756" and as such must 
be stopped. This was the beginning of a carnival of confis- 
cation that lasted for several years. Rather than give up the 
lucrative trade between Europe and the West Indies, the 
American vessels took their chances of capture. No com- 
pany of underwriters would insure ships or cargoes engaged 
in this perilous trade, but profits increased with the risk. 
Great fortunes were made although many shippers became 
bankrupt because of the wholesale seizures made by Eng- 
lish cruisers. 



i8o7] Commercial Warfare 259 

236. The Impressment of American Seamen. — 7'his impressment | 

growing trade, attended by such personal perils, caused a ^''"" ^'"ericanl 
marked rise in the wages of ordinary seamen. Naturally 

many English sailors were employed in this business, and as \ 

; . , ,, c r .IT-.-'! McMaster, ' 

wages contmued to rise, hundreds of men from the British u„ited states \ 
war vessels deserted and applied for positions in our mer- 111,240-245. I 
chant marine. In many cases these deserters were able to 
buy papers declaring that they were American citizens. Hart, Contem^ 
To seize these traitors and to impress all the British sailors poraries, ill, ; 
possible, the English cruisers now redoubled their efforts 
in searching American vessels. Every harbor on the coast 
of the United States was watched and every outgoing vessel 
searched. On the theory that " once a British citizen, always 
a British citizen," thousands of naturalized Americans were 
carried off. Hundreds of native Americans were impressed, 
as it was often difficult to distinguish between American 
and British-born seamen. The government of the United 
States offered to see that all deserters were returned if ICng- 
land would give up the claim to search American ships, but 
to no avail, and the ill feeling against Great Britain deep- 
ened. 

An opportunity now came to the English ministry to gain Attempted 
the goodwill of the United States. Jay's treaty had ex- *'"*'^^>' ^'^'■-^)- , 
pired, and Jefferson was anxious to make a new treaty deal- 
ing with the questions of impressment and neutral trade. J^nHg^Xtltes ' 
But so little would the English government yield that the 111,249-253.'' 
treaty did not mention impressment and was not even sub- ' 

mitted by the President to the Senate. 

A little later, in June, 1807, war between the two nations Chesapeake \ 
seemed imminent. The warship Leopard demanded from ^ '^''^ ^^ ^'' , 
the Chesapeake the surrender of three deserters, two of whom 
were American -born and had been forced into the British ^^^^^^-^^ 
navy. When the demand was unheeded, the Leopard, the in, No. 119. | 
more powerful boat, fired on the Chesapeake, killing three 
and wounding eighteen of her crew. This outrage caused Schouier, 
intense excitement, but was quicklv disavowed by the Eng- ^^^t«d"'^if"*\ 
lish government. Four years later reparation was made i 



26o 



American History 



[1805 



Earlier orders 
and decrees. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
III, No. 120. 



McMaster, 
Ignited States, 
III, 248-250. 



Later restric- 
tions on trade. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
III, 273-275. 

Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist.^ 
I, 289-296. 



by appropriating money for the families of those slain or 
injured, but in the meantime Great Britain exercised with 
the greatest freedom the " wrong of search." 

237. Orders and Decrees (1806-1807). — The victory of 
the English fleet under Nelson over the combined fleets of 
France and Spain at Trafalgar in 1805 definitely settled the 
supremacy of England on the sea. The years 1805 and 1806 
saw^ Napoleon master of all western Europe after the humili- 
ation of Austria at Austerlitz and of Prussia at Jena. As 
neither foe could strike the other directly, Napoleon now 
attempted to crush England by shutting off her trade with 
the continent, on which her prosperity depended to a large 
extent, while England tried to prevent the French and their 
allies from receiving supplies from their colonies and from 
neutral nations. Napoleon made the first move by closing 
the ports of Prussia to English ships. England responded 
by an order in council (May, 1806) blockading the coast 
from the Elbe to Brest. Napoleon in his Berlin decree 
(November, 1806) announced a blockade of the British Isles 
and declared all English merchandise subject to confiscation. 
These blockades were not enforced, but English cruisers 
seized neutral ships on the way to the forbidden continen- 
tal ports, and the French did not hesitate to appropriate 
American vessels that were carrying British exports to the 
continent. 

Much more drastic were the proclamations issued the next 
year. British orders in council adopted in November, 
1807, demanded that all neutral vessels bound for a port 
of the enemy must first touch at an English port, and pay 
duty or be liable to confiscation. When Napoleon heard 
of these orders, he immediately issued his Milan Decree, 
declaring that all ships were forfeited w^hich traded with 
Great Britain or stopped at an English port on their way to 
the continent and paid duties. Between the millstones of 
English greed and French spite, American commerce was 
likely to be ground to destruction. 

238. The Embargo (1807). — Congress was in session 



■ 4 

I 



1809] Commercial Warfare 261 

when news was brought of the orders in council of Novem- Original Em- 
ber, 1807. President Jefferson suggested an embargo and ^^^^o Act. 
within four days the act became a law, December 22, 1807. 
The general feeling is expressed in the words of John Quincy MacDonaid, 

Ai 1 11. • •t'ci- -tr • -i Documents , 

Adams, who took this opportunity to identify himself with ^^ 

the Republican party. "The President has recommended 

the measure on his high responsibility. I would not con- Hart, Contem- 

sider, I would not deliberate, I would act." No vessel was poraries, 

allowed to leave the United States for a foreign port, and no ' °' ^^^' 

ship could engage in the coasting trade unless it gave bonds 

for twice the value of the ship and carero that the goods it McMaster, 

.1 1 1 1 1 1 1 • 1 TT . ? o rrM 1 United States, 

carried would be landed in the United States. The law, 111,276-281. 
made more specific in supplementary acts, was not enforced 
easily. Along the northern border a large amount of smug- 
gling was done. So clever were many of the evasions that I 
at length it was necessary to demand that all vessels be laden ; 
under the supervision of a revenue ofl&cer. j 

President Jefferson, once the strictest of strict construe- Enforcement 
tionists, was obliged to use autocratic powers. Our foreign ^"'^ repeal. 
commerce disappeared. The ships which were abroad 
when the embargo was laid stayed away, only to be seized Hart, C(3«^^;«- 
by Napoleon, who said he would be glad to aid us in enforc- jjj j^^' ^^^ 
ing the embargo. In New England business was at a stand- j 

still, most of the capital being tied up in the ships which were jo^nstQ^ 
rotting at the wharves. Nor did shipowners submit with- Am. Poi. Hist^ 
out a murmur. Protests came to the President constantly. !> 297-300. 
On the anniversary of the passage of the embargo, proces- 
sions with ships draped in black paraded many of the sea- 
coast towns. Popular discontent was so great that in the 
fall of 1808 the Federalists carried several hitherto Repub- j 

lican states. Yet the Congress which met immediately j 

after, advocated the reverse of repeal, and on January 9, 1 809, 
passed a force act making it a crime to export anything from 
the United States, giving collectors the power to seize wagons 
or boats headed toward the boundary and articles that they ] 

thought might be intended for export. The president was | 

authorized to employ the army and navy in enforcing the 



262 



American History 



[1809 



Constitutional 
results. 



law. The scenes that followed in New England brought 
back the days of the Stamp Act. Collectors resigned, meet- 
ings were held, protests and memorials were sent to Wash- 
ington, committees of safety were formed, militiamen to 
enforce the law were refused, and even secession was sug- 
gested. The embargo majority in Congress was swept 
away by this storm, and the embargo acts were repealed on 
the first of March, 1809. 

239. Indirect Results of the Embargo. — Foreign trade 
had been prohibited with the expectation of starving Europe 
into submission to our demands. The total cessation of the 
chief neutral carrying trade was undoubtedly a loss to the 
wealthy European colonies in the West Indies and a depriva- 
tion to the continental countries, but the chief damage was 
to America, as noted in the preceding section. As Arm- 
strong, our minister to France, wrote, '' We have somewhat 
overrated our means of coercion. Here it is not felt, and 
in England ... it is forgotten." It had at least one good 
influence abroad, however, in showing that the United States, 
though unwilling to try the fortunes of war, was ready to 
undergo unusual hardships rather than submit to the humili- 
ating proclamations against neutral trade. Furthermore, 
had there been no embargo, the enforcement of the last 
orders in council and the Milan Decree might have led to a 
war more futile, more prolonged, and more annoying than 
that which broke out four and one-half years later. 

In one sense the embargo marks the beginning of the 
United States as a manufacturing nation. Cut off as we 
were from the importation of manufactured articles that had 
formerly been brought from Europe, especially England, a 
large amount of homespun cloth, steel goods, furniture, and 
other articles was produced, particularly in New England, 
where the capital formerly devoted to trading was now in 
many cases used in manufacturing. 

From a constitutional standpoint also, the influence of 
the embargo was important. The Constitution aUows 
Congress to regulate foreign commerce, but nowhere au- 



1809] Comnicrcial Warfm^e 263 

thorizes the prohibition of all trade with other countries. 
The passage and enforcement of the embargo involved 
therefore a much more liberal use of the implied powers 
of Congress than had been undertaken by the Federalists. 
Jefferson and his party had abandoned, without hope of 
return, their former position as really strict constructionists 
of the Constitution. 

240. The Non-Intercourse Act (1809). — The repeal of Provisions, 
the embargo acts was accompanied by the passage of a law 
providing that there should be no commercial intercourse MacDonaid, 
with either England or France so long as their orders and Documents, 
decrees remained in force. If these were revoked, the presi- 
dent had the right by proclamation to renew commerce with 
the nation that had withdrawn its objectionable restrictions 
on our trade. This discretion was to be exercised by James 
Madison, who took the oath of ofhce as president three days 
after the law had been signed. A sincere lover of peace, and 
a student of politics rather than a practical politician, 
Madison could be counted on to prevent actual hostilities 
if possible, as he had done during his eight years of service 
as Jefferson's secretary of state. I 

England's minister, David M. Erskine, was as desirous as Erskine traaty 

Madison to reestablish cordial relations between his nation 

and the United States. Accordingly he offered to have the McMaster, i 

orders in council withdrawn on the loth of June, 1800, ,"y 

. ' . 111,340-349- 

if the United States would cease to discriminate against | 

English commerce.^ Amid the general rejoicing over this 

settlement of difficulties with Great Britain came news that 

Erskine had been recalled and his acts disavowed, and, after ; 

a brief interval, the orders in council were enforced with \ 

greater vigor. The United States had added another failure 

to her already long list in her attempts to protect our trade 

abroad. 

* In doing this Erskine undoubtedly exceeded his instructions, but 
Madison, glad of the opportunity to discontinue so large a part of the 
commercial warfare we had been waging, did not wait to learn whether 
Erskine's action would be endorsed by the English ministry, and pro- 
claimed that trade with England would be resumed June lo. 



264 



American History 



[1809 



Napoleon was no more submissive to the Non-intercourse 
Act than was Great Britain. As the act prevented trade 
with France and threatened confiscation to any French ships 
found in American ports, Napoleon retaliated with spirit by 
seizing and selling all the American ships that entered ports 
of his allies. This policy of confiscation he strengthened 
by issuing in March, 1810, the Rambouillet Decree, by which 
all American ships trading with France or countries subject 
to France were to be sold and the proceeds placed in the 
" chest of death." Within two months one hundred and 
thirty-four ships had been confiscated, making a total of 
$10,000,000 obtained by Napoleon from American spolia- 
tions since the passage of the Non-intercourse Act. 

241. The Macon Bill, No. 2 (1810). — Non-intercourse, 
as embodied in the bill of 1809, was seen to be unsatisfactory. 
A substitute was adopted finally by Ongress on May i, 
1 8 10. This provided for a renewal of trade with all coun- 
tries, but, if either France or Great Britain should withdraw 
her proclamations against American commerce, our govern- 
ment should give the other three months in which to with- 
draw her decrees. If the latter still continued to discriminate 
against our trade, we should revive non-intercourse with 
that nation. 

Napoleon saw that his chance had come to embroil the 
United States with Great Britain, to his own advantage. 
With half promises that restitution should be made to Amer- 
ica for the ships he had seized, he agreed that on November i, 
1 8 10, he would revoke the Berlin and Milan decrees if Eng- 
land would recall her orders in council, or if the United States 
would compel Great Britain to respect our rights on the ocean. 
Our government consequently sought in every way to secure 
the revocation of the English orders in council, but in vain. 
On November 2, therefore. President Madison proclaimed 
that if the orders were not withdrawn by February i, 181 1, 
non-intercourse should go into effect again with Great 
Britain. The tricky emperor, without compensating Amer- 
ican merchants for losses at his hands, by a halting and par- 



i8ii] Commercial Warfare 265 

tial removal of restrictions on our trade, had skillfully made 
the United States an instrument for injuring British com- 
merce, at the same time that he had caused England to seem 
the chief offender. For Great Britain, claiming that the 
French decrees were still in force, refused to modify her 
orders, and on March 2, 181 1, Congress passed the last of its 
commercial acts designed to maintain peace, and prohibited 
all trade with England in British vessels. 

242. Summary. — Fortunately the chief problems of Financial 
internal organization had been completed before we be- ^""^ P^'*^y 

1 1 • 1 r T- r -» «- problems. 

came mvolved m the contests of Europe after 1793. Most 
of the pressing problems of finance had been solved by the 
adoption of Hamilton's plan for a complete system of taxes, 
for reducing the debt, and the assumption of state debts. The 
adoption of this financial policy was the cause of disputes 
between two sets of people who in time organized political 
parties with definite views regarding the respective powers 
of the national and state governments, on European ques- 
tions, and on popular participation in the work of govern- 
ment. Under the aristocratic Federalist party, the national I 
government was placed upon a firm basis, but the Federal- 
ists ruled arbitrarily and permitted their opponents to gain 
control. This democratic Republican party kept itself in I 
power because every tendency of the times was in favor 
of government by the people. 

We were drawn into foreign disputes because, as neutrals. Foreign prob- 
we enjoyed a large part of the carrying trade carried on ^^ms after 1793. ^ 
before 1793 by one of the combatants, and because several I 

of the nations engaged in the European war controlled or 1 

desired territory adjacent to the United States. Our chief 
complaints were against Great Britain, who objected to I 

our carrying goods directly or indirectly between French 1 

colonies and France or her allies in Europe. 

Although we tried to avoid any part in these European Successful 
wars, our treaty of 1778 with France caused difficulty at treaties 
first, and ouf understanding with England in Jay's treaty ^794-i«Jo3J- 
(1794) completely altered our relations v.ith the chief nations ; 



discriminations 
(1805-1811). 



266 American History [1789- 

at war. The misunderstanding with France which followed 
Jay's treaty was terminated by the treaty of 1800. In 
1803 Napoleon helped us to solve difficulties in the West 
by ceding all of Louisiana, which affected American devel- 
opment in innumerable ways and to a very great extent. 
Commercial The last phase of the European contest during this period 

in which we were interested was a species of commercial 
warfare in which France tried to cripple England by cutting 
off English trade with the continent, and England aimed to 
destroy the trade of France with the outside world. The 
United States suffered especially and tried to protect herself 
by passing embargo and non-intercourse acts which de- 
stroyed most of our commerce without injuring the European 
nations particularly. Having exhausted every peaceable 
means to obtain relief from commercial discrimination, there 
seemed to be no honorable course but to declare war in 
order to protect our rights. 

TOPICS 

1. International Interests in the West (1790-1800): 
Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," VI, chap. 11; Turner, F. J., in 
Atlantic Monthly, 93 (1904), pp. 676-691, 807-817; Ogg, "Open- 
ing of the Mississippi," pp. 410-494. 

2. Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions : Johnston, " American 
PoHtical History," I, pp. 188-202; Von Hoist, "Constitutional His- 
tory," I, pp. 142-167; Powell, "Nullification and Secession in United 
States," pp. 50-91. 

3. Burr's Conspiracy: Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," 
IV, pp. 288-307; McMaster, "People of the United States," III, 
pp. 54-88; Adams, "History of the United States," II, pp. 394-409, 
III, 299-344; McCaleb, "Aaron Burr Conspiracy." 

4. Opposition to the Embargo: McMaster, "People of the 
United States," III, pp. 279-307, 323-335; Adams, "History of the 
United States," IV, pp. 249-289, 339-360; Benton (ed.), "Debates 
of Congress," III, 677-707, IV, pp. 5-31. 

STUDIES 

1. Difficulties with the Indians in the Northwest. (King, " Ohio," 
pp. 241-261.) ^ 

2. The situation in Europe (1789-1801). (Adams, "European 
History," pp. 427-444.) 



i8ii] Foreign and Domestic Problems 267 

3. Washington's Farewell Address. (Larned (ed.), "History for 
Ready Reference," V, pp. 3308-3314.) 

4. Debate on the "X. Y. Z." correspondence in Congress. (Ben- 
ton (ed.), "Debates of Congress," III, pp. 225-242.) 

5. Jefferson's first inaugural address. ("American Eloquence,'* 
I» PP- 155-163-) 

6. Fisher Ames on Jay's treaty. ("American Eloquence," 1, 
pp. 1 12-130.) 

7. Jefferson's views on the constitutionality of Louisiana. (Jeffer- 
son, "Writings" (Monticello ed.), X, pp. 407-420.) 

8. Significance of the Louisiana purchase. (Turner, F. J., in 
Review of Reviews, XXVII (1903), pp. 578-584.) 

9. Napoleon's "Continental System." (Andrews, "Historical 
Development of Modern Europe," I, pp. 49-62.) 

TO. English customs followed in 1789. (Ford, "American Poli- 
tics," Chapter VI.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. How had the state debts been incurred? Should the difference 
between the net amount of the northern and southern debts have 
affected the payment? Was assumption necessary? Was it wise? 
What influence did the financial measures of Hamilton exert on the 
national government? 

2. What is the difference between strict construction in 1791 and 
at present ? What is meant by implied powers ? Could the Con- 
stitution have survived without the use of implied powers? Men- 
tion several duties now performed by the national government which 
involve the use of implied powers. 

3. Could the organization of political parties have been prevented ? 
Explain. Show the position of the parties on democracy, constitu- 
tional questions, foreign affairs, other matters. Why did the Fed- 
eralist party go to pieces after 1800? What part of its work was 
permanent ? 

4. Why was the Proclamation of Neutrality in 1 793 a wise measure ? 
Show how the year 1795 marks a turning-point in the history of our 
international relations. Did our standing abroad improve during 
the rule of the Federalists? 

5. Was the election of Jefferson (i 800-1 801) a political revolu- 
tion? To what extent was the policy of the national government 
really changed? Were Jefferson's administrations successful? 

6. What was the influence of the Louisiana purchase on territorial 
expansion, construction of the Constitution, development of national- 
ity, changes in favor of democracy, economic development, the prob- 
lem of slavery, settlement of international disputes, general progress 
of the United States? 



268 American History 

7. Define the American view of the Rule of 1 756, the English view. 
Was impressment from American vessels justifiable ? Was there any 
reasonable excuse for the orders and decrees of 1806 and 1807? Be 
specific. 

8. On what constitutional grounds might an embargo be declared ? 
What was the effect of the embargo on England ? on France ? on 
American commerce? How did the embargo influence the invest- 
ment of capital within the United States ? Give some idea of the 
real importance of the embargo. 

9. Explain each of the problems confronting the national govern- 
ment in 1789 and note those developed later. In what way was an 
attempt made to solve each? With what success? Give fully. 



McMaster, 
United States, 



CHAPTER XII 

A NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1811-1824) 

Presidents 
James Madison (1809-1817) James Monroe (181 7-1825) 

The Second War of Independence 

243. Events Leading to War (1811-1812). The feeling Little Belt 
toward England, already bitter, was increased during the ^^^^^• 
years 181 1 and 181 2 by three unfortunate events. In May 
of 181 1 the Little Belt, one of the British vessels occupied 
in watching our coasts, by some mischance was engaged ill, 402-406. 
in action by the President, which was a much larger ship. 

The Little Belt was completely crippled, but an investiga- 
tion freed the American government from blame for the 
affair, and there was general rejoicing that the Chesapeake 
had been avenged. 

Six months later, Governor William Henry Harrison at- Victory at 
tacked a force of Indians gathered at Tippecanoe creek in Tippecanoe. 
Indiana Territory, defeating them with great slaughter and Babcock, Am. 
burning their principal town. Under the lead of a Shawnee Nationality, 
chieftain, Tecumseh, a confederation of all the Indian tribes ^^ ^ ' 
in the West had been formed for the purpose of expelling Schouier, 
the whites. This movement, it was thought, had received jj ^^_^yQ 
the support of the British in upper Canada. 

The third cause of ill-feeling was the publication in March, The Henry 
181 2, of letters sold to our government by an adventurer, letters. 
John Henry, who claimed to have been sent in 18 10 on a McMaster, 
secret mission to New England with the intention of learning United states 
whether that section would desert the United States in case ^^ ' "^44-447- 
of a war with Great Britain. 

244. Declaration of War (1812). — Prevention of war 

269 



270 



American History 



[1812 



Clay and the 
New Repub- 
licans. 



Schurz, Clay, 
I. 77-88. 






/ 



War declared. 

MacDonald, I 
Documents, \ 
Nos. 29, 30. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
111,449-452. 
454-458. 



Beginning of 
the conflict. \ 



Babcock, Am^ 
NatioTiality, I 
69-83. j . 



had now become an especially difficult task, for the control 
within the Republican party had passed from the older and 
more conservative leaders to a set of young, energetic men 
who believed further submission to be debasing. Among 
these young Republicans Henry Clay of Kentucky was the 
most prominent figure. Brilliant rather than deep, an elo- 
quent speaker, with a rare capacity for making friends, he 
was a remarkably successful leader. He and his " war- 
hawks " aroused such an enthusiasm for war that Presi- 
dent Madison, desiring a second term, was induced to 
support their policy. 

An increase in the army and navy was voted early in Janu- 
ary, 181 2. Later, an embargo of ninety days was declared 
as a preparation for war, and on June i, 181 2, the President's 
confidential war message was submitted to Congress. Three 
grievances against England were mentioned: impressment, 
sham blockades, and intrigues with the western Indians. 
With but a few days' delay. Congress voted for war, the 
South and West being almost unanimous for action, while 
the Northeast voted against the measure, thirty-four of the 
minority going so far as to issue an unpatriotic manifesto 
assailing the administration's position. , / 

War was declared June ig, and on June 9% the orders in 
council were withdrawn by England. Had a telegraphic 
cable been in existence, war might have been avoided. 
Before this news could reach America, the government had 
made preparations for increasing its army and building 
new frigates, and the nation could not easily be dissuaded 
from the invasion of Canada which had been planned. In 
New England, the governors refused to furnish troops who 
should fight outside their respective states, but elsewhere 
enlistments went on rapidly. With light hearts the people 
began war on the most powerful nation of Europe. Con- 
sidering the distance between the continents and the diffi- 
culties of the war with Napoleon which had taxed England's 
resources to the utmost, the disparity was not great. 

245. War in the North (1812-1813). — The invasion of 



[8 1 3] The Second War of Independence 



271 



Canada, so much desired, especially by the West, and re- 
peatedly attempted during the first two years of the war, 
was a complete and humiliating failure. At the beginning 
of hostilities. General Hull, having crossed into upper Can- 
ada, was forced to retire, and, without a blow, surrendered 
Detroit and all Michigan to the English. Following this 
came counter invasions of the British into Ohio, and the 
horrible massacre of the wounded by the Indian allies of 
the British at the River Raisin, the cry of '' Remember the 



Loss of the 
Northwest 
(1812). 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 

V, 3340-3344- 

Babcock, Am. 
Nationality, 




Scene of War in the North 



River Raisin " being thereafter the slogan of the western 
troops. 

In the fall of 18 13 the tide turned in the Northwest. 
Oliver H. Perry, having by remarkable efforts completed a 
fleet on Lake Erie, met and captured a somewhat inferior 
fleet commanded by an officer who had served under the 
greatest of British admirals. Nelson. This great victory 
was announced in the laconic dispatch, " We have met the 
enemy and they are ours." It was followed by the transfer 
of Harrison's army to the north shore of Lake Erie and 
the unequal battle on the Thames River, in which the In- 
dian warrior Tecumseh was slain. This double victory 
freed the entire Northwest from English control. 

Elsewhere on the northern border success did not attend 
American arms. On the Niagara frontier operations dur- 



Lake Erie 
and the River 
Thames (1813) 

McMastcr, 
Utiited States, 
IV, 32-41. 



272 



American History 



[1813 






ing the summer of 18 13 had been conducted with more than 
usual inefficiency by our commanders, and at York (Toronto) 
the parliamentary buildings had been burned. The St. 
Lawrence and Champlain basins also had been the scenes 
of disgraceful mismanagement. Projected invasions of 
Canada had failed ignominiously, owing to the incapacity of 
the American generals and their failure to cooperate with 
each other. 

246. The War on the Ocean (1812-1814). — There is no 
brighter chapter in American history than the one devoted 

to the records of the American 
navy during the War of 18 12. 
Our ships were unable to en- 
gage the enemy except in rare 
instances, but the duels fought 
between single frigates were in 
most cases signal victories for 
the American vessels. During 
the first year of the war the 
Constitution captured two 
frigates after short, decisive 
engagements, the superiority 
of the Americans being chiefly in seamanship and gunnery, 
but partially in heavier armament. Especially during 181 2 
and 1813 did the navy distinguish itself, for, with the prog- 
ress of the war, the coast was blockaded so carefully that 
once in port an American frigate could not escape easily. 
Great damage was also inflicted on British commerce 
by vessels of the navy and privateers. The Essex made 
numerous captures on the Pacific, and the privateers are 
said to have made prizes of fifteen hundred English mer- 
chantmen, a larger number than had been confiscated by 
Great Britain during the years preceding the war.^ On the 
other hand, American commerce was practically destroyed 
by the war, it being unsafe for our merchant marine on the 

^ Nearly one half of these were recaptured on their way to American 
ports. 




BRITISH CAMPAIGN AGAINST 
WASHINGTON, ISl-t 



i8i4] The Second War of Independence 



273 



high seas and all but impossible to evade the strict blockades 
of the coasts. 

247. The Last Year of the War. — With the capture of Niagara 
Paris in 18 14 and the subsequent banishment of Napoleon 
to Elba, England was able to spare many veterans for the 
war in America. These aided the Canadian militia in the 
North and took part in the expeditions against Washington 
and New Orleans. Yet this accession of strength brought 
the English few successes, for during the rest of the war the 



and Lake 
Champlain. 



Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 

V, 3350-3354. 







The Capitol, Washington 



Americans were nearly everywhere victorious. During McMaster, 
the summer of 1814, General Jacob Brown restored Amer- Un^t^d states, 

^T. 1 • • 11 1 r ^, . IV, 56-69. 

lean prestige at Niagara by winning the battles of Chippewa 

and Lundy's Lane. In the fall of that year an invasion of 

Lake Champlain was attempted by the Canadians, a large 

land force being supported by a hastily prepared but by 

no means insignificant fleet. Their progress was checked j 

at Plattsburg by young Captain Macdonough, who so ar- ! 

ranged and managed his vessels that he crippled the superior , 

fleet of the enemy and compelled the withdrawal of both 

land and naval forces into Canada. 

During the first two years of the war, raids had been made Washington 
at various points along the coast in which several towns ^^^ Baltimore. 
were burned and considerable shipping destroyed. These 
were supplemented in 1 814 by an expedition against Wash- 



2/4 



American History 



[1814 



ington and Baltimore. As the capital was practically un- 
defended except by forts on the Potomac, the British ad- 
vanced without opposition to Bladensburg, where they put 
to flight a motley force gathered to protect the city. The 
capitol, White House, and other public buildings were burned, 
but all of the government officials, including President 
Madison, made their escape. Advancing toward Balti- 
more by water, the British were unable to capture Fort 
INIcHenry, its chief defense, and withdrew without further 
successes. The bombardment of this fort by night was the 

occasion for the writing of 
"The Star Spangled Banner." 
Being desirous of capturing 
New Orleans and thus gain- 
ing possession of the valuable 
territory of Louisiana, the 
English sent a large army 
against that city late in 1814. 
Its defense was intrusted to 
Andrew Jackson who had al- 
ready distinguished himself by 
his vigor and energy in the de- 
struction of a hostile force of Creek Indians, and by the 
seizure of Pensacola, which the Spanish had allowed the 
British to use as a base of operations. With comparatively 
few regulars, but with large numbers of frontiersmen, Jack- 
son skillfully blocked the efforts of the English general, 
Pakenham, to reach the city by a flank movement. Paken- 
ham with his veterans then advanced to a front attack along 
the narrow strip of land between the Mississippi and exten- 
sive swamps. The first assault took place on January 8, 181 5. 
Of the Americans, but seven were killed and six were 
wounded, while the English lost at least twenty-five hundred 
in their vain attempt to take the American position. This 
remarkable victory produced general rejoicing and made 
Andrew Jackson a conspicuous personage. 
248. The Treaty of Ghent (1814).— Two weeks before 




A— ^3 \'>^ a<c of the 

IVissistippi 

GULF OF MEXICO 



NEW ORLEANS AND VICIMTI 



i8i5] The Second War of Independence 275 I 

the battle of New Orleans, a treaty of peace had been signed Negotiations. 1 

at Ghent in Belgium. Negotiations for peace had in fact ' 

been attempted in 18 13 when the Czar of Russia offered Hart, Contem- 

his services as mediator. The United States accepted his poraries, 

offer and appointed commissioners, but Great Britain re- ' °* '^ • 

fused to be a party in such an arrangement. The following ,i 

summer (August, 1814), negotiations were finally begun at ^t>cock ^w., 

Ghent, the United States being represented by three very 168-184. 

able men, Albert Gallatin, John Quincy Adams, and Henry 

Clay, who unfortunately did not agree on the best terms | 

to be made with England. As the British armies had been 

in the main victorious to that time and as the blockade of 

our coast was quite effective, her commissioners made ; 

several demands, among them the establishment on our \ 

northwest frontier of a permanent belt of Indian .country 

under British protection. 

The English finally agreed to give up all their demands Terms of the ; 

and to return territory that had been seized, namely, parts treaty. 

of Maine and Oregon, when our representatives promised 

that they would not mention the subject of impressment MacDonaid, \ 

and would not require compensation for ships and cargoes °'^^^^^ •^' ! 

confiscated before 181 2. With these terms the commis- ' 

sioners were content, because the conflict between England , 

McMaster 
and France had already ceased and the British navy needed united states, 

no more sailors. By the American people the treaty was iv, 270-276. ' 

hailed with delight, for they ignored our failure to obtain 

any of the objects of war, in the general rejoicing over the I 

restoration of peace. ; 

Changed Conditions after the War of 181 2 



276 



American History 



[1815 



belief in the oneness of the nation and the unity of interests 
which had never existed before that time. Not only had 
barriers between the states been broken down, but there 
was widespread desire to cast aside old forms and customs 
which had been in use since colonial times and which most 
people now thought to be outgrown. The new nation had 
found itself and insisted on doing its work in its own way, 
not looking to Europe for the policies it should pursue nor 
slavishly following the paths laid down by preceding gener- 
ations. On this account the War of 181 2 is often called 
rightly the second war of independence. 

Of the conditions which wxre changed after the war 
five deserve especial attention : (I) our altered international 
standing, (II) changes in political parties, (III) changed eco- 
nomic conditions, (IV) the new policy of the courts, and 
(V) the development of the West and the demand for inter- 
nal improvements. All of these reflect the new national 
spirit of the people and most of them show that a new na- 
tional policy was being adopted by the central government. 

250. Our Altered International Standing. — (I) In 181 5 
war ceased in America and in Europe. After the battle of 
Waterloo France and England no longer found it necessary 
to injure one another directly or through acts that affected 
the trade of neutrals. Our ships were not stopped on the 
high seas, and our commerce was free from interference as 
it had not been before for a score of years. Aside from 
these immunities we were treated abroad with a respect that 
cannot be accounted for on the ground that the return of 
peace made it unnecessary to fear us as neutrals. Foreign 
nations realized that the United States must no longer be 
treated as a third-rate power. This improvement in our 
international standing was due in part to the fact that the 
United States had now come to recognize itself as a nation. 
It was due still more perhaps to the determination of the 
United States to protect its rights by force if necessary. It 
was influenced undoubtedly by the promptness with which, 
at the close of the war with England, our navy compelled 



i8i5] Changed Conditions 277 

the heads of the Barbary powers to make restitution for McMaster, 
injuries committed during the war, and to renounce all ^^^t^d states, 
claims to tribute which had been paid theretofore by us and 
which was still being paid by European states. 

The increased respect which we commanded abroad is Evidence of 
shown by the greater eagerness with which foreign nations ^ better 
sought our favor, and the more satisfactory terms which we position 
were able to make with them in various treaties. Probably 
the best proof of our real independence was the willingness 
to announce so bold a policy as that embodied in the Monroe 
Doctrine (§ 262), and the influence which the announcement 
of that doctrine had in Europe. 

251. Downfall of the Federalist Party. — (II) Political Beginning 
conditions were radically different after 181 5. With the of domestic 
close of the war the Federalist party practically disappeared, ^jgg^ 
leaving only the Republican party. As far as there w^re 
any issues separating the factions of this party, they dealt 
with domestic affairs exclusively. Nothing more was heard 
of the French party and the English party, for with the war 
had passed the dominance of Europe in our politics. Be- 
cause of the war and their unpatriotic action during that 
conflict, the Federalists ceased to exert even the minor in- 
fluence they had possessed before 18 12. 

They had opposed the war from the beginning and in Reasons for 
several instances had acted in opposition to the adminis- Federalist 
tration. Several state legislatures issued protests against 
the continuance of the war. All but one of the New Eng- 
land governors objected to the use of the militia in other 
states for the purpose of carrying on offensive war. Mer- 
chants in the Northeast furnished the enemy wdth a large 
part of their provisions. New England capitalists, who 
had most of the specie in the United States, refused to aid 
the government in its attempts to sell bonds. On the other 
hand, the national government made no attempt to protect 
the New England states and adopted several measures par- 
ticularly injurious to that section. 

The Federalist opposition to the war culminated in the 



2/8 



American Histoty 



[IS. 5 



Hartford convention, in which three states were represented. 
Their enemies claimed that in these secret sessions the mem- 
bers were considering plans for secession from the Union, 
but that was not true. The real purpose of the convention 
was to protest against the war and unite on certain measures 
for the protection of the sectional interests of the New Eng- 
land states.^ Several amendments to the Constitution were 
proposed that would, if accepted, safeguard their interests. 
The report of the convention was adopted by the legislatures 
of Massachusetts and Connecticut and was carried to Wash- 
ington so that it might be laid before Congress. Unfortu- 
nately for the Federalists, it reached the national capital 
at the same time as news that peace had been made, and that 
the British had sustained an overwhelming defeat at New 
Orleans. The return of peace removed the cause of the 
Federalists' grievances and produced such a reaction against 
that opposition party that it was never afterward a serious 
factor in our political life. 

252. The Tariff of 1816. — (III) Shut oft' from Europe by 
embargo and war during most of the years following 1807, 
the people of the United States were deprived of the use of 
articles that they had imported formerly except so far as 
crude substitutes were manufactured in this country. So 
great was the impetus given to manufacturing during this 
period that the real industrial beginnings of the United States 
may be said to date from the great embargo. 

After Napoleon was overthrown at Waterloo (181 5) and 
Europe was at peace for the first time in twenty years, the 
continental nations revived their old tarift's in order to pre- 
vent England from sending them so many manufactured 
articles. Deprived of this market for their goods, the Eng- 



* The members of the convention occupied much the same ground taken 
by Kentucky and Virginia in their resolutions of 170S and i7qQ. They 
ckiimed that in case of deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of 
the Constitution affecting the sovereignty of a state and the liberties of the 
people, " it is not only the right but the duty of such a state to interpose its 
authority for their protection in the manner best calculated to secure that 
end." 



i8i6] Changed Conditions 279 

lish merchants shipped immense quantities of manufactures 
to America. Prices fell immediately, and the American 
manufacturers found that they could not compete with their 
English rivals. Unless Congress gave them relief from i 

this deluge of foreign goods, the factories started during the j 

previous decade would be obliged to close, as the comi)ara- i 

tively high tariff of 181 2, passed for the purpose of giving I 

revenue, was not really protective and was to continue only 1 

a year after peace was made. 

Numerous petitions were sent to Congress asking that Tariff of 1816. ! 
body to raise the duties on wool and cotton manufactures. I 

Henry Clay, distinguished throughout his career as the great Dewey, Finan- 
champion of protection for American manufactures, gave "^^ ^"'" ^ 73 
the proposed tariff his ardent support. John C. Calhoun 
made a speech in its favor that was remarkable for its breadth. Baboock, Am. 
Daniel Webster and the New England contingent hesitated ^ '■^"'^ '^' 
to support a policy that threatened to injure the commerce 
of that section. Many in the South saw only danger in „ . . , 

protection, but a fair minority were won over by the tariff die Period, 
on cotton imports which would benefit indirectly the plant- 8-13- 
ers in the cotton belt. In its final form the tariff of 1816, 
the first really protective tariff in our history, provided for 
a twenty-five per cent ad valorem duty on cotton and wool 
manufactures, thirty per cent on some forms of iron manu- 
factures, a specific duty of three cents a pound on sugar, and 
lower rates on a few other articles. In some respects it was 
the most national tariff ever enacted in Congress, as it re- 
ceived some support in every section of the country. 

253. The Second National Bank. — The change in the 
national sentiment of the people and in the willingness to 
intrust a greater amount of power to the central government 
is more striking in the case of the national bank than in 
that of the tariff. The first national bank had been obliged 
to discontinue its operations as a national corporation in 
i8ti when Congress refused to renew its charter. The 
opposition to the bank among the Republicans was quite 
strong because they felt that there was considerable doubt 



280 



American History 



[1816 



as to its constitutionality, and because many believed that 
the influence of the bank had been exerted for corrupt ends. 
Nevertheless the bill to renew the charter in 181 1 was lost 
by the casting vote of the vice president in the Senate. 
During the war with England, the dilatory policy of the 
government in raising taxes, coupled w^ith the great increase 
of paper money issued by the local banks that had sprung 
into existence after the discontinuance of the national bank, 
caused great confusion in the currency and left both the 
government and the country in a serious financial condition. 

It was believed quite generally that a national bank would 
be of the greatest service in aiding the national government 
and in remedying the currency ills of the country. As very 
little doubt existed now as to the constitutionality of a national 
bank, there was little difficulty in passing an act for a second 
national bank.^ This bank was chartered for twenty years 
and was to have a capital of $35,000,000, of which one fifth 
was to be subscribed by the national government. Most 
of the remainder was to be in bonds or notes of the United 
States. It was to aid the government in conducting its 
fiscal operations. Unlike its predecessor, the stock for 
which had been owned almost entirely abroad, the bank 
was supported by American capitalists, the number of those 
owning stock being very much larger than those interested 
in the earlier bank. Although the bank did relieve the 
financial situation somewhat, it was managed badly for 
several years and did not prove a great success at the be- 
ginning. 

254. The Supreme Court. — (IV) The influence of the 
Supreme Court in strengthening the national government 
at this time can hardly be overestimated. On account of 
the national sentiment among the people during the period 
following the war, the court was allowed to render and en- 
force several decisions which defined more clearly the work 

^ Most of the opposition came from the Federalists, whose anti-national 
attitude at this time was followed by their complete disappearance soon 
after. 



1819] Chattged Conditions 281 

which Congress might do and enlarged the sphere of duties Babcock, Am. 

left to the government at Washington. In this task of in- ^'^twnality, I 

creasing the authority of the national government, the in- ' ] 

fluence of the Chief Justice, John Marshall, was preeminent, ' 

although the other justices held very liberal views. There supreme Court 

were two ways in which the court gave its support to the 38-46,54-61. : 
national government: (i) by interpreting in a liberal way 

that clause of the Constitution which gives Congress the right i 

to use all means which are necessary and proper for carry- : 

ing into execution the powers specifically conferred on the i 
national government by the Constitution, thus indorsing 

the right of Congress to use ''implied" powers,^ and (2) by ! 
preventing the states from interfering with the work of the 
central government.^ 

The right of Congress to use implied powers was expressed Use of implied 

most emphatically in the case of IVCullodi v. Maryland P^^'^''^- 

(18 1 9), when the court declared that Congress had the right ; 

to charter a national bank, although the Constitution does ^^^^' ^^^^^^- ' 

1 • 1 • 1 !• r 1 poraries, 

not mention such a right in the list of enumerated powers, uj^ j^^ j^^. 

Marshall admitted that the powers of the national govern- j 

ment were limited, but claimed that Congress had the right 

to use its discretion as to the means which it might employ , 

in performing its duties. " Let the end be legitimate, let : 

it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means 

which are appropriate, which arc plainly adapted to that end, I 

which are not prohibited, but consistent with the letter and i 

spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional." 

255. The Development of the West. — (V) Undoubtedly Causes of 
the most important of the changes which took place during migration to ; 
1 • -11 1 ,11, ^ the West. 

this period was the westward movement by which the eastern j 

half of the Mississippi and Gulf basins was peopled, lead- \ 

ing directly to the admission of several new states and indi- 
rectly to a great development in the democratic and national ' 

i 

1 Constitution, Art. I, \ 8, CI. i8. 

2 The court also limited the powers of the states in the interests of indi- 
vidual rights, as in the famous Dartmouth College case, in which the right 
of a state to alter a charter was denied. 



282 



A?ficricafi Histoy 



[1815 



spirit of the people (§§ 2qo, 297). The war had served to 
awaken the nation. Thousands became dissatisfied with 
the old humdrum life of the eastern border, and turned to 
the West — the land of enterprise, of opportunity, of 
wealth. Before the war the emigration to the West had 
been considerable, after 1813 it became rapid, and by 1815 
it was little less than marvelous. The stagnation in the 
coast cities due to the blockade maintained during the war 
and the limited market for farm products had much to do 
with the exodus. The richness of the soil, the liberal land 
policy of the government (§ 289), and the greater political 
rights enjoyed in the West (§ 290) were not the least of the 
inducements in the country beyond the mountains. 

Several of the southern coast states considered measures 
for preventing further emigration to Mississippi, Alabama, 
and Tennessee, the population of which expanded amazingly 
in the years following the destruction of the Indian strong- 
holds by forces under Jackson. But the growth of the South 
did not equal that of the North. The roads to the West 
were one succession of emigrant wagons carrying families 
and household goods. At one point in Pennsylvania five 
hundred wagons were counted in a single month. Nearly 
fifty thousand persons moved into Indiana in the single year 
18 1 6. Villages sprang up as if by magic. Speculation in 
town lots and farm lands became common. Everywhere 
the country teemed with life and excitement. Nor did ex- 
pansion stop with the Mississippi River. Into the trackless 
wastes beyond the Father of Waters poured the pioneers, 
closely followed by the farmers with their families. 

256. Internal Improvements. — ]Most of the states west 
of the Alleghany ]vIountains desired to improve all possible 
means of communication, because they were essential to 
their development. They expended large sums of money 
for roads and canals, granted privileges and gave bonuses 
to private companies engaged in improving highwa)^ and 
waterways, and sought from the national government aid 
in constructing roads. When the state of Ohio was admitted 



i8i7] Changed Conditions 283 j 

J 
into the Union (1803), Congress agreed to spend the proceeds ' 

arising from the sale of certain public lands in i^uilding a 
national road which should connect the state with the sea- ' 

coast. Naturally the states west of Ohio insisted on a con- 
tinuance of this highway. The route selected was from , 
Cumberland, through Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Virginia 
to Wheeling on the Ohio, and west through Columbus and 
Indianapolis to Vandalia, Illinois, beyond which nothing 
was done. Work on this " Cumberland road " progressed 
slowly, although Congress began at an early date to make 
appropriations supplementing the land funds, thus estab- 
lishing firmly as a governmental j)olicy that system of inter- j 
iial improvements which has done so much for the commerce 
of the United States both foreign and inland. 

After the war with England, Congress took up in earnest Internal Im- 
the question of internal improvements.^ Under the lead provement Bill 
of Calhoun, Congress discussed a system of roads and canals 
similar to the famous plan [)roposed by Albert Gallatin, 
secretary of the treasury, in 1808. There were to be canals ^J^.^^^'^^ 
connecting all oi the important bays along the Atlantic ill, No. 131. 
coast in order to permit communication by inland waters 
from one part of the coast with another in time of war, a Burgess, 
national road from Maine to Georgia, several roads to the Middle Period 
West, and military roads on the frontiers. The money paid ^^~^ 
by the national bank for its charter was voted by Congress 
for the partial improvement of these roads and canals, the McMaster, 

, • 1 , , , , , .,, . l-^nUed states, 

rest to be appropriated by the states, but the bill was vetoed jv, 411-415. 

by President Madison (18 17), who favored the scheme 

but could not overcome his constitutional scruf)]cs. The 

national government afterward built .several military roads, 

which were located, however, in such a way as to be of com- : 

paratively little value to commerce and interstate migration. 

257. Importance of the Westward Movement. — The New national | 
part which the West took in the development of the nation ^y^'" '" ^^^^ I 

. West. ' 

in the years following the second war with England can be 

* Appropriations had been made before that time for post roads and for 
harbors and lighthouses as an aid to commerce. . I 



284 



American History 



[1818 



appreciated in part from the preceding sections. But the 
growth of the West did much more than awaken the people 
and present new problems for the nation to solve. It 
changed, gradually of course, the point of view of the whole 
population, for in the West much sooner than in the East 
the people came to look upon things from a national, not 
from a local standpoint. The emigrants from the Atlantic 
states who settled in the Mississippi valley had no local 
traditions in their new settlements and forgot their pride in 
their former state. More than one western state was settled 
by people from a dozen other states who lost quickly most 
of the characteristics that continued for two generations in 
the old home. In the cosmopolitan West a new race was 
developed that was a blending of the colonial types which 
still existed on the Atlantic border. Here was the beginning 
of the really new nation, the American people. 

Four things of the first importance the West was doing 
at this time which the whole people adopted later, (i) The 
American type was developed — a race that blended many 
of the characteristics of the eastern people from whom it 
sprang, uniting with them a vigor, an enterprise, a broad- 
mindedness that was its own. (2) The West viewed things 
from a national rather than a local or sectional standpoint. 
(3) In the West, legal and political equality was developed 
much earlier than in the older parts of the country. (4) The 
West presented many political and social problems for the en- 
tire nation to solve, and itself decided the solution of many of 
those problems, because the West was progressive and united. 

Slavery and Foreign Affairs (1819-1824) 

258. The Missouri Bill (1818-1819). — The growth of 
the West in the period following 181 5 was so remarkable that 
territories were prepared for statehood with amazing rapid- 
ity. Although the growth was greater in the Northwest than 
in the Southwest, care was taken to preserve the balance 
between the free states and the slave states. Indiana (1816) 
was followed by Mississippi (181 7), and after Illinois was 



i8i8] Slavery and Foreign Affairs 285 I 

admitted (18 18) the application of Alabama was considered ; 

favorably. All of these states were located east of the Mis- | 

sissippi River and were in territory set aside as free or slave 
years before. 

The situation was radically different in Missouri, which First Missouri 
applied for admission as a slave state in 1818. Missouri ^^''• 
was in territory that had been acquired after the Constitu- 
tion had been adopted, and Congress was free to adopt such ^^^^0"=^!^, , 

^ Documents, 

a policy as it wished in this region. There was a growing nq, 35. 
sentiment in parts of the United States against slavery ' 

extension, and, although slavery had existed in Missouri 
from the time of French rule, there was considerable oppo- 
sition to the continuance of slavery in that region, especially 
as Missouri was almost entirely north of the line of the Ohio 
River, which in the middle West marked the boundary 
between the slave and free states. On this account, when 
the House of Representatives began consideration of the bill 
to admit Missouri as a slave state, James Tallmadge of New 
York offered an amendment that all children born in the 
state after its admission be free at the age of twenty-five years. 
After an extended debate the House adopted the Tallmadge 
amendment by a majority of four votes, but the Senate re- 
fused to agree and passed the bill admitting Missouri as a 
slave state without the Tallmadge amendment. Nothing 
further could be done that session, for neither chamber 
would recede from its position. 

259. The Missouri Problem. — The reason for this dead- 
lock between the houses of Congress is interesting. As the 
states are represented equally in the Senate, and the slave 
states were as numerous as the free states, the pro-slavery 
leaders controlled the Senate because the senators from 
the slave states were united in favor of admitting Missouri 
with slavery, whereas the" northern members were divided 
in sentiment. In the House, however, since representation 
was based on population, and five negroes were counted 
as equal to three whites for purposes of representation, the 
northern members outnumbered those from the South by 



286 



Amei'ican Histoiy 



[1819 



twenty-five. Although the southern representatives were 
united closely by their slavery interest, they could not gain 
the support of enough members from the North to give them 
a majority in the lower house. 

Before the new Congress met in December, 181 9, the 
sentiment of the country had been expressed fully and clearly 
on the Missouri question. Meetings had been held in most 
of the large northern cities and resolutions had been adopted 
in public gatherings, in town meetings, and in state legis- 
latures, which requested Congress to forbid the further ex- 
tension of slavery beyond the Mississippi. From the South 
came numerous petitions asking that Missouri be admitted 
with slavery. 

Before the Missouri bill came up in earnest, however, 
the House passed a bill admitting Maine as a free state. 
When the Maine bill reached the Senate, the Missouri bill 
with slavery was attached to it. Several weeks were spent 
by both houses in discussing the Missouri question. The 
arguments presented at this session were similar to those 
used during the preceding year. Most of those who wished 
to have Missouri admitted w^ith slavery did not attempt to 
deny that slavery was an evil, but argued that its diffusion 
over a greater area would lead to its extinction sooner than 
restriction within a limited territory. They claimed that 
Congress had no right to impose important conditions like 
that which prohibited slavery within a state on its admission 
to the Union. Their opponents maintained zealously that 
slavery was a curse which should not be allowed to expand ; 
that it was more wasteful and dearer than free labor.^ 

260. The Missouri Compromises (1820-1821). The 
debate in the Senate on the Maine-Missouri bill was con- 



^ They pointed to the conditions in Louisiana at the time of its admis- 
sion and to the conditions prohibiting slavery that had been exacted from 
the states formed out of the " Northwest territory " to show that Congress 
had the power to regulate important matters for states on their admission 
to the Union. The proslavery debaters claimed that Congress could not 
have forced these states to accept that condition, but that they had done 
so freely. 



l82l] 



Slavery and Foreign Affairs 



287 



eluded by the adoption of an amendment to that dual 
measure, proposed by Senator Thomas of Illinois, which 
prohibited slavery forever within the territory acquired from 
France north of 36° 30' except in the state of Missouri. 
But the House refused to concur. It passed a Missouri 
bill of its own with a clause prohibiting slavery, but after a 
conference the House 
yielded, and the first 
Missouri compromise 
was completed. 

Missouri was ad- 
mitted without men- 
tion of slavery, but 
slavery was thereafter 
prohibited north of 36° 
30' in the rest of the 
Louisiana purchase. 
Maine was admitted 
separately as a free 
state. A year later it 
was found that the new 
Missouri constitution 
did not allow free 

blacks or mulattoes to settle in the state. A sectional 
clash on this provision was settled by a second compromise, 
engineered by Clay, which provided that the Missouri con- 
i|stitution should never be construed so as to prevent citizens 
lof other states from migrating to Missouri. 

In this way did the statesmen of that period settle the 
first important slavery controversy under the Constitution. 
From a legal point of view the result was wise and satis- 
factory. The right of a state on its admission to the Union 
to decide questions that were left to the states which were in 
the Union was affirmed, as well as the right of Congress to 
control absolutely the national territory before it was erected 
into states. As slavery had existed in the Louisiana territory 
from the beginning and had never been prohibited in any 




Territory Affected by the 
MISSOUUI COMPKOMISE 

A Added to Missouri (183<5) 



288 



A))i erica 11 History 



[1819 



part by Congress, the prohibition of slavery from the vast 
region between parallels 36° 30' and 49° and between the 
Mississippi and the ridges of the Rockies was a distinct 
advance, as so little territory was left open to slavery. As 
a means for allaying sectional feeling and preventing strife 
over the c|iiestion of slavery, it was a decided success, for in 
the forty years that elapsed before the North and South 
linally resorted to arms to settle this problem, the anti- 
slavery section had developed much more rapidly than the 
region dependent on slavery. 

261. Florida. — After the acquisition of Louisiana in 
1803, Spain retained the Floridas in the southeast and 
^Mexico in the southwest. Between our territory and these 
Spanish possessions, no definite boundary lines had been 
established. We claimed the western part of the Floridas 
as part of Louisiana (§ 233), but failed to gain this region 
until 181 1, when disorder in that section led President 
Madison to extend the authority of the United States over 
the territory as far east as the Perdido River. During the 
war with England the rest of the Floridas was used as a 
base of operations by the British, and became the home of 
slaves and criminals who escaped from the states. Spain 
was unable to control the territory or to prevent runaways 
from making it a place of refuge. When these difficulties 
were aggravated by Indian disturbances which threatened 
our borders, General Jackson invaded Florida, captured 
Pensacola and other towns, and hanged the British sub- 
jects, Ambrister and Arbuthnot, who had stirred up the 
Indians.^ 

^ Crawford, Clay, and Calhoun criticised Jackson's action and an 
attempt was made to have him censured by Congress. This failed miser- 
ably. Only one member of the cabinet, Adams, defended Jackson; but 
Jackson, supposing that Calhoun was his defender, was bitter toward 
Adams, especially after 1S25 (§ 264). When ten years later he learned that 
Calhoun had worked against him at this time, his friendship for Calhoun 
was changed into the harshest enmity. These enmities which grew out of 
the attempt of jealous politicians to discredit a general who was becoming 
very popular had a great influence on the history of tlic next twenty 
years. 



1823] Slavery and Foreign Ajfairs 289 

Spain and Great Britain protested, but Spain, finding 
that she could not control the territory properly and that 
it would be seized by the United States if she did not cede 
it peaceably, agreed to transfer it to the United States in 
return for $5,000,000. The treaty also defined the south- 
western boundary between the United States and Mexico,^ 
yielding the whole of Texas which the United States desired 
but could not claim justly.^ This treaty of 1819 was not 
ratified by the Spanish and two years elapsed before a 
similar treaty was concluded with slight modifications in i 

favor of the United States. In this way the United States Morse, 

rounded out her territory so as to attain a natural boundary ■^' ^' ^^^^^> 
•' 114-119, 124- 

on the southeast. Had Spain refused to sell us Florida, 128. 

we should have been forced to seize the peninsula to protect 

our interests. The limitation of the western boundary 

was a grievance to the expansionists, for Americans were ' 

already making their way to Texas. 

262. The Monroe Doctrine (1823). — Soon after the 
settlement of the Florida difficulty the United States was con- 
fronted by a very much more serious problem growing out of 
the inability of Spain to control her American colonies and 
the attempt on the part of an alliance of four European pow- 
ers — Russia, Austria, Prussia, and France — to reconquer 
for Spain her colonics that had revolted.^ This alliance had 
been formed originally in 181 5 by the emperors of Russia McMaster, i 
and Austria and the king of Prussia, under the name of the United states 
Holy Alliance, for the real purpose of upholding the rights 
of monarchy against the democratic movements which had 
broken out in different parts of Europe, especially during 

^ For this line of i8ig, see map page 255. 

2 Many authorities believe that Texas was part of the Louisiana pur- 
chase, and there is no doubt that Napoleon would have insisted on the Rio 
Grande as the southwest limit of the territory. 

^ Most of Spain's possessions in this hemisphere had established sepa- 
rate governments during the years following i8oS when Napoleon attempted 
to rule Spain. They had returned to their allegiance after the Spanish 
monarchy was reestablished, but even before the revolutionists gained the 
upper band in Spain again in 1S20 the colonies declared their independ- / 

ence. / 

u / 



290 



American History 



[1823 



the disorders of the Napoleonic wars. All attempts to gain 
a greater degree of self-government within their dominions 
were suppressed by force. In 1820 the people of Spain and 
some other countries revolted against the arbitrary rule of 
their monarchs, revolutionary governments being estabhshed. 
The Alliance directed France to suppress the Spanish 
revolution. The Holy Alliance then announced that the 
Spanish-American states were to be conquered for Spain. 

As England desired the trade 
of these new republics, her 
prime minister, Canning, im- 
mediately suggested that the 
United States should join her 
,in a protest against this re- 
actionary step. President 
Monroe sought the advice 
of Jefferson, Madison, and 
his cabinet. All agreed that 
the threatened attack of the 
Alliance must be averted, 
but through the influence of 
Secretary of State Adams, 
Great Britain and the United 
States decided to make separate protests against the re- 
establishment of Spanish rule over the states that had 
declared their independence. 

In his regular message to Congress in December, 1823, 
Monroe announced the famous doctrine since known by 
his name.^ He declared that we had never interfered in 




James Monroe 



^ He declared that " we owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable 
relations existing between the United States and those powers [the Holy 
Alliance], to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to 
extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our 
peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any 
European power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with 
the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, 
and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just 
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the pur- 



1823] Slavery and Foreign Affairs 291 

distinctively European affairs and had no intention of doing MacDonald, 

Documents, 
No. 43. 



Gilman, 

Afonroe. 



SO. We could not permit the Alliance to reduce these states 
again to the position of colonies. In another part of his 
message Monroe considered a similar question : the aggres- 
sions of Russia on the northwestern coast. '' The occasion 
has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which 156-174 
the rights and interests of the United States are involved, 
that the American continents, by the free and independent 
condition which they have assumed and maintain, are 
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colon- 
ization by any European powers." In this way and at this 
time was announced formally a policy which the United 
States had maintained almost from the beginning and which 
she has developed with our needs into the great American 
doctrine. 

263. Summary. — The protest against the commercial 
discriminations of France and England was one of the chief 
causes which aroused the national spirit of the American 
people. Comparatively unimportant as the military events 
of the war must be considered, the war really compelled the 
people to depend on themselves for many things that had 
been furnished formerly by Europe ; it made them unwilling 
longer to follow the lead of the European nations in matters 
of internal political policies, and it united the people as 
they were not united even at the beginning of the conflict. 

The new national spirit which grew out of this second 
war for independence was especially noticeable in the 
consideration of distinctively American political questions, 
in the adoption of a national protective tariff, and a new 
United States Bank that was at once national and demo- 
cratic, in increased centralization through the greater powers 
exercised by Congress and indorsed by the Supreme Court. 
National unity in its turn gave us a better international 
position, so that we may be said to have risen from a third- 
pose of oppressing them or controlling, in any other manner, their destinyj 
by a European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an 
unfriendly disposition toward the United States." 



292 American History [181 1 

class power to one of the second rate. In connection with 
the adoption of the policy now known as theMonroe Doctrine 
we gave proof that we were no longer subservient to any of 
the great nations of Europe, 
rhe West and The events of the period from 181 1 to 1818, the latter 
Its problems. ^^^^ q£ which was a time of very great prosperity, were favor- 
emocracy. ^^^ ^^^ alone to the development of a national spirit and 
the extension of national authority but to an expansion which 
made the West and western questions of the greatest promi- 
nence. In this large and rapidly growing region, with nine 
states to fifteen on the Atlantic border, there were developed 
more democratic institutions than those of the East. As the 
tendency of the century was toward political equality, the 
West simply accelerated the movement toward democracy, 
so that before 1850 practically the entire nation had aban- 
doned class rule and many social inequalities. The growth 
of the West compelled the nation to solve many problems, 
among them that of slavery extension. In connection with 
the admission of Missouri, the first great contest occurred 
between the forces which favored the extension of slavery 
and those that opposed its adoption in new states and 
territories. The compromise was chiefly important in 
postponing the inevitable conflict between the forces of free 
labor -and of slave labor. 



TOPICS 

1. The Career of the Constitution: Roosevelt, *' Naval 
War of 1812;" Maclay, "History of the United States Navy," I; 
Mahan, "War of 181 2." 

2. Treaty or Ghent (1814): Stevens, "Albert Gallatin," 
pp. 312-337; Morse, "John Quincy Adams," pp. 75-98; Schurz, 
"Clay," I, pp. 100-125; Adams, "United States," VII, Chapter 
XIV; VIII, Chapters I-II. 

3. Tariff of 1816: McMaster, "People of the United States," 
IV, pp. 319-345; Taussig, "Tariff History of the United States," 
pp. 16-67; Stanwood, "Tariff Controversies of the Nineteenth 
Century," I, pp. 128-159. 

4. The Missouri Compromises: Johnston, "American Political 
History," II, pp. 110-120; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History of 



1824] A New National Spirit 293 

United States," I, pp. 356-381; Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 61- 
107; Schouler, "United States," III, pp. 99-103, 147-186. 

STUDIES 

1. Perry's victory on Lake Erie. (Mahan, "War of 1812," 
Chapter XI.) 

2. Financial problems of the war. (Dewey, "Financial History 
of United States," pp. 128-142.) 

3. Disorders of the currency which influenced the crisis of 1819. 
(McMaster, "People of the United States," IV, pp. 280-318.) 

4. Building the Cumberland Road in the West. (Hulbert, 
"Cumberland Road," pp. 71-90.) 

5. Character of the West (1815-1830). (Turner, "Rise of the 
New West," pp. 84-110.) 

6. The Far West. (Turner, "Rise of the New West," pp. iii- 

7. Diverse interests in the South (1820). (Turner, "Rise of 
New West," pp. 45-66.) 

8. William Pinckney on the Missouri controversy. (Johnston 
(ed.), "American Eloquence," II, pp. 63-101.) 

9. Relations of Spain and the United States around the Gulf of 
Mexico ( 1 783-1821). 

10. Authorship of the Monroe Doctrine. (Ford, W. C, in 
Afuen'can Historical Review, 7 (1901), pp. 676-696, 8, pp. 28-52.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Summarize the grievances of New England. To what extent 
were they real grievances? What just complaint did the administra- 
tion have against New England ? What were the results of New Eng- 
land's course during the war on the war itself? on the Federalist 
party? on the influence of New England later in the councils of the 
nation ? 

2. Why did we declare war against Great Britain ? How many of 
our grievances were removed during the w^ar? by the treaty of peace ? 
How many of the grievances existed after the war ? what new inter- 
national complications ? 

3. Compare fully the changes which followed the Revolutionary 
War and that of 1812. To what extent were the movements begun 
during the period of the Revolution completed at this time ? 

4. What justification do you find in the Constitution for a protec- 
tive tariff, a national bank, internal improvements? Did the Repub- 
lican party favor a looser construction of the Constitution in 1816 
than in 1792, in 1803, in 1808? 



294 American History 

5. Was slavery principally a political or an economic issue? Com- 
pare the advantages won by each side in the Missouri compromise. 
What were the constitutional results of the compromises? the polit- 
ical results? 

6. Just how did the decisions of the Supreme Court strengthen 
nationality? Was the court sufficiently conservative? Would its 
permanent influence have been greater by following a different policy ? 
If so, what policy ? 

7. What was the purpose of the Holy Alliance ? What had been 
done by the Alliance in Europe ? What was the attitude of England 
toward the Alliance before 1822? after 1822? What was the rela- 
tion of the Alliance and Russia in Alaska to the Monroe Doctrine ? 



CHAPTER XIII 



NATIONAL DEMOCRACY (1824-1843) 



Presidents 



John Quincy Adams (1825-1829) 
Andrew Jackson (1829-1837) 
Martin Van Buren (i 837-1 841) 



William Henry Harrison 

(1841-1841) 
John Tyler (1841-1845) 



Ac- 



The Triumph of Democracy (1824-1829) 

264. The Presidential Election of 1824 marks the begin- Candidates, 
ning of the transition from the old order to the new. 
cording to the cus- 
tom that had been 
followed at pre- 
ceding elections 
the secretary of 
state was consid- 
ered the " heir- 
apparent," but 
considerable op- 
position was de- 
veloped in 1823 
to John Quincy 
Adams, who had 
directed foreign 
affairs for Monroe. 
Previously nomi- 
nations had been 
made by a caucus 

of congressmen. As there was but one party now, the Burgess, 
desire for a caucus was slight, since all of the candidates ^^['^f^^^^^^^^' 
would be Republicans. However, a caucus was held, 
about one fourth of the congressmen attending, and 

295 




131-136. 



296 



A})icrican History 



[1824 



Peck, Jack- 
son ian Epoch. 



Elections 
(1S24 and 
1825). 




Burgess, 
.\fiLWe Period. 
136-144. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
V. 72-81. 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter XI. 



Character of 
J. Q. Adams. 



William H. Crawford of Georgia, then secretary of the 
treasury, was nominated. The other candidates were Henry 
Clav, the most popular speaker the House ever had, and 
Andrew Jackson, the ** hero of New Orleans," who had 
emerged from the Florida imbroglio with added reputation. 
Although he had been senator from Tennessee twice and had 
held other public offices, he was considered by the people as 

entirely different from the 
officehokiing candidates whom 
he opposed. 

The election was not de- 
cided in November as is 
usually the case, for no one 
had a majority of the electoral 
votes. Jackson received 99, 
mainly from the South and 
West, Adams 84, principally 
from the Northeast, Crawford 
stood third with 41, and Clay 
fourth with 37. As the Con- 
stitution requires the House of Representatives to select the 
president from the three candidates having the largest number 
of votes, whenever the electoral college fails to give anyone 
a majority, Clay held the balance of power. His intluence 
was thrown to Adams, who was, like Clay, a believer in the 
liberal construction of the Constitution, a protective tariff, 
and internal improvements. But when Clay was selected 
as Adams's secretary of state, followers of Jackson cried 
out that a "corrupt bargain" had been made between 
Clay and Adams. Jackson never forgave Adams for 
" cheating " him out of the presidency, and his dislike for 
Clay was intensified by the latter's preference for his rival. 

Austere, painstaking, and impartial, Adams made few 
friends and won over no enemies, by settling all questions 
and making all appointments on their merits. His personal 
enemies fought him at every turn in Washington, and the 
people turned from him and his poUcy to more popular men 



John Qlincv Adam^ 



1826J Triumph of Democracy 297 

and measures. The last president of the old regime, Adams 
failed because the country had outgrown the aristocratic 
system which he represented and had become democratic. 

265. New Political Parties. — The presidential election National 
of 1824-1825 and the subsequent formation of factions, com- Republicans, 
posed on the one hand of supporters of the administration — 
the Adams and Clay men — and on the other hand of the Johnston, 
Jackson men, marks the beginning of a permanent break 
in the old Republican party. Although in large part these 
factions represented personal views and antagonisms, they ^^^j^^^.^ ^^^ \ 
held essentially different views on questions of puljlic policy, i, 311-320. ] 
Both Adams and Clay were ardent protectionists and be- j 

lieved in a broad construction of the Constitution which would \ 

|extend the powers of the national government. They 1 

ladopted therefore the name of " National Republicans," \ 

f although in the course of a few years the name " Whig" ■, 

was used more commonly. j 

Their opponents, who gradually rallied around Jackson jacksonian ] 
as the coming man, were as a rule strict constructionists. i>»tmocrats. , 
Although not at the beginning supporters of popular govern- ■ 

ment, in time they came to adopt the views of their intense Johnston, 
domineering leader . on that question. Jackson ardently Jj iys-ioS ' 
advocated the right of the people to rule untrammelled by ; 

traditions which had been estabhshed by conservative ,, ^ ,, i 

•' MacDonald, 

aristocrats. The party of Jackson, known as '' Democrats," jacksonian 

occupied a rather unusual position. While they believed Democracy, 

in a strict construction of the Constitution, they asserted ^° ~^^^' \ 
with Jackson that the will of the people should decide how 

the powers of the general government should be used. : 
Unlike their predecessors, the Jeffersonian Republicans, 

who opposed centralization and favored the rights of the . 

individual and the expansion of state powers, the Jacksonian ] 

Democrats believed in the supremacy of the nation. This j 

peculiar combination of contradictory opinions was due to j 

the personal preferences of '' Old Hickory," a man of great ! 

simplicity of mind, who cared neither for political theories ' 

nor political consistency. Because the nation was young, r\ 



298 



American History 



[1828 



Interest in 
Jackson's 
candidacy. 



MacDonald, 
Jacksonlan 
Democracy, 
28-37. 



Peck, 

Jacksonian 
Epoch, 



Campaign and 
election. 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter XII. 



Imperfect 
development 
of a national 
spirit before 
1829. 



hopeful, confident of itself, and charmed by the personal 
magnetism of Jackson, the Democratic party gained control 
of the affairs of the nation and retained that control almost 
without interruption for three decades. 

266. The Election of Jackson (1828). — The Democratic 
party came into power with the first election of Jackson 
(1828). Since the House of Representatives had been 
called upon to choose a president and had passed by the 
" hero of New Orleans " for Adams (1825), the Jackson men 
had not ceased to cry out against the injustice done to their 
leader. The will of the people has been defeated, they 
claimed. Continued agitation of Jackson's candidacy, the 
resolutions passed by numerous legislatures in his behalf, 
and the gradual abandonment of the old undemocratic 
method of choosing electors through the legislatures tended 
to arouse among the people for the first time a real interest 
in a presidential election. Heretofore the officeholders 
had decided what candidates should head each ticket and 
officeholders had elected the president. But the times were 
changing. In response to a strong popular demand, the 
suffrage laws had been made more liberal, so that nearly 
twice as many people could vote in 1828 as in 1824. 

Aside from the deeper reasons for Jackson's success, 
the conduct of the campaign is interesting. The tariff was an 
important issue, on which Jackson skillfully avoided com- 
mitting himself. Aided by Martin Van Buren, the ablest 
politician of that period, and by most of the southern 
leaders, Jackson captured the vote of every western and 
southern state, besides that of Pennsylvania and scattering 
votes throughout the North. In the electoral college the 
vote stood 178 for Jackson to 83 for Adams. 

267. The Importance of Jackson's Election. — In the 
history of the United States at this time, and in fact through- 
out the first half of the nineteenth century, there were two 
movements of very great importance. The first of these was 
the development of a national spirit and a real national unity 
among the American people; the second, the spread of 



1829] 



Triumph of Democracy 



299 



democracy, the belief in the right of the people to rule. 
As we noticed in the last chapter (§§ 249-257), the national 
spirit developed rapidly between 18 10 and 1820, but it had 
not produced a great change in the central government. 
To be sure factional strife ceased to some extent and the 
national govern- 
ment was treated 
with greater re- 
spect than before. 
But as the enthu- 
siasm created by 
the war died out, 
the people re- 
membered again 
their local jeal- 
ousies and the 
central govern- 
ment was in dan- 
ger of losing most 
of the powers that 
it had gained. 

In the two dec- 
ades preceding 

the election of Jackson, democracy had been gaining a real 
foothold in the states. Not only was a much larger num- 
ber of people allowed to vote than before, but the voters en- 
joyed an infinitely greater share in public affairs (§§290, 
291). This has been shown to some extent in preceding 
paragraphs. But this almost universal change in the poli- 
cies of the states and the localities had produced before 1828 
no change in the conduct of affairs at the national capital. 
There the rule of the old-time politician was supreme. 
Offices were acquired and held according to the length of 
time the candidate had been in the public service. The 
nation was ruled really by a clique of men who kept them- 
selves continually in office. 

Jackson made the central government of the United 



Turner, 
New Wesf, 
300-309. 




Andrew Jackson 



McMaster, j 
United Statesl 
V, 380-394- ! 



300 



American History 



[1829 



Mace, Manual 
of Am. Hist., 
192-201. 

Ford, Am. 
Politics, 
Chapter XIX. 



States both national and democratic. Under him it re- 
sponded to the demand of the people that they should be al- 
lowed to govern and to the wish of the people that the United 
States should be recognized as a real nation. Jackson con- 
sidered himself the representative of the nation, and, by the 
fearless use of his position as president, he increased greatly 
the power of the chief executive. In some ways his election 
deserves to be considered, as many have called it, " the 
revolution of 1829." 

268. New Political Methods. — Since the people were much 
more interested in government than formerly, they were not 
satisfied simply with electing officials; they demanded the 
initiative in political affairs. Formerly the politicians in 
power had been in the habit of holding a caucus for the 
nomination of candidates for their party. This kept them 
and their friends in power and preserved a class rule which 
was distasteful to the masses. Parties out of power, who 
had no officials, adopted first a method that afterward came 
into general use. From each district in a state representa- 
tives were chosen to a state convention, which nominated 
party candidates. The first national convention was held 
by the Anti-Masonic leaders who wished to perfect their 
organization throughout the United States. This example 
was followed quickly by the older parties, who, in many 
cases, adopted resolutions stating their policy. From this 
custom there was developed in time the platform, now an 
indispensable part of the work of every national and many 
state conventions. 

As each party was bidding for popular support, every 
effort was made to obtain votes. Two of the most important 
methods introduced w^ere the campaign and machine organ- 
ization. In the first, voters were to be attracted by the 
popular love of display and by " stump speaking." The 
later presidential elections of 1840 and 1844 were the best 
examples of this. Even more reliance was placed on more 
perfect party organization. The " machine " was not a 
new thing, for Tammany Hall had used methods like those 



attitude 

i-egardinfT 

appointments 

Wilson, Div: 



1829] Triumph of Democracy 301 

of the present many times since it was formed in 1789, but 
now the party '' boss " became a recognized power in political 
circles, while federal and state patronage were used to control 
votes. Bribery was used more frequently, and the wretched 
system of the open ballot boxes made intimidation of voters 
and *' stuffing " of the boxes not only possible, but quite 
common. The political products of democracy were as yet 
of the crudest kind, and it required years to sift out the good 
and to reject the less perfect. 

269. The Spoils System. — Jackson introduced into the Jackson's 
national government a system which was at that time used 
extensively in the states and known best as tF;e '' spoils 
system." This consisted of filling the offices with party 
friends on the principle that '' to the victors belong the spoils." 
Jackson firmly believed that he could not do his duty as pres- and Reunion^ 
ident if his subordinates were political enemies, who would ^^ 14-19- 
not work with him. Himself a fierce hater, he expected 
nothing but opposition from those who had not favored his MacDonaid, 
election and took the first opportunity to remove his enemies ^l'J,l"^^'^ 
from ofl&ce. Thousands of his party followers, knowing his 54-63. 
loyalty to his friends and already acquainted with the spoils 
system at home, thronged to Washington. This horde of office- 
seekers and their friends pressed into the White House at 
the time of the inauguration, climbing on the chairs and 
behaving in such a way that the older politicians bewailed 
the advent of " mob rule." Giving Jackson no rest, they 
importuned him day after day for positions. They were 
the first of a throng of office-seekers who have infested the 
capital at every inauguration from that day to this. 

Many of them were disappointed, but in less than a year Removals 

Jackson had removed from office fifteen hundred persons, and kitchen- 

cabinet. ! 

about ten times as many as had been removed in the preced- 
ing forty years. No reasons were given for removals and no ^^^^ j 
attempt was made to appoint men except as a reward for jacksonian I 
party services. The President not only abandoned precedent Democracy, 
by adopting the spoils system, but he also followed a new plan ^^~^^' °' ( 
of seeking advice from a set of men who were not his cabinet 1 



302 



American History 



[1826 



officers. These advisers were known as his '' kitchen 
cabinet." Before long Jackson abandoned this method of 
securing help in administering the duties of his office. It is 
scarcely necessary to state that his successors made very little 
use of such an unofficial cabinet, although they were careful 
to follow his policy of making appointments to office for par- 
tisan reasons only. 

National Sovereignty versus State Sovereignty 
- (1826-1833) 

270. Controversies over Indian Lands. — During the 
administration of Adams and the first term of Jackson the 
national government was brought into conflict w^ith the state 
of Georgia. The difficulty arose over the Indian lands, 
which settlers wished to occupy, and over which the govern- 
ment of Georgia desired to extend its jurisdiction. These 
lands in 1825 covered about fifteen thousand square miles. ^ 
By law the Indians were under the control of the United 
States, which had promised Georgia long before that their 
lands should be acquired. The promise had been kept in part 
only, because it was customary to treat the tribes as separate 
nations. 

In 1826 Georgia attempted to occupy forcibly some Creek 
lands which the United States was then seeking to acquire. 
The United States troops were ordered by President Adams to 
maintain the rights of the Indians, and an armed conflict w^as 
avoided narrowly (1826). A few years later Georgia passed a 
law extending her jurisdiction over the Cherokee lands. The 
Cherokees appealed to the United States courts, which upheld 
the Indians by declaring the Georgia law null and void. 
When the state proceeded to enforce the law, President 
Jackson, whose sympathies were naturally not with the In- 
dians, refused to interfere, declaring, it is said, " John Mar- 
shall has pronounced his judgment, let him enforce it if he 

* In the southern states east of the Mississippi, exduding Florida terri- 
tory', in 1825 the Indians controlled an area larger than the state of New 
York. 



1830] National vs. State Sovereignty 303 

can." So the state continued to disobey the decree of the 
court. 

Most of the Indians east of the Mississippi were per- 
suaded to exchange their lands for territory west of the 
river, chiefly in the district set aside as Indian territory. 
In Florida a few Seminole chiefs resisted the removal and Jacksonian , 
in Iowa Black Hawk sought by war to regain lands that J,^^^^'^^' \ 
had been ceded already. | 

271. The Webster-Hayne Debate (1830). — In connection Argument of! 
with the proposed opening to settlement of public lands Webster, 
in the West and South, the year following Jackson's election, 
there occurred the interesting debate between Webster and 
Hayne of South Carolina, regarding the nature of the Union. 
Webster replied to Hayne's earlier argument by declaring I 

that the Constitution had been adopted by the people of the | 

United States in the aggregate. A real union had been 
established by that Constitution, (i) because the Constitution i 

and laws made in accordance with it were declared to be the ; 

supreme law of the land,^ and (2) because the Constitution 
itself provides that the national courts shall decide whether a 
certain power was given to the national government or with- 
held from it.^ He maintained that to acknowledge the right of | 
nullification by any state would reduce the Union again to a { 
" rope of sand," as under the old Confederation. j 

In reply Hayne argued that the states had been sovereign Argument | 
before the Constitution was adopted, and claimed that they of Hayne. 
had acted in their sovereign capacity when agreeing to that | 

*' compact." He denied that the clause relating to the su- MacDonald,! 
premacy of the Constitution and of national laws transferred °^'^^^^^ > i 
sovereignty from the states to the nation. According to Hayne, j 

when a question arose regarding the power conferred on ; 

the central government by the Constitution, '' resort must be > 

had to their common superior (that power which may give j 

any character to the Constitution they may think proper) 
viz.: three fourths of the states." ; 

Both speakers used the words " sovereign " and " sover- ( 

» Constitution, Art. IV. ^ Constitution, Art. Ill, § 2. cl. i- j 



304 American history [1824 

eignty " in a careless way, but even when allowance has 
been made for this laxity in expression, their views of the 
Union were seen to be diametrically opposed. According 
to the one, the people of the nation were sovereign; in the 
opinion of the other the states were sovereign. Hayne's 
view was undoubtedly the one held by the great majority 
at the time the Constitution was adopted, but in tlie inter- 
vening forty years so strong a national sentiment had been 
developed that in 1830 the majority accepted Webster's 
position. Hayne stood for a past that was being outgrown 
rapidly; Webster for the present and the future of a growing 
nation. 

272. Changes in the Tariff (1824-1832). — Opposition to 
a protective tariff was responsible in a large part for the posi- 
tion taken by Hayne and other southern leaders. On ac- 
count of the numerous and rapid changes in the industrial 
conditions within the United States after the close of the war 
with England, several changes were made in the tariff 
schedules after 1816. New industries that were protected 
inadequately desired help which they found the general 
government was willing and able to give to favored interests, 
especially during the hard times which began in 18 19. How- 
ever, the tariff" of 1816 stood until 1824 with but slight modi- 
fications. In that year the rates were increased on most 
articles protected formerly, protection was granted to a few 
manufacturers not aided in the earlier tariff and duties were 
placed on some raw materials, especially hemp and wool. 
By this time the South had become fully convinced that a 
protective tariff was interfering with her agricultural inter- 
ests and her general development. Joining with Maine, 
New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, the South strove, though 
without success, to defeat the tariff of 1824. 

Adams's administration was marked by continued agi- 
tation: in the North, for additional duties; in the South, 
for an abandonment of the protective principle. In 1827 
a convention of protectionists called by the wool growers 
brought pressure to bear on Congress for a higher tariff. 



1832] National vs. State Sovereignty 305 j 

I 
As a presidential election was approaching in which Adams, McMaster, 
Clay, and Jackson were likely to be candidates, the coterie ^''^^"^ J^^^^-' 
that had for years opposed the administration and its pro- 
tectionist policy, now sought to discredit it by proposing a , 
tariff which the followers of Clay and Adams could not ac- ' 
cept. With this in view they framed a tariff bill which i 
carried high rates on manufactured articles, but more than, 
nullified the protective duties that were desired in the states ' 
in which Adams and Clay had the largest following, by 
placing very high duties on the raw materials to be used by 
the manufacturers in those states. This political deal failed 
miserably because the manufacturers accepted the tariff, 
hoping to obtain later the changes they desired. 

This high tariff, with its many irregular duties, was not Tariff of 183: 
distinctively a protective measure and was known commonly 
as the " tariff of abominations." In spite of its serious Dewey. Fim. 
defects it was retained until 1832. The tariff of that ciaiHi5t.,\\ 
year removed most of the objectionable high rates, replacing 
them by uniformly protective rates. Because of the lower , 

duties, many of the southerners voted for the measure, but : 

in the lower South the opposition was very active because ; 

Congress practically had accepted protection as a policy of ' 

government. 

273. The South and the Tariff. — The first organized 
opposition of the South to the protective system was noticed 
in connection with the " tariff of abominations " in 1828. 
After the passage of that act several state legislatures MacDonaid, 
adopted resolutions denouncing the tariff. South Carolina, -^^^^^^^^ ^' 
the first to take this action, indorsed papers prepared by 
John C. Calhoun and best known as the '' South Carolina ^^^^Jj^/;^^ 
Exposition." Calhoun maintained that the general govern- v. 256-267. 
ment had no constitutional right to pass a protective tariff. , 

He argued that the tariff was oppressive to the South and I 

tended to create sectionalism. 

In the opinion of the southern political leaders, the policy The South n 
of protection was undermining the industries of the South ^^^ questioi; 

^ 1 r 1 protection. 

and building up those of the North at the expense of the 



3o6 



American History 



[1832 



slave states. High tariffs were valuable only for manu- 
facturing districts, they said, and as the slave labor in the 
South could not be used in manufacturing and kept out 
free labor, the South could not devote herself to industry. 
Moreover, Southerners claimed that protection interfered 
with commerce by limiting exports, that it increased the 
price of all manufactured articles, and reduced the demand 
for labor. The wealth of the South depended on the sale of 
her surplus cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural products. 
Her exports were at this time much greater than those of 
the North, but the South was obliged to buy elsewhere what 
she needed, chiefly in the North, so that a protective tariff 
was a distinct disadvantage to her. Naturally in South 
Carolina and in some other states there was a growing senti- 
ment that the Constitution did not give Congress the right to 
pass a tariff which protected one section only. 

274. Nullification and the Compromise Tariff. — When 
the southern opponents of protection failed to defeat the tariff 
of 1832, they sought to apply the doctrine of nullification 
which Calhoun and Hayne had announced and explained. 
Calhoun was really the leader in this movement, for before 
1832 he had advocated actual nullification of the tariff unless 
it was revised by eliminating the most protective features. 
But Calhoun's leadership of the nullification forces caused 
Jackson to consider the action of South Carolina in a personal 
light, for in 1830 he had discovered that Calhoun, as secre- 
tary of war in 1818, had wished to censure him for his actions 
in Florida (§ 261). This made him Calhoun's most bitter 
enemy, ready to attack Calhoun on the slightest provoca- 
tion. 

A convention was called by the South Carolina legislature 
in October, 1832, for the purpose of nullifying the tariff 
of that year. Before it met Jackson had issued instructions 
to the revenue officers in South Carolina that would insure 
the collection of the tariff. But the convention proceeded to 
declare the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 null and void, prohibited 
the payment of duties after February i, 1833, and' declared 



1833] National vs. State Sovereignty 307 

that the state would secede if force were used to collect 
the duties. 

A few days later Jackson issued a proclamation written Jackson's 
undoubtedly by his secretary of state, Edward Livingston, <^o""ter- 

,., 11. 1. /\T -1 11 proclamation. 

which made plam two thmgs. (i) it contamed an elaborate 
argument on the nature of the Union and declared that 
nullification is '' incompatible with the existence of the Documents ' 
Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Con- No. 55. 
stitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every 
principle on which it was founded, and destructive of the 
great object for which it was formed." (2) Jackson's 
attitude toward South Carolina was stated clearly. "The 
laws of the United States must be executed. I have no 
discretionary power on the subject. My duty is emphati- 
cally pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you 
that you might peaceably prevent their execution deceived 
you ; they could not have been deceived themselves. Their 
object is disunion, and disunion by armed force is treason." 

During the weeks that followed. South Carolina prepared Compromise, 
to enforce her nullification ordinance; the President took 
every precaution to enforce the collection of the tariff in that MacDonaid ' 
state, and Congress discussed possible modifications of the Jacksonian 
tariff. February i brought no change, the duties being ^^"^(^<^^'^<^y* 
collected as formerly and a force act for their collection 
being authorized by Congress, March 2, because a change in j 

the tariff seemed probable. Congress agreed finally to a united'^Sfates 
" compromise tariff," proposed by Henry Clay. This iv, 91-109. \ 
provided for a gradual reduction of all duties which were in ' 

excess of twenty per cent until a uniform rate of twenty 
per cent was attained in 1842.^ 

Finance and Politics (1829-1843) 

275. First Attack on the United States Bank. — Perhaps The bank and 
the most prominent feature of Jackson's administrations ^^^ enemies, 
was the war which he waged on the second national bank. 1 

' About one half of this reduction was to be made during the years 1841 
and 1842. 



3o8 



American History 



[1829 



Burgess, 
Middle Period, 
190-198. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
VI, i-io. 



Jackson's 
attack. 

Election of 
1832. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos. 46, 50-52. 

McMaster, 
United States, 
VI, 133-140. 

Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
\\ 86, 87. 

Atner. Hist., 
Leaflets, 
No. 24. 



Removal of 
the deposits. 



Jackson looked upon the bank as a great monopoly, con- 
trolled by his political opponents and capable of dominating 
politics because of its resources and its influence in the world 
of business. At the time of Jackson's first inauguration few 
persons considered the bank a public menace, although 
its conservative methods had made it unpopular in the 
South and West. Business men as a rule placed great con- 
fidence in the bank, for although it had been mismanaged 
during the first five years of its existence, it had been re- 
organized and well managed for several years. Jackson's 
attention was called particularly to the bank in June, 1829, 
when some of his followers asked for the removal of the 
president of the branch bank at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. 
This was refused by the bank officials on the ground that the 
man was capable and had not been selected for partisan rea- 
sons. 

The following December, in his first annual message, 
Jackson attacked the methods of the bank and its constitu- 
tionality, although the latter had been affirmed by the 
Supreme Court.^ As Congress approved of the bank, noth- 
ing was done until, two years later, the President said he 
would leave to the people the question of rechartering a 
bank. The bank at once applied to Congress for a new 
charter, and its cause was championed by Clay, who was 
the candidate of the National Republicans or Whigs for the 
presidency. The bank bill was passed by both chambers 
by fair majorities, but was vetoed by the President, and 
failed to obtain the two thirds necessary to make it a law. 
In the election of 1832 the chief issue was that of the bank, 
but the campaign was really a personal contest between 
Jackson and Clay. Jackson was so popular that the people 
reelected him by a large majority, the electoral vote being 
219 for Jackson to 49 for Clay. 

276. Overthrow of the Bank. — Jackson considered his 
reelection as an indorsement of his bank policy, and began 
a much more active campaign against the bank. He wished 

1 In M'Cullochvs. Maryland (1819) (§ 254). 



1836] Fmance and Politics 309 ! 

first to remove the government money, which had been MacDonaid 
deposited in branches of the national bank. This could be Documents, j 

Nos. 54, I 

done only through the secretary of the treasury. As Jack- ^^.52, 65. 

son's secretary was unwilling to do this without the author- 
ity of Congress, his place was filled by William J. Duane who Dewey, Finan- 
refused finally either to remove the deposits or resign. He ciai Hist., \ 
was dismissed and his place filled by Roger Taney, who ^ ' | 

carried out the President's plan. For removing the de- I 

posits the President was censured by the Senate, the reso- 301-311 ' j 
lution remaining on the journal until expunged two years ; 

later. J 

The government money at this time was deposited in Substitutes for j 
state banks which were known popularly as " pet banks." a national j 
There was considerable rivalry among the banks in order to ' ! 

secure a part of the funds, which were increasing con- j^^^^.^y^ pinan^ 
stantly on -account of the very great amount of surplus dai Hist., 
revenue. The system provided was so unsatisfactory that §^ ^9. loi, 
in 1840 an independent treasury was established by the 
Democrats (§ 278). This was abolished by the Whigs I 

(1841) who desired another national bank, which they failed I 

to get on account of President Tyler's opposition. When 
the Democrats again gained control of the government 
(1845), they reestablished the independent treasury, which 
has been developed into the system that we use at the present 
time. 

Jackson's second term was a period of unusual, in fact Results of the 
unhealthy, business activity. Speculation was very common, overthrow of 
and a wild scramble began for government lands, which were 
sold on easy terms (§ 289). The national bank, with its 
currency accepted at the same value everywhere and its and Reunion, 
conservative methods of making loans, had acted as a check \h 45. 46. 
on the smaller state banks and on business in general. But 
when it became apparent in 1834 that it would not be re- McMaster, 
chartered and the public moneys were deposited in the " pet 
banks," there began an era of " wild cat " banking un- 
equaled during earlier periods. Bank notes were issued in 
immense quantities and loans were made on securities which 



United States, 

VI, 336-358. 



310 



American History 



[1836 



Extra revenue. 
Distribution of 
the surplus. 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
hh 92-94- 



Schurz, Clay, 
II, 113-127. 



The panic 
of 1837. 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
^ 96-98. 



Hart, Slavery 
and Abolition, 
298-305. 



McMaster, 
United States, 
VI, 390-415. 



possessed very little real value. Every one bought on 
credit, " boom " towns were started throughout the middle 
West, and land values rose to an absurd figure. 

277. Government Revenues and the Panic of 1837. — So 
much public land was sold that the revenues from that 
source increased to nearly $15,000,000 in 1835 and nearly 
$25,000,000 in 1836, in the latter year for the first and 
only time in our history being the chief source of govern- 
ment revenue. The expenses of the government did not 
increase as rapidly as the income, but the compromise 
tariff of 1833 could not be changed and the public debt was 
extinguished in 1835. Strange as it may seem, a treasury 
surplus, especially when a nation has no debt, is a serious 
menace to business. In this case it was decided by Congress 
that the surplus should be distributed to the states in pro- 
portion to their representation in Congress. As objection 
v^as made that this would not be constitutional, the distribu- 
tion was called technically a loan. As matter of fact, only 
three quarterly distributions were made, for the revenues 
fell off rapidly in 1837, when the panic began. 

The real cause of the panic of 1837 w^as the unwise specu- 
lation culminating in 1836 and 1837, but the government 
helped to bring on the crisis not only by destroying the 
national bank, but in two other ways, (i) Because many of 
the notes issued by the western "wild cat" banks were of 
little or no value, Jackson issued through the treasury de- 
partment in 1836 the famous "specie circular," requiring 
those who bought pubHc lands to pay in cash. Alm^ost all 
purchasers of government land had bought on the install- 
ment plan. There was very little specie in the West. 
Crops in 1835 had been a failure and the farmers could not 
obtain the little cash in circulation. The entire West was 
upset by this change. (2) When the pet banks were re- 
quested to turn over to the states the surplus which had been 
deposited with them, the banks were compelled to sacrifice 
their securities in order to obtain the money. In some cases 
banks were obliged to suspend payments on their notes. 



1840] 



Finance aiid Politics 



311 



The failure of western banks was followed by failures else- 
where of banks and later of business houses until the busi- 
ness depression was complete throughout the United States. 

278. Administration of Van Buren (1837-1841). — During 
the speculative excitement of 1836, Martin Van Buren of 
New York, the Democratic nominee, was elected president 
over William Henry Harrison of Indiana.^ Van Buren had 
been known as a crafty politician before he became Jackson's 
secretary of state. His skill as a diplomat increased his 
reputation appreciably, and he 
undertook now to carry out 
Jackson's policy under very 
trying circumstances. During 
the business crisis of 1837 and 
the years that followed he ex- 
hibited firmness and good 
judgment in trying to save the 
government from financial 
difficulties, although he did 
not show those qualities of 
leadership which would have 
been invaluable to his party. 

When it was found that the system of deposits with '' pet 
banks " was unsatisfactory in almost every way, President 
Van Buren recommended to Congress, in 1837, the establish- 
ment of an independent treasury which would render the 
government independent of any banking institution. Sub- 
treasuries were to be established at convenient places for 
handling government funds and the government was to con- 
duct its fiscal operations v/ithout depositing its money with 
the banks. Congress debated the question for over two 
years before passing the act in 1840. 

279. The Election of Harrison (1840). — Van Buren had 
not gained in popularity during his term, partly because of 
the hard times and his unwillingness to compromise in 




Martin Van Buren 



Van Buren. 



Van Hoist, 
Const' I Hist., 
II, 147-158. 



Independent 
Treasury Act 
(1840). 

J 

Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
h\ 99-101. 



Policy of the 
Whigs. 



^ His popular majority was 24,893, but the electoral vote was 177 for 
Van Buren, 73 for Harrison, and 57 for other Whig candidates. 



312 



American History 



[1840 



any way with the opponents of hard money, but he was re- 
nominated by the Democrats without opposition. The 
Whigs began and continued the campaign with the deter- 
mination to win. Instead of nominating Henry Clay, the 
real head of the party but a man whose political views were 
obnoxious to many voters, they selected William Henry 
Harrison, whose services during the war of 18 12 had been only 
less conspicuous than those of Jackson. For vice president 
they chose John Tyler of Virginia, an anti-administration 




A Log Cabin 



Democrat who was expected to bring the ticket many voters 
from Democratic ranks. Fearing that a definite statement 
of their policy would be a disadvantage, they adopted no 
platform, although Harrison made clear his preference for a 
national bank and a more liberal national currency and was 
outspoken in his opposition to the arbitrary executive rule 
of the last three terms. 

Not content with the natural advantages which hard times 
gave them, and an almost perfect union of all elements of the 
party, the Whigs introduced into the campaign methods 
that would appeal to the voters. Stump speaking was used 
very extensively. Great mass meetings were held, attended 
in at least one instance by one hundred thousand persons. 



1842] Finance and Politics 313 

Processions paraded the streets, displaying banners, and McMaster, 
drawing vehicles on which were log cabins or great casks of Y'^^^^f states, 

. . VI, 562-595. 

cider. Harrison was lauded as a plain citizen, a man of the 

people; Van Buren derided as an aristocrat who favored 

hard money and ignored the suffering caused by hard times. 

*' Tippecanoe and Tyler too" was the cry of the Whigs. 

Against this campaign of enthusiasm and appeal to popular 

fancy, the Democrats, with their old-fashioned methods, 

could make no headway. When the votes were counted, it 

was found that Harrison had carried nineteen states to seven 

for his opponent and that his electoral vote was 234 against 

60 for Van Buren. By the same election the Whigs gained 

control of the Senate and the House of Representatives. 

280. Tyler and the Whigs (1841-1842). — Exactly a Quarrel over 
month after Harrison was inaugurated, he died, and John ^^ank. 
Tyler became president. Tyler was known to be a strict 
constructionist and an opponent of a national bank, but a Dewey, Finan^^^ 
special session of Congress had been called by Harrison to 
consider the question of a bank, and that body proceeded at 
once to repeal the independent treasury act and pass a bill 
creating a " fiscal bank," which was little different from the 
second national bank. This bill Tyler vetoed because it k\ 68-70. 
created branch banks in the states. Congress at once passed 
a new bill chartering a '' fiscal corporation," a term pre- McMaster, 
f erred by Tyler, which was supposed to embody the views of 
the President. Either because Tyler would not sign any 
bank bill or because he hoped to bring the Whig leaders in 
Congress into submission to himself, Tyler vetoed this bill 
also. The members of his cabinet resigned at once, with the 
exception of Webster, secretary of state, who was negotiat- 
ing with Great Britain a treaty to define the northeastern 
boundary of the United States. The break between Tyler 
and the Whigs was complete. 

The northern boundary of Maine had been in dispute since Webster- 

the treatv of 178^ At that time the line was designated as ^^h^^'^to" 

' •-' ^ treaty (1842). 

the highlands that separate the rivers that flow into the St. 

Lawrence from those that flow into the Atlantic Ocean. As 



cial Hist., 
103. 



Wilson, Div. 
and Reunion, 



United States, 
VI, 628-637. 



314 



Americmi History 



[1842 



the St. Johns River empties into the Bay of Fundy, England 
maintained that the valley of the St. Johns did not belong to 
the United States. Naturally we claimed all that part of the 
valley west of the eastern boundary of Maine. An attempt 
was made to submit the dispute to the king of the Nether- 
lands as arbitrator (1827), but he proposed a compromise line 
which neither party would accept. On account of an insur- 
rection in Canada in 1837 and 
bad feeling over the dispute, 
some decision became neces- 
sary to avoid worse troubles. 
England sent a special envoy, 
Lord Ashburton, and a com- 
promise line was agreed upon, 
the United States yielding 
some of her claims in the St. 
Johns valley and Great Britain 
receding from most of her 
claims in Maine and practically 
all in northern New York.* 

281. Summary. — The dem- 
ocratic movement which had 
made fair headway before 1825 in the states, especially in the 
Mississippi basin, was responsible for the election of Jackson 
to the presidency in 1829. At this time numerous democratic 
changes were introduced in the policies of the political parties 
and the national government. A system of nominating 
conventions came into use. Appointments to ofhce were 
made for partisan reasons more than at any other time. The 
national government responded readily to the will of the 
people, because both political parties favored a fairly 
strong national government and Jackson believed thoroughly 
in a national democracy. 

National development caused controversies with the states 
over the rights of the states and of the national govern- 
ment. In the Webster-Hayne debate especially the issue 




BOIXHARY OF MAINE 



As to the location of the boundary supposed to be parallel 45. 



1843] National Democracy 315 

between national and state sovereignty was clearly defined. 
The old theory in favor of the states was upheld by the 
older sections of the Union, especially the South, whose 
agricultural progress seemed to be threatened by the pro- 
tective system adopted by Congress. Although South 
Carolina tried to nullify the tariffs of 1828 and 1832, the 
state did not attempt to enforce its nullification ordinance 
and Congress yielded to the extent of passing the compro- 
mise tariff of 1833. 

Financial questions engaged a large share of attention Financial 
during the administrations of Jackson and Van Buren. problems. 
Jackson's attack on the United States bank on the 
ground that it enjoyed a political monopoly caused the 
overthrow of the bank and led to the establishment of very 
many " wild-cat " banks. Speculation in lands by the 
people and immense issues of paper by the banks culmi- 
nated in 1837 in a panic, the business depression lasting 
about six years. The hard times reacted against the Demo- 
crats, but the Whigs failed to gain a real victory because 
Harrison's death deprived them of the presidency. Even 
during Tyler's term the question of slavery was obscuring 
the factional quarrels which filled most of the years before 
1843. 

TOPICS 

1. Beginnings of the Nominating Convention: Ford, 
"American Politics," Chapter XVI; Dallinger, "Nomination for 
Elective Office," pp. 13-45; Woodburn, "Political Parties and Party 
Problems," pp. 151-174; Ostrogorski, "Democracy and the Organi- 
zation of Political Parties," II, pp. 39-79. 

2. Nullification by South Carolina: Johnston, "American 
Political History," I, pp. 421-437; Burgess, "Middle Period," 
pp. 220-241 ; McMaster, "People of the United States," VI, pp. 148- 
175; Schouler, "United States," IV, pp. 85-111; Von Hoist, "Con- 
stitutional History of the United States," I, pp. 495-505. 

3. The Second Bank of the United States: Von Hoist, 
"Constitutional History," II, pp. 31-68; Sumner, "Life of An- 
drew Jackson," pp. 254-276, 291-310; Burgess, "Middle Period," 
pp. 190-209, 278-284; White, "Money and Banking," pp. 291-312. 



3l6 American History 



STUDIES 

1. Protection and the tariff of abominations. (Taussig, "Tariff 
History of the United States," pp. 68-108.) 

2. Webster and Hayne on national and state sovereignty. (" Amer- 
ican History Leaflets," No. 30.) 

3. The election of 1832, (Stanwood, " History of the Presidency," 
Chapter XHI.) 

4. Banking and internal improvements in a western state. (Cooley, 
"Michigan," pp. 254-293.) 

5. Foreign affairs under Jackson and Van Buren. (Foster, 
"Century of American Diplomacy," pp. 273-281.) 

6. The Seminole War. (McMaster, " People of the United States," 

VI, pp. 329-334, 463-466.) 

7. The expunging resolution, (Benton, in " American Eloquence," 
I, pp. 320-336, and in Benton's "Thirty Years," I, pp. 528-550.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Could political class rule have been abolished during this 
period except through the convention and by the use of the "ma- 
chine"? Was the new system preferable to the old? Give reasons 
for your answer. 

2. Compare the "political revolution" of 1829 with that of 1801. 
Consider character, change from former system, and influence of 
each. 

3. State the difference between Jeffersonian Democracy and 
Jacksonian Democracy. Where were the Democrats strongest? 
Why was the Democratic party successful almost without interruption 
until i860? 

4. Explain the differences between nullification in Kentucky 
(1799), that in New England (1814), and in South Carolina (1828 
and 1832). How was the attitude of Georgia in regard to the In- 
dians unlike that of South Carolina on the tariff? 

5. Did Webster or Hayne occupy the more correct position, his- 
torically? State your objections to the arguments of each. How 
was the question of national or state supremacy decided in the nulli- 
fication controversy of 1832 and 1833? 

6. Had the national bank failed to establish a uniform and sound 
currency, as Jackson claimed? Was the bank dangerous because 
of its influence in elections ? 

7. What were the most important political doctrines of the Whigs ? 
To what extent was their comparative failure due to the unpopular 
issues they indorsed ? to unwise political deals (as in 1840) ? to other 
causes ? 



CHAPTER XIV 

A HALF CENTURY OF CHANGES 

Transportation and Business (i8i 5-1860) 

282. The Steamboat. — The first half of the nineteenth 
century is notable not alone for the remarkable development 
of the spirit of nationality within the United States. It is 
almost as noteworthy for the great advance made in the ideas 
of political and social equality, for the numerous mechanical 
improvements which brought in an age of machinery, and 
most of all perhaps for the changes in the methods of trans- 
portation by land and water which have revolutionized 
traveling and commerce within the boundaries of the 
United States. 

The steam engine was used for water transportation The earliest 
twenty years before the first steam railways were operated, steamers. 
Experiments with steamboats had been made during the 
later years of the eighteenth century, but it was not until ^cMaster, ^ 
1807 that Robert Fulton constructed a steamboat that w^as 111,486-494. 
an unqualified success. After Fulton's Clermont made the 
trip from New York to Albany in thirty-two hours, and i^^rvin Avt 
began a little later to carry passengers and freight regularly, Merchant 
steamboats were built on many of the rivers and lakes east ^'^^'^^''' 
of the Mississippi. Before 1825 there were several plying 
on the Mississippi and its tributaries and a few employed on 
the Great Lakes and for the coasting trade. In 181 9 a 
vessel, the Savannah^ crossed the ocean in twenty-five days 
by using steam and sails, although it was 1838 before the first 
ocean steamer made that voyage. About the same time 
Ericsson invented the screw propeller, which was very much 
more satisfactory than the old side-wheels used in the steam- 
ers of an earlier day. 

317 



395-402. 



3i8 



American History 



[1812 



Steamboats were especially valuable in the West. Before 
this time it was easy to descend the Cumberland, the Ohio, 
or the Mississippi by barge or raft, but little progress could 
be made against the current. The trader from Kentucky or 
the prairie country could carry his wares to Natchez or New 
Orleans, but was obliged to return home by horseback over 
the western trails or go by ship to Philadelphia and come 
west by road. During the War of 181 2 the first regular 
steamboat began to ply between Pittsburg and New Orleans, 
and from that time communication between different parts 
of the great western basin was comparatively easy. 

283. The Era of Canals. — Improved means of com- 
munication by river undoubtedly gave an impetus to the 
building of canals, in which many people were interested 
before the steamboat was invented. Among others Wash- 
ington formed a plan for the construction of a series of 
canals to cross the numerous peninsulas of the Atlantic 
coast or to connect the eastern cities with the Mississippi 
basin. The original cost of constructing a canal was a 
serious obstacle, but the great reduction in freight charges 
and the greater ease of traveling would, it was thought, 
justify a considerable outlay. Gallatin and others tried to 
interest national officials in plans for interstate canals, but 
Congress did not appropriate money for them as it did for 
the Cumberland road (§ 256). The credit for the canals 
which were constructed in such numbers between 18 15 
and 1835 belongs to individuals or to far-sighted state 
officials. 

The earliest of the canals built on a large scale was the 
Erie canal which connects the Hudson River with Lake Erie. 
By following the Mohawk River this canal was built across 
the only low pass through the Appalachian range of moun- 
tains. This was a state enterprise which was completed in 
1825 largely through the efforts of DeWitt Clinton. The 
canal was much narrower and shallower than it is to-day, 
but it shortened the journey from Albany to Buffalo several 
days and it reduced the price of freight many times. From 



1835] 



Transportation and Business 



319 



the beginning it was a financial success and the profits re- 
paid the cost of the canal within ten years. 

Pennsylvania was almost as much interested in canals as Canals in 
New York, but accomplished less because of the mountains °'^^^ states. 
in the western part of the state. This difficulty was solved 
by building canals as far as possible from the east and from °^^' / 
the west and connecting them by a " portage railway," over 205-211. 
which the canal boats were carried. Other states, east and 




The De Witt Clinton 

Railway Train in an Early Day 



west, began to build canals because of the great profit made 
by New York, but because of geographical difficulties or 
sparseness of population, most of these were not financial 
successes. 

284. Railways. — Interest in the construction of canals 
almost ceased when the railway came into use between 1830 
and 1840. The cost of laying a railway track was less than 
the cost of digging a canal. Railways could be built on grades 
instead of nearly level areas and railways could be operated 
the entire year, so that they were preferable in almost every 
respect to artificial waterways. The earliest railways were 
practically horse-car lines of no great length. About the 
time that Jackson was inaugurated, the perfection of Steven- 
son's Rocket showed that locomotives were better than any 



McMaster, 
United States, 
V, 136-143. 



First railways. 

Co man, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
235-241. 
Johnson, ' 

Railway 
Transportation, 
18-24. 34-44. 

McMaster, 
United States, 

VI, 86-93, ; 

342, 350- I 



320 



Americafi History 



[1835 



Government 
and early 
railways. 

Hart, Slavery 
and Abolition, 
39-45- 

Johnson, 
Railway 
Transportation , 
508-311. 



Railway 

development 

(1830-1860). 

Johnson, 
Railway 
Transportation , 
24-27. 

Smith, 
Parties and! 
Slaife/y, 
59-67- 

Semple, 
Geographic 
Conditions, 
571-389- 



[mportance of 
iieans of com- 
iiunication for 
I large country. 



Other motive power, and, within a few years, railways were 
operated from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, 
and Charleston to neighboring towns, as well as between 
smaller cities that were farther apart. 

These railways were built principally by private capital, 
but in Michigan and a few other states they were public 
enterprises. Subsidies were granted to a large number of 
railways by different states and cities during this period, 
and public money was invested in railways on every side. 
The results were disastrous, as the public roads could not 
pay expenses and were sold after a few years. Very little 
of the capital contributed by the states was ever returned to 
them. After 1850, however, the states gave to the railways 
large bonuses of public lands which had been contributed 
by Congress for that purpose. 

Although in 1830 there were less than twenty-five miles 
of steam railway in use in this country, the mileage had 
increased to nearly 3000 in 1850 and to more than 30,000 at 
the beginning of the Civil War. Before 1840 there was no 
line 100 miles in length. In that year there were eleven 
distinct railways connecting Albany with Buffalo. These 
were finally consolidated into a single railway system soon 
after 1850, but it was not until 1858 that cars ran on the track 
of a single company from New York to Buffalo. About the 
same time the first series of railways connected New York 
with the Mississippi River. This policy of consolidation, 
which made rapid progress during the decade before the 
Civil War, aroused most serious opposition. Politicians 
sought to make political capital out of the threatened dangers 
of monopoly, and the mass of the people would have pre- 
vented continued consolidation had it been in their power. 

285. Significance of Improved Means of Transporta- 
tion. — The transformation wrought by these changes on 
land and water were greater than might be apparent at first. 
In a country covering so vast a territory as ours, with the 
limited interstate trade or travel and the comparative lack 
of common interests among the people of the states which 




eORMAr i CO,, 



1840] Transportation and Business 321 

existed three quarters of a century ago, real union was im- 
possible except through the use of good means of communi- 
cation. There were very few good roads in the United 
States at that time. Some turnpikes had been constructed, 
usually within the limits of a single county, but the con- 
dition of the rest of the roads was deplorable in the s[)ring 
or in rainy weather. Moreover, with the exception of the 
Cumberland road and a few others, the better highways 
never crossed state boundaries. Emigrants used the trails or 
hastily constructed roads and followed the rivers, of which 
there were a large number in the West; but traders founrl it 
impossible to transport goods a great distance on land, or 
even on water unless they were going downstream. The * 
early settlers were forced to live near rivers if they raised 
articles for a market other than that of their own locality. 

By the use of the steamboat passengers and merchanrlise Value of water- 
were transported easily and rapidly from the cities of the ways after 1815. 
Atlantic border and Gulf to the upper waters of the coast 
rivers or those of the Mississippi system. A large interstate j^ew West, 
trade was developed on the Mississippi and its tributaries 32-38. 96-106. 
which had been impossible before except downstream. ^ 

Semple, Amer. 

Rivers of the western basin that hitherto had been inacces- //ist.andUs 
sible were reached without difficulty. Districts distant from Geographic 
the rivers were penetrated by the canals that were built to ^^""^^'^'^''''' 
connect large rivers or important bodies of water. This 
opened large territories to cultivation and was an important 
cause of the great development of the middle West during the 
quarter century following the second war with England. 
The reduction in freight rates over the canals gave a tremen- 
dous impetus to the industries of the towns and valleys that 
could now find a market for their productions. This com- 
merce was especially valuable to the eastern cities, for the 
canals diverted trade from the earlier channels of the western 
rivers so that the exports of the prairie states no longer went 
through New Orleans exclusively. New York owed a large 
part of her commercial supremacy after 1820 to the Erie 
canal. 

Y 



322 



American History 



[1810- 



As the railway superseded the canal, the social expansion 
and industrial development begun by the improved means 
of communication by water was extended many times. 
Trips that in 1800 took a month and, in 1825, weeks, could 
now be made in as many days. The railways went every- 
where, not only bringing new settlers and increased business, 

but giving improved mail 
service and permitting 
the interchange of new 
ideas and methods. 
Chicago was in i860 as 
near to New York in time 
as Philadelphia had been 
a century earlier. The 
South lost most of the 
trade from the Middle 
West, but the Northeast 
and Northwest were 
united by closer com- 
mercial ties than formerly, 
so that the whole North 
was united as never 
before. 
286. The Telegraph 
and Other Inventions. — Annihilation of distance by steam 
was little less noteworthy than the infinitely more" rapid 
transmission of news by electric telegraph. The per- 
fection of the first successful transmitter and the opera- 
tion of the first satisfactory telegraph line were due to 
the genius and persistence of Samuel F. B. Morse. Morse 
had made use of crude telegraphic apparatus as early as 
1832, but was not able, to construct a line until Congress 
appropriated $30,000 to build a line from Washington to 
Baltimore. The first important news sent over this line told 
of the proceedings in the Democratic nominating conven- 
tion of 1844. Before the Civil War all important cities and 
towns in the countrv were reached by the wires of some 




Morse and his Instrument 



i860] 



Transportation and Bnsincss 



323 



telegraph company, and an Atlantic cable had been laid. 
This cable was not successful, and in 1866, through the 
efforts of Cyrus W. Field, a new cable connected Europe with 
America. Perhaps we can get some idea of the value of the 
telegraph if we note its use in conducting a single business 
like that of a railway, in transmitting general news, and in 
dealing with questions of international importance which 
require prompt attention. 

The period following 1815, especially after 1829, witnessed 
a revolution in the methods of production due to chanj^es in 
the machinery used. Among the 
inventions which affected industry 
or increased the comfort of the 
people may be mentioned the im- 
provements in plows, the invention 
of reapers and binders and thresh- 
ing machines, improved cooking 
stoves, the first successful sewing 
machines, and rotary printing 
presses. The process of making 
vulcanized rubber was perfected, 
the first friction matches were used, 
the earliest daguerreotypes taken at this time. Illuminating 
gas began to come into common use. In i860 people lived 
in much greater comfort than in 1830 and they purchased 
most articles of common use at a much smaller price. 

287. Industrial Changes after 1810. — On account of the 
improved machinery used after 1810, a change occurred in 
the methods of manufacturing. Until about 1810 most 
articles had been produced in small shops or in the homes 
of the workers. Soon after 18 10 machinery came into 
general use for the weaving of cotton and woolen cloth and in 
other industries. Large foundries, using anthracite and 
bituminous coal, displaced the smaller foundries and forges 
in use at an early day. Manufacturing under the factory 
system was much more economical than the older methods, 
and the value of the products very much greater. 




Howe's Original Sew- 
ing Machine 



140-142, 
323-342. 



Use of 
machinery. 



324 



American History 



[1816- 



The industrial development between the second war with 
Great Britain and the Civil War was rapid, but not greater 
than the increase in agriculture and commerce. There were 
many difficulties to be overcome in starting these '' infant 
industries." Aid was given by the national government in 
the tariff of 18 16 and for about two decades following, but the 
system of protection was practically abandoned during the 
quarter century preceding the Civil War. Manufacturing 
was a much less essential part of the nation's hfe than it has 
been since the war between the North and the South. Very 
few products of the factories were exported and only four 
per cent of the people were employed in manufacturing. 

During the period from 181 5 to 1843 ^^e country passed 
through several periods of prosperity and depression. The 
excessive activity following the war of 181 2 ended in 181 9 
in a panic which affected business in general and the new 
cotton and woolen industries especially. The hard times of 
that period reacted on the people, many of whom were less 
in favor of the expansion of national authority than at the 
close of the recent war (§§ 249-257). The return of pros- 
perity before the election of Jackson restored confidence and 
enthusiasm for national expansion, and culminated finally 
in more radical speculation than had ever been tried before 
(§ 276). The panic of 1837 (§ 277) put an end to '' wild- 
cat banking," to the '' booming " of town lots and public 
lands, and to unwarranted business ventures, ending as it 
did in the greatest business depression suffered by the people 
to this time. 

288. The Era of ''Free Trade" (1846-1857)- —The 
country had not recovered from the hard times which fol- 
lowed the panic of 1837, when the compromise tariff of 1833 
was completed by the final reduction of duties in 1842 to a 
level of twenty per cent. As the government obtained in- 
sufficient revenue from the duties on imports, a new tariff 
was proposed by the Whigs and passed in 1842 which re- 
stored the policy of protection, with rates averaging about the 
same as those in the tariff of 1832. 



1857] Transportation and Business 325 \ 

Opposition to protection developed again as soon as good Walker tariff: 
times returned a year or two later. The Democrats, sue- <^^^246. 1 
cessful in the election of 1844, made their plans for a free- . , 

trade tariff. Articles were classified in schedules, with 
rates from five per cent to one hundred per cent, and many 
articles on the free list. All rates were levied on the value 
of goods for the first time, and a great amount of fraud 
resulted because importers undervalued their goods. 

Because of the reaction from the depression which lasted 
from 1837 to 1843, the decade following 1846 was one of un- 
usual prosperity. Our foreign trade, which in 1846 amounted 
to $227,000,000, had increased in 1857 to $642,000,000. 
Large numbers of immigrants came from Europe every year. 
Crops were large, prices were high, and business of every : 

kind active. Immense amounts of gold had been taken Rhodes, 
from California since its discovery in 1848, so that money was United States 
plentiful. Capital was invested recklessly, especially in real 
estate and in railways. 

Since the government revenues exceeded the expenditures Tariff and 
which the conservative politicians in control of Congress P^"''^ (^^S?). 
believed it to be wise or constitutional to make, a new tariff 
act w^as passed in 1857, reducing the rates on articles im- 
ported. Scarcely had this been done when excessive specula- 
tion led to a panic which affected business in general, and the 
railways in the interior particularly. Failures were numer- 
ous and the government kept getting deeper into debt during 
Buchanan's administration, although business revived more 
rapidly than is usual after a depression. 

Political and Social Changes 

289. Opening of the Government Lands. — The rapid 
development of political and social democracy during the 
first half of the nineteenth century was due especially to the 
growth of the West. The population of the Middle West ^"^"^pj!-^^^ 
increased from less than five hundred thousand inhabitants 84-87, 135, 
in 1800 to more than seven and one half millions in 1850. 140-143- 
This expansion was influenced not alone by the improved 



326 American History [1800^ 

means of communication in the Mississippi basin, but by the 
liberal land policy of Congress. When the states ceded to 
Congress (i 781-1802) their claims to lands in the West, 
Congress gained the title to all unoccupied lands in that 
region. A system of surveys was begun in 1785, following 
after 1796 a plan similar to that used at present.^ Congress 
expected to derive from the sale of these lands considerable 
revenue, of which it was greatly in need, but the profits dur- 
ing the Confederation were slight. After other sources of 
national income had been devised under the Constitution 
(§§ 198, 217), Congress in 1800 decided to sell lands in blocks 
of 320 or 640 acres at $2 per acre, payable in installments. 
Later laws made it possible to purchase for cash public 
lands in still smaller lots, usually 160 acres, a quarter section, 
the price being reduced somewhat, especially for actual 
settlers. 
Extensive Many of these lots were taken by speculators, who sc- 

ale oi lands, cured the choicest sections in the fertile valleys and ex- 
pected to sell them at a great advance. Most of the sales 
lart, Practical ^ygj-e to actual settlers, except during the years from 1834 

lisays, ^^ 18^7, when a mania for speculation in lands and the sub- 

39-244. ^ ' ' ^ 

division of districts into town sites reached its maximum. 

During the first forty years of the century an area was sold 
Tacksonian ' equal to that of the three states of Illinois, Wisconsin, and 
lemocracy, lowa. Such rccklcss disposal' of the best lands in the finest 
76-285. agricultural region on the globe was unfortunate except 

when the lands were taken by actual settlers. Yet the im- 
Donaidson, petus which it gave to immigration into the West and the in- 
00-208 ' fluence which the sale of lands in small blocks had upon the 

democratic character of the western states, makes the sub- 
ject one of the greatest importance, 
jniversai 290. Development of Democracy. — The democratic 

novement Spirit which developed rapidly after 1 8 1 5 affected the national 

ovvard government much less than it did the states, especially in 

the West. Frontier life, with its crude conditions, its lack of 
huge estates or great fortunes, is a social leveler. Men are 

* See Ashley, " American Government," \ 299. 



1850] 



Political and Social Changes 



327 



judged on their merits, not by the standards of money or Turner, 
former social position. In the West accordingly democracy, ^^^^^^^^^ ^« 
political and social, was perfected at an earlier date than 
elsewhere. But the changes in the West affected the East, 
whose people protested against the old inequalities which 
kept many men from voting and gave more legal rights to 
some than to others. This democratic movement was more 




ADOPTION 

OF 
MANHOOD 
SUFKRAUE 



pronounced in this country than elsewhere, but the same \ 

spirit produced in Europe reform movements or revolutions : 

which sought to abolish class rule and secure justice for the 
masses. These culminated in the widespread revolutions 
of 1848. 

In the United States the demand of the people for a share Changes in the 
in the government produced, first of all, changes in the ^''^"^hise. ^ 
suffrage. In 181 5 only three or four states along the Atlan- '\ 

tic border allowed all men to vote, although most of those in c^^^^{ ^^^t 
the Northwest and Southwest had very liberal qualifications of Am. People 
for voters. Thirty years later practically all of the states n, 476-482. 



328 



American History 



[1800- 



McMaster, 
United States, 
V. 380-394. 

Schouler, 
Const' I Studies, 
231-248. 



Popular par- 
ticipation in 
government. 

Thorpe, 
Const' I Hist., 
II, 426-428, 
458-476. 

Schouler, 
Const' I Studies, 
267-292. 

Distrust of the 
legislatures. 

Thorpe, 
Const' I Hist., 
II, 413-419. 



New activities 
of the states. 

Thorpe, 
Const' I Hist., 
II, 429-446. 



allowed white men to vote without other restrictions than 
citizenship and a short period of residence in the state. 
New York permitted blacks to vote if they owned property, 
but, as a rule, the laws of the period restricted rather than 
increased the voting privileges of free negroes. Many of the 
western states tried to attract immigrants by allowing those 
who intended to become citizens the same privileges as 
citizens, and two states allowed all adult male residents to 
exercise the elective franchise. 

291. Changes in the States. — Popular demand for a 
share in the work of governing affected much more than the 
right to vote. Formerly, most officials had been appointed, 
the governor being the only state official chosen before this 
time by the people in all of the states. Local sheriffs and 
city officials were no longer appointed. Even the judges 
in most of the states were chosen by popular vote. More- 
over, after 1820 the people insisted that their state constitu- 
tions should be submitted to them after they had been drafted 
by the conventions chosen for that purpose. 

Popular distrust of the officials chosen even at general 
elections was shown by the great number of subjects that 
were included in the state constitutions. The legislatures, 
which in 1776 by general consent had held almost continuous 
sessions, were forced to be content with sessions of about 
sixty days once in two years. Many powers were taken from 
the legislature, so that the people should not suffer too se- 
verely from the bane of overlegislation, which had afflicted 
more than one of the states. 

Nevertheless the people of the states were willing to try 
new experiments. They undertook the construction of 
numerous canals (§ 283), voted public money as bonuses for 
roads, and invested state funds in speculative enterprises 
which promised to develop the resources of the state, but 
resulted in nothing but the exploitation of the public treas- 
ury. Permission was given to numerous " wild-cat banks " 
which issued notes practically without hmitation and on very 
limited credit or capital. Yet the enterprise and spirit which 



1850] Political and Social Changes 329 

prompted all of these movements resulted in wonderful 
changes in the condition of those whose rights had been 
denied before that time. 

292. Social Legislation. — It was inevitable that sooner 
or later class privileges should disappear. We have noticed °^ "ghts. 
already that religious qualifications for the franchise had 

been the first to go, and that property was not required of Cleveland, 
voters to any extent. Laws of inheritance no longer gave the ^^a-^e-^'^^' 
eldest son a special share. Imprisonment for debt had been 379-385. 
discontinued gradually after 1776, and was used very little 
in 1840. The newer states were beginning to make home- 
steads exempt from seizure by creditors. Through consti- 
tutional provision or statute some states were following the 
example of the national government which in 1840 made 
ten hours a day's labor for its employees, but most changes of 
this character came later, after the Civil War. In some 
cases the constitutions expressly stated that married women 
might hold property in their own names, and gave them 
certain other specific rights before the law and in inher- 
itance. The movement in favor of equalization among 
white men was almost universal, though less pronounced 
in the older and more conservative sections. 

An instance of the humanitarian changes of the time is 
furnished by the prisons. The prisons of the eighteenth 
century were of the worst description, the prisoners being 
herded together irrespective of age, offense, and other con- McMaster. 
ditions, sometimes kept in cellar dungeons or in damp, un- j^ 98-102, 
ventilated mines. Little improvement was made until, about IV, 532-549, 
1830, a few model prisons were built, in which prisoners were ^^' 96-99- 
allowed to work under sanitary conditions, and decent food 
and shelter were provided. 

293. Newspapers and Education. — The same causes New public 
which gave the people so much power in political affairs were ^^^^'^^ 

. system. 

mfluential in the extension of systems of free education. Not 
only did people begin to realize that it was necessary to be 
trained for their civic duties, but they felt that the state owed 
every child the opportunity of a good education. Under the 



330 



American History 



[1800- 



Harrison, This 
Country of 
Ours, 233-240. 



lead of Mann and Barnard, Xew England built upon her old 
foundation of belief in common schools a far more perfect 
free system than had yet existed. In the West democracy 
insisted upon education as a right. As all of these states 
had once been parts of the public domain, each had an 
educational fund of one section, or, after 1848, of two sec- 
tions, in each township. This greatly lightened the burden 
of the local school taxes, and thus gave the West decided 
advantages over the East. 

One of the greatest educational forces of that day and the 
era since that time has been the modern newspaper. The 
newspapers of the eighteenth century usually contained four 
small pages with comparatively little news and very little 
advertising. As better presses were invented, the New York 
Sun and other papers were published at one cent (1833), the 
first modern newspapers at a popular price. These papers, 
especially in Xew York, were developed into bright, inter- 
esting sheets, with valuable editorial comment on pubhc 
questions. Soon there were very few villages which did not 
have a local newspaper. Ever^-^vhere these papers exerted 
a tremendous influence on public sentiment. It is said that 
the feelings of a large class were expressed by the old farmer 
who was asked his opinion on some public question and 
replied, " I don't know. The Tribune has not come yet." ^ 

The national government helped to bring this education to 
the people by revising its postal system. It adopted ad- 
hesive stamps and reduced letter postage from twenty-five 
cents for all distances over four hundred miles to a uniform 
rate of three cents per half ounce for all distances less than 
three thousand miles. On newspapers and other periodicals 
rates were lowered later to one cent per pound, if sent direct 
from the publishers. For a long time this involved consider- 
able loss, and in fact the receipts do not equal the expendi- 
tures to-day; but this loss, most of which comes from the 
transportation and delivery of periodicals, is justified on the 
ground that it is a public service of exceptional value. 

' The New York Weekly Tribune, edited by Horace Greeley. 



1850] Political and Social Changes 331 I 

294. American Cities. — No part of the nation grew with Growth in ha 
greater rapidity during the first half of the nineteenth cen- '^^"^^^y- 1 
tury than the cities. In 1800 only four contained as many as 
ten thousand inhabitants, but in 1850 the number of cities 
of that size was 41. In the half century the urban popula- 
tion had increased more than three times as rapidly as the 
population of the entire United States. The largest city, \ 
New York, was a thriving metropolis of over a half million, \ 
just beginning the decade of most rapid growth in its history. j 
Many of the Irish who came to America between 1846 and 

i860 settled in these bustling centers of population, and ; 

thousands of farmer boys and girls left the country yearly ' 

for the more active life of the railway centers or the factory 
towns. 

Most of the cities abandoned the old undemocratic Changes in 
government that they had used during the colonial and early government. 1 
national periods. In adopting a more popular system the 
cities showed most of the faults with few of the excellencies Fairiie, j. a.„ 
possible in popular rule. In them the "spoils" system was ^ "'"^^^'^ 

y i^ r V J Programme, , 

brought nearest perfection, and "boss" rule was developed 11-17. ! 

most easily. This demoralizing state of affairs was prob- , 

ably due to two things. (i) The growth of the cities ' 

was quite rapid, and a large part of the new population was 
foreign. As suffrage was universal, and a declared intention 
to become a citizen often gave an ignorant immigrant a 
vote, the elections were decided by an element easily led and 
corrupted. (2) The rapid growth made extensive improve- 
ments necessary. This expenditure acted as a temptation 
to certain of the lower classes to take part in city govern- 
ment, and, as the money was expended by these persons, 
it tended to increase the evils already existing. So democ- « 

racy in the cities came near being mob rule. \ 

Free and Slave States ! 

295. Growth of the United States. — In 1800 the United Territorial 
States extended from the Atlantic to the Mississippi River expansion 
and from the Great Lakes to the Floridas. In 1850 its (^^^^'^^so)- | 



332 



Aniermut History 



[1800- 



western boundary was the Pacific Ocean. Louisiana, with 
its indefinite western boundary, had been acquired from 
France in 1803. The Floridas had been ceded by Spain 
in 1819, and our title to Oregon from 42° to 49° became clear 
in 1846. In 1845 ^^'^ annexed the republic of Texas (§ 302), 
and when Mexico objected, we made war on her and seized 
the territory from the Rio Grande to the Pacific. In a half 




r 







Under 2 to sq mile |. | 
12.26 •■ .. E3 
16-18 •• 
18-45 " 

4&-90 " 
Over 90 " 



DENSITY OF POI'lLiTION" 

(i8;io) 



century the United States had grown to more than three 
times its original size, had acquired a natural boundary 
on the southeast, and had gained a seacoast more than one 
thousand miles long on the Pacific — a magnificent domain, 
symmetrical, productive, with unlimited natural resources, 
and located midway between the well-developed nations of 
Europe and the older civilization of the Far East. 

The population meanwhile had doubled every twenty- 
five years. From only 5,300,000 inhabitants in 1800, the 
number had increased to 23,000,000 in 1850 and more than 
31,000,000 in i860. But the growth was not uniform 
throughout the country. The population of the older states 
had not increased as rapidly as that of the West, although in 
1850 nearly one half of the people lived east of the Alleghany 



mi- 
gration, 6, lo. 



i860] Political and Social C/iatiges 333 

mountains. The cities had grown more rapidly than the 
country, although more than eighty-seven per cent of the 
people still lived on farms or in villages. The South had not 
kept pace with the North, for, although they started together 
in 1800, the free states contained 4,000,000 more people than 
the slave states in 1850, and in i860 were nearly 7,000,000 
in advance of the southern states. 

296. Foreign Immigration. — A considerable part of this 
increase was due to the very large immigration from Europe 
which followed the Irish famines after 1845 ^^^ the failure 
of the revolutions in Europe in 1848. About two and one half 
millions came during the first half of the nineteenth century 
and as many more landed at the ports of the United States 
during the decade from 1850 to i860. Most of these were 
Irish or Germans, people of unusual intelligence and energy ^^^\\ ^^ 
who threw in their lot with the people of the United States 
and discarded to a large extent all their former social charac- 
teristics. Many of the Irish settled in the cities where they 
interested themselves particularly in the work of city govern- 
ment, often complicating the problems that the cities were 
forced to solve during this transitional period of their exist- 
ence. Many of the other immigrants went directly to the 
West, where they obtained government lands. Almost 
without exception they settled in the North in order to avoid 
competition with slave labor. 

Had it been impossible for the United States to assimilate National 
so large a body of foreigners, their great numbers would 
have been a decided menace to our institutions. Yet no- 
where did they retain their old national characteristics of 
race, language, and customs, for, even if the first generation 
failed to become truly American, it was never so with the 
second. As they were industrious and thrifty, they increased 
the wealth and producing power of the nation. More- 
over, they, consciously and unconsciously, aided in the 
development of a national spirit and gave their support in 
favor of a strong central government. The Irish and the 
Germans, at least, had struggled for the perfection of na- 



334 American History [1845 

tional unity in their former homes and were in sympathy 
with the similar movement in this country. They were 
drawn to the United States as the land of the free, but they 
knew little and cared less about the states. Directly and 
indirectly they were a great help in developing a national 
sentiment in the North. 
States admitted 297. The Admission of New States. — In spite of the 
{X 20-1 50J. much more rapid development in the North than in the 
South, Congress had preserved the balance of the states 
until 1850. After the struggle over the admission of Mis- 
souri (§260), no state was admitted for fifteen years. Then 
Arkansas and Michigan were admitted. Later Texas and 
Florida were followed by Iowa and Wisconsin. When Cali- 
fornia was admitted as a free state, the balance was broken, 
for there was no territory in the South between Texas and 
California that was well settled. Even in this territory the 
people were opposed to the system of slavery, for in New 
Mexico in 1850 the vote was nearly 10 to i in favor of asking 
for admission as a free state. The Northwest, on the con- 
trary, was growing rapidly and in the natural course of 
events would be divided into free states. 
Attitude of the It is interesting to notice that so far in our history, except 
new states 'y^ ^^ disputes arising over the navigation of the Mississippi 

national River, all of the tendencies toward disunion and most of 

government. those favorable to state sovereignty came from the older 
commonwealths. The reason for this is evident. The 
old states looked upon the Union as their creation; the 
new considered the nation their creator. Nearly all of the 
territory formed into states after 1789 has been at some time 
under the absolute control of the national government. 
When these new states were admitted to the Union, the old 
states apparently had nothing to do with the change. Con- 
gress passed the enabling act, Congress imposed conditions, 
if such there were. The new commonwealths had no local 
traditions, no revolutionary claim to sovereignty, no insti- 
tutions productive of either particularism or sectionalism. 
They favored a strong government for foreign affairs and for 



i83i] 



Political and Social Chano;es 



335 



internal improvements, and only in the few matters directly 
antagonistic to their interests did they disapprove of national 
authority. 

298. Early Abolitionists. — Not only were the slave 
states behind the more progressive free northern common- 
wealths, but they found that their institution of slavery was 
threatened by the growth of a new and practically world- 
wide movement in favor of uni- 
versal freedom for blacks as well 
as whites. The abolition move- 
ment became prominent in the 
United States about 1831. Before 
that time all of the northern states 
had made provision for the eman- 
cipation of their slaves, and a few 
of the southern states had looked 
with favor on some form of 
gradual emancipation. In 1831 
William Lloyd Garrison established 
in Boston his paper called '' The 
Liberator " which was thenceforth 
devoted with unlimited zeal to 
the cause of negro freedom. 

Unfortunately in the same year there was an insurrection 
of blacks in Virginia led by a negro, Nat Turner. Before 
this could be suppressed, over sixty whites, most of them 
women and children, lost their lives. Severe laws were 
enacted against the blacks in several states and further 
consideration of emancipation in the South ceased. Many 
people, North and South, believed that Turner's insurrection 
had been produced by the abolitionists, and so great was the 
feeling aroused against Garrison and his followers that 
abolition meetings were broken up, speakers were mobbed 
in almost every northern state, a large amount of property 
was destroyed, and a few of the more radical leaders, like 
Lovejoy in IlHnois, put to death. The movement grew 
slowly. In 1833 a national anti-slavery convention was 




Movement 
toward eman- 
cipation. 



Wilson, Div. 
and Reunion, 
\\ 60-62. 



Hart, Slave' y 
and Abolition, 
57-183. 



Old South 
Leaflets, 
No. 78. 



William Lloyd Garrison 



Progress of 
the abolition 
movement. 



Schouler, 
United States, 
IV, 210-216, 
296-300. 



336 



Aviej'ican History 



{}^IS 



Congress's 
attitude toward 
abolition. 



Burgess, 
Middle Period, 



254-273- 



Hart, Slavery 
and Abolition, 
256-275. 



held, but before 1835 ^'^O' ^^^^' people had identified them- 
selves with the abolitionists, although in 1840 they claimed 
about two hundred thousand members in various abolition 
societies. Public sentiment changed gradually toward the 
abolitionists so that after 1840 they suffered comparatively 
little from mob violence in the North, although they did 
not control the sentiment of many states except possibly 
in parts of New England. 

299. Abolition and Petition (1835-1840). — Since the 
beginning of the national government petitions had been 
presented in Congress requesting the abolition of slavery 
in the District of Columbia. At first the Quakers were 
the only persons interested, but after 1830 the abolitionists 
circulated and presented numerous petitions. In 1835 the 
radical members of the House became engaged in a contest 
over these petitions which had a very momentous result. 
After several months of bitter debate, the House adopted 
a *' gag-resolution " by which all anti-slavery petitions were 
to be laid on the table, with no further action whatever to 
be taken on them later. The Senate adopted rules which 
prevented the consideration of similar petitions in much the 
same manner. Nothing else could have brought before the 
attention of the people the cause of the abolitionists as had 
this debate. Instead of reducing the number of petitions, 
the agitation continued to spread until the House, thinking 
to rid itself of this question, was persuaded by the southern 
members to go one step farther. ''After 1840 no petitions 
are to be received by this House or entertained in any way 
whatever." In short, the House had denied to large num- 
bers of citizens their constitutional right of presenting peti- 
tions.^ In seeking to injure the anti-slavery movement, 
the radical congressmen had given the abolitionists definite 
legal grounds for opposing slavery. The pro-slavery leaders 
had shown that in their opinion they must protect slavery 
even though they interfered with the rights of other citizens, 
certainly a fatal mistake. 

^ Constitution, Amendment i. 



1850J A Half Century of Changes 337 



TOPICS 

1. Land Policy of the United States: Hart, "Practical 
Essays on Government," No. 10; Willoughby, in "Johns Hopkins 
University Studies," Sato, S., in "Johns Hopkins University Studies," 
IV, Nos. vii-ix. 

2. Anti-Slavery Movement: Burgess, "Middle Period," 
pp. 242-277; Hart, " Contemporaries," in, Nos. 174-184; Von Hoist, 
"Constitutional History of United States," II, pp. 80-139, 219-292; 
Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," pp. 152-275. 

STUDIES 

1. Spread of population in the Mississippi valley as affected by 
geographic conditions. (Semple, "American History and Its Geo- 
graphic Conditions," pp. 150-177.) 

2. Localinfluencesof the Erie canal. (Hulbert, " Great American 
Canals," II, pp. 152-177.) 

3. Government of democracy in America. (De Tocqueville, 
"Democracy in America," I, pp. 198-238.) 

4. "Who reads an American book?" (Hart (ed.), "Contem- 
poraries," III, No. 152.) 

5. American poets of the Middle Period. (Trent, "American 
Literature," pp. 393-460.) 

6. An Englishwoman's view of a western town. (Mrs. Trollope, 
"Domestic Manners of the Americans," I, pp. 61-131.) 

7. Removal of the Indians east of the Mississippi. (" The Ameri- 
can Nation," XIV, 310 (maps), XV, Chapter X.) 

8. People without a Country. (Thorpe, "Constitutional History 
of the United States," I, pp. 356-399.) 

9. Economic character of slavery. (Hart, "Slavery and Aboli- 
tion," pp. 49-66.) 

10. The slave market. (Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," 
pp. 123-135.) 

11. Slavery agitation in Congress. (Benton, "Thirty Years in 
Senate," I, pp. 576-588, 609-623.) 

12. J. Q. Adams on constitutional war powers over slavery. 
(Johnston (ed.), "American Eloquence," II, pp. 11 5-1 22.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. Compare the internal improvements made by the national 
government with those undertaken by the states. Was there any 
difference between the character and extent of the improvements 
made by the eastern and by the western states ? 
z 



338 American History 

2. Give a full comparison of the ways of transportation in 1750, 
1800, and 1850. What changes or improvements coincided with 
the close of the first war with Great Britain? the second war with 
Great Britain? the election of Jackson? 

3. Make a table showing in one column the periods of prosperity 
and business depression since 1815; in a second the wars, movements 
of population (indicated by new states, etc.), and extension of territory; 
in a third very important laws or acts of the national government. 

4. During the first half of the nineteenth century what changes 
occurred in the franchise, in popular participation in government, in 
laws regarding debt, imprisonment for debt and methods of punish- 
ment, in civil rights in general ? 

5. Trace the changes from 1780 to the present in our Indian pol- 
icy; in our postal service; in our public land system. 

6. Compare the United States in 1850 with the United States in 
1800. Note area, population, percentages of rural and urban popu- 
lation, occupations, culture, degree of national unity, and changes 
considered in 2 and 4 above. 



PART IV 

THE STRUGGLE OVER SLAVERY 

(1843-1877) 

CHAPTER XV 
SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES (1843-1857) 

300. Introduction. — The period between 1843 ^^^ Slavery and 
1877 is concerned principally with questions arising out of the South, 
slavery. This system, which had once been universal in this 
country, had been superseded gradually in the North by 
free labor. The reasons for this are topographical, eco- 
nomic, and social. We have noticed already the decay of 
slavery in the North and the spread of an abolition senti- 
ment throughout that section.^ In the South, on the other 
hand, since the invention of the cotton gin (§ 206), there had 
been a great and constantly increasing demand for slaves, 
who could be employed profitably on the large cotton plan- 
tations.^ After 1830 the cotton industry developed with 
especial rapidity, so that long before i860 it had become the 
chief occupation of the South, and of value to the whole 
country, furnishing as it did two-thirds of the exports of 
the United States. 

So important was this industry, so essentially a part of influence 
the life of the South, so valuable was cotton in our of cotton, 
foreign commerce, that almost every one believed " Cotton 
was King." Not only did it make slavery more necessary 
to the South, but, through its demand for slave labor, it 
helped to uphold that patriarchal plantation system that was 
the chief characteristic of the Old South. Throughout the 

1 §§ 298, 299. 2 See Turner, New West, 46-50. 

339 



340 



American History 



[1843 



The nation 
and slavery. 



Four periods 
in the contest 
between the 
nation and 
slavery. 



southern states there was preserved until the coming of war 
a life of social pleasures, of large-hearted hospitality, which 
even cotton could not make commercial. These plantation 
owners were men of high ideals who opposed democratic 
innovations and considered manual labor degrading, who 
had no sympathy with the bustling, energetic, commercial 
North, and were particularly anxious to protect and extend 
the institution of slavery. 

Naturally the South desired more territory in which new 
plantations might be started; to which the institution of 
slavery might be extended. As there was no possibility of 
reestablishing slavery in the North, the South turned, 
of course, to territories south and west of the slave states. 
The southern leaders desired more than new territory suit- 
able for slavery, for they insisted that slavery must be 
established and maintained in these lands. The South had 
not grown as rapidly as the North, so that unless new 
slave states were added soon to the Union, the political 
balance between the free and the slave states would 
be broken forever. But the extension of slavery, in 
fact even the maintenance of slavery, was at this time 
threatening the completion of that national development 
which had been the chief result of our history to this time.^ 
Although slavery tried to prevent the completion of nation- 
ality, in the end the nation conquered and destroyed the 
institution. 

The struggle between these two forces covers four periods : 
(i) The attempt to acquire more territory and extend 
slavery to all of the territories controlled by Congress; 
(2) the attempt to protect slavery by means of secession and 
civil war; (3) the triumph of the Union over secession; 
and (4) the reconstruction of the states that attempted 
to secede. We shall consider in the following chapters 
these four phases of the slavery contest, which covered a 
third of a century and assured the future success of the 
republic. 

1 On the incompatibiUty of slavery and nationaUty, consult §§ 330, 331. 



1844] Territorial Expansion 341 



Territorial Expansion (1843-1848) 

301. Texas before 1843. — Soon after the United States The settle- 
abandoned its claims to Texas in the treaty of 1819 (§ 261), "^^"^ ^"^ 
Mexico revolted against the rule of Spain and established ^^ Texas'^' ^ 
her independence. One of the states of the new republic 

was that of Coahuila-Texas, the eastern part of which, as Burcress, 
far as the Nueces River, was called Texas and was settled Middle Period, 
almost exclusively by immigrants from the United States. ^ 9-295- 
These Texans had nothing in common with the Mexicans of 
the Coahuila part of the double state, but the Mexicans were j^^.^^ ' 
so much more numerous that they ruled the state. Opposi- 210-227. 
tion to Mexican rule culminated in an attempt to gain inde- 
pendence for Texas. This succeeded practically when, in 
1836, General Sam Houston defeated at San Jacinto an army 
much larger than his own under President Santa Anna, 
capturing the Mexican general and a large force of men. 
Early the next year the independence of Texas was ac- 
knowledged by the United States and by foreign powers. 

From the beginning the Texans had desired annexation Proposed 
to the United States. This was not favored by either annexation. 
Jackson or Van Buren, but was discussed somewhat in ^ 
Congress and throughout the country. As early as 1836 ji^/^^/g Period, 
Calhoun announced in the Senate that he considered the 295-302. 
annexation of Texas necessary to preserve that balance 
between slave and free states which alone would preserve 
the Union. Others at this time opposed the annexation for 
exactly the same reason, but it did not become a sectional 
question until much later. 

302. The Annexation of Texas ( 1 843-1 845). — President Annexation 
Tyler desired annexation, but was unable to accomplish ^""^^^y (1844). 
anything in this direction until Webster resigned his position j^j^^^j^g 

as secretary of state in 1 843 . Plans for a treaty of annexation U/iited states, 
had been almost completed when Calhoun accepted the port- i' 78-82. 
folio of state in 1844. The Texas treaty was rejected in the Burgess. 
Senate by an emphatic vote, probably less because the Midd/e Period, 
senators opposed annexation than because they disliked the 302-310. 



342 



A m erica n History 



[1844 



Election 
ot" 1S44. 



Scbouler, 

I ^nited States, 

IV, 465-4S0. 

Stanwood, 
Presidenqr, 
209-225. 



way the President dictated to them. Some feared also that 
the annexation of Texas with a claim to the Rio Grande 
would involve us in war with Mexico. 

Scarcely had the Senate rejected the Texas treaty when 
conventions met to nominate candidates for the presidency. 
The Whigs adopted a short platform in which Texas was not 
mentioned. They nominated Henry Clay. In the Demo- 
cratic convention 
there was a con- 
test between the 
friends and ene- 
mies of Van 
B u r e n . His 
friends had a ma- 
jority of the dele- 
gates, but could 
not muster the 
two thirds nec- 
essary for the 
nomination. 
James K. Polk 
of Tennessee, for- 
merly speaker of 
the house, was 
selected finally. 
The platform 
stated that " the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexa- 
tion of Texas at tlic earliest practicable period are great 
American measures which this convention recommends to the 
cordial support of the Democracy of the Union." Under 
the name of the Liberty party, the abolitionists took part in 
this campaign as in that of 1840. At first Clay emphatically 
opposed the annexation of Texas on the ground that it would 
involve us in war with Mexico, but, as the campaign pro- 
gressed he wrote to a friend in the South that he favored an- 
nexation if it could be done ''without dishonor, without war, 
with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and 




ELECTIO\ OF 18 li 

Polk. Dcm. 170 Y^Z^ 
Clay. llAiff.JOS 



1845] Territorial Expansion 343 

fair terms." This attitude alienated enough of his supporters 
in New York so that Polk carried that state and the election.^ 

When Congress met in December, 1844, resolutions were Texas 
introduced for the annexation of Texas by joint action of ^""^xed. 
the houses of Congress. These were adopted and signed by Burgess, 
President Tyler, March i, 1845. Mexico threatened war if '^J^^ 
Texas accepted the offer to enter the Union, but the state ^ 

^ _ ' Garrison, 

adopted a constitution and was admitted in December of Texas, 

that ycar.2 256-268. 

303. Oregon Territory to 1846. — In the campaign of Joint occupa- 

1844 the desire for territorial expansion had been voiced ^/°" ^'^ f 'J5°" 

(1818—1840). 
not simply by the desire to annex Texas, but by the demand 

for ''the whole of Oregon." This was expressed in the J""''"'/""',,. , 

'^. ^ Am. Pol. Hist., 

campaign motto ''54-40 or fight." Since 1818 the Oregon 11,76-78. 
territory from 42° to =^4° 40' had been held jointly by Great 

^ J-T ^ , , , , Foster, Amer. 

Britam and the United States. Spam had surrendered to us diplomacy, 

her claims to land north of the forty-second parallel in the 302-307. 

treaty of 18 19. Russia had agreed to remain north of 54° schoulcr, 

40'. The question to be settled was therefore the boundary United states, 

line between British Oregon and American Oregon. This 1^,504-511. 
remained in abeyance until 1844. 

American claims to the Oregon country were based upon American and 

the discovery of the Columbia River in 1792, the Lewis and ^"^^^'^ ^^^''"^• 
Clark explorations in 1 804-1 806, settlements and trading 

posts established at the mouth of the Columbia before the •^'^^"^ °"' ,.. , 

^ Am. Pol. Hist., 

second war with England, Spanish claims which had been 11,73-76. 
transferred to us, and actual settlement of the territory by 
missionaries and others, most of whom went to Oregon after 
1835. Great Britain based her claims on the explorations 
of Vancouver and others before 1800, the acknowledgment 
of her territorial rights by Spain in 1790, and the many posts 
established by the Hudson Bay company. In 1844 none 

^ The vote was 1,337,243 for Polk, 1,288,062 for Clay, and. 62,300 for 
Birney (Liberty party). The electoral vote was 170 for Polk and 105 for 
Clay. 

2 The United States did not guarantee the Rio Grande boundary nor 
assume the public debt of Texas exceeding the sum of $10,000,000. 



344 



American History 



[1846 



Oregon 
freaty (1846). 

Foster, Amer. 

Diplomacy, 

307-313- 

Schouler, 
United States, 
IV. 51 1-5 14. 



Hostilities 
on the Rio 
Grande. 

Burgess, 
Middle Period, 
327-331. 



Its 
o 



of these claims were of the least value except those based 
on actual occupation. In that respect England had the ad- 
vantage if we consider areas, for the Hudson Bay company 
had been very active in extending its trade. On the other 
hand the Americans were much truer settlers and had a 
much more valid claim in the territory which they held. 

About 1825 the United States had desired a division of 
Oregon by extending the line of 49*^ to the Pacific. Great 

Britain wished to have 

the 



Columbia from 
mouth to parallel 49 
and then use that line 
to the Rockies. No 
agreement was reached 
and little interest was 
taken in Oregon by the 
people of the United 
States.^ In 1846 England 
agreed, however, to a 
treaty which extended to 
the Pacific the existing 
line between Canada and 
the United States east of 
the Rockies, 49*^. 
War with Mexico (1846-1847). — Before the Oregon 




304. 



treaty had been signed, hostilities with Mexico had begun in 
April, 1846. The republic of Texas had claimed the Rio 
Grande as its western boundary, and, although at the time 
of annexation the United States had not agreed to retain 
this boundary line, there is no doubt that the people of the 
nation believed the Rio Grande to be the rightful boundary. 

* Some suggested that the Rocky mountains formed our natural bound- 
ary on the West. Interest in Oregon was renewed after 1S40, especially 
by Marcus Whitman and other settlers who realized its value. England 
was very anxious to gain a foothold in California and so declined to recede" 
from the line of the Columbia until the intensity of feeling in the United 
States thoroughly convinced her statesmen that if she did not accept the 
line of 49° the United States would insist on a still larger share of Oregon. 



1847] 



Territorial Expansion 



345 



F 



tj' 



L-'O " "lJi. ilule Uest ,110 fi 



Moreover the desire among the people to possess on the 
Pacific coast a territory much greater than that of Oregon 
made them wiUing to liave the war which Mexico claimed she 
would wage if we annexed Texas. To be sure, a powerful 
and active minority, especially in New England, opposed 
this policy of aggression because it would extend the power 
of slavery. War began when United States troops under Gen- 
eral Zachary Taylor were ordered by President Polk to oc- 
cupy the disputed 
territory between 
the Nueces River 
and the Rio 
Grande. The 
Mexicans ordered 
Taylor to with- 
draw. When he 
failed to do so, 
they crossed the 
Rio Grande, but 
early in May were 
defeated by Tay- 
lor and driven 
back across the 
river. 

Congress im- 



'■iO.^Jr 




OPJ^. 



THE MEXICAN WAR 
1846-1847 

SHOWI.VG TERRITORY ACQUIRED 
BY THE UNITED STATES 



mediately voted 
men and money for the prosecution of an offensive campaign.* 
Plans were made at length for Taylor to advance into 
northeastern Mexico and for General Scott to seize the 
city of Mexico. Taylor had no difficulty in capturing 
Monterey, the largest city in his route. When he advanced 
farther into Mexico, he encountered at Buena Vista an 
army four times as large as his own under Santa Anna, 
who had again become dictator of Mexico. So stubborn 



Schouler, 
United States, 
IV, 521-528. 



Hart, Con- 
tefnporaries, 
IV, Nos. 8-11, 
15- 



Taylor and 
Scott in 
Mexico. 



Burgess, 
Middle Period, 
331-334- 



* Delay was caused by the desire to give the chief command to a Demo- 
crat, as both Taylor, known as " Old ifough and Ready," and Winfield 
Scott, who was nicknamed " Fuss and Feathers," were Whigs. 



346 



American History 



[1847 



Garrison, 
Westward 
Extension, 
245-251. 



Contest over 
California. 



Garrison, 
Westward 
Extension, 
230-239. 



was the resistance of the Americans that they defeated 
the enemy with great loss. Santa Anna now returned to 
the defense of the capital which was threatened by General 
Winfield Scott. Scott was obliged to capture first the sea- 
port of Vera Cruz which many considered impregnable. 
Crossing a range of mountains by means of the national road, 
Scott defeated the Mexicans at every point and came at 
length in sight of the city. Here he abandoned the road, 

both sides of which were for- 
tified, and cut his way over 
lava beds to the rear of the 
city, where the capture of the 
fortress at Chapultepec forced 
Santa Anna to surrender the 
city. 

305. Conquest of Cali- 
fornia; Peace. — When the 
United States became in- 
volved in war with Mexico, 
steps were taken to secure 
possession of California. 
For years Great Britain had 
looked longingly at this re- 
gion, hoping to gain this territory peaceably by treaty with 
Mexico or wrest it from her when she was engaged in diffi- 
culties with the United States. Our government had offered 
to buy California in order to avoid such a catastrophe, but 
Mexico was unwilling to part with her northern possessions 
to either England or the United States. As soon as news 
reached the Pacific coast that war had been declared. 
Captain John C. Fremont seized some of the towns in the 
interior and Commodores Sloat and Stockton occupied 
Monterey, the northern capital of California. A bear flag 
was raised by the people of Sonoma and for a short time the 
"Bear-Flag Republic" was proclaimed. The conquest of 
CaHfornia was completed by the cooperation of the Amer- 
ican inhabitants and the United States forces during 1847. 




James K. Polk 



1848]' Territorial Expansion 347 

The United States had been making plans for negotiations Treaty of 
as early as 1846. The important point with the administra- Guadalupe 

11 11. , , 1 . r . Hidalgo(i848) 

tion and the public seems to have been the cession of at least 
part of upper California. The instructions issued when the 
first envoy was sent in 1847 included the line of the Rio ^uiomac^'^' 
Grande, New Mexico, both Californias, and a right of way 317-321. 
across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. As Scott had not 
captured the city of Mexico at this time, the Mexicans Burgess, 
would yield very little and negotiations were broken off. ^fiddle Period, 
During the months which followed the capture of the 337-339- 
Mexican capital pubhc sentiment in the United States 
changed. President Polk claimed that but for his influence 
the members of his cabinet would have insisted on the 
acquisition of all Mexico."^ The public heard rumors of this, 
and, not desiring the destruction of Mexico or so great an 
extension of territory in which slavery might be established, 
opposed the scheme. The Mexican politicians finally be- 
came alarmed and agreed to yield all upper California and 
New Mexico and acknowledge the Rio Grande boundary 
for Texas on the payment of a sum of $15,000,000. The 
first Mexican cession was supplemented in 1853 by a strip 
south of the Gila River known as the Gadsden Purchase.^ 

Slavery in Nev^ Territory (i 848-1 853) 

306. The Wilmot Proviso. — In August of 1846, when the Contest 
war with Mexico had been in progress three months, Presi- between the 
dent Polk requested Congress to grant him $2,000,000 g^^^^^^^ 
to be used in negotiating a treaty of peace. It was 
generally believed that the government wished this money Hart, Contem- 
in order to purchase from Mexico a large strip of territory, porarie 
Wilmot of Pennsylvania therefore proposed in the House 
of Representatives as an amendment to the appropriation 
bill that slavery should not be permitted in any territory Burgess, 
acquired from Mexico. The bill was passed twice by the Mtddle Period, 
House with the Wilmot proviso ; but in the later session the 

1 Hart, " Contemporaries," IV, No. 14. 

2 See map following page 508. 



les, 
IV, No. 16. 



348 



A^nerican History 



[1847 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist. 
II. 84-87. 



Contest over 
organizing 
Oregon Terri- 
tory. 



Burgess, 
Middle Period, 
340-347. 



Presidential 
election (1848). 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
226-243. 



House rescinded its action when the Senate refused to concur. 
The southern members of Congress voted solidly against the 
proviso in both houses and many northerners opposed it on 
the ground that agitation of the slavery question at that time 
would hamper the administration in its prosecution of the 
w^ar and in concluding peace. 

307. Oregon Territory; Election of 1848. — The ques- 
tion of organizing the Oregon country as a territory with or 
w^ithout slavery was brought up at the same time as the 
Wilmot proviso (August, 1846), but was not settled until 
long after. The pro-slavery senators knew that they could 
not prevent the prohibition of slavery in Oregon, but hoped 
to gain certain concessions in return for a few necessary 
votes. A determined attempt was made to extend the 
Missouri Compromise line (36° 30') to the Pacific and to 
connect the question of organizing Oregon territory with the 
organization of territorial governments in California and 
New Mexico, so that slavery should be permitted in the lat- 
ter if forbidden in the former. These attempts failed and 
the Oregon bill was passed (1848) prohibiting slavery in that 
territory. 

In the election of 1848 the question of slavery in the ter- 
ritories was ignored by the Whigs and the Democrats. 
The Whigs nominated General Zachary Taylor of Louisi- 
ana and Millard Fillmore of New York. They adopted 
no platform whatever. The Democratic nominee was Lewis 
Cass of Michigan who believed that the question of slavery 
in the territories should be decided by the voters of each 
territory for themselves, a view afterward known as " popu- 
lar sovereignty," or " squatter-sovereignty." Those who 
favored the principle of the Wilmot proviso united to form 
a new party, known as the Free Soil party, and nominated 
ex-President Van Buren, whose reputation added greatly 
to their strength, so that the party polled over a quarter of a 
million votes. Taylor carried a majority of the states North 
and South as well as most of those in the Northeast, obtaining 
163 electoral votes to 127 for Cass. In the same election the 



government. 
Schouler, 



1849] Slavery i7t Nezv Territory 349 

Free Soilers elected thirteen congressmen who held the 
balance of power in the new House of Representatives. 

308. California. — In the interval between the election Settlement and 
of the thirty-first Congress and its first meeting in December, provisional^ 
1849, great changes had taken place in the territory acquired 
from Mexico. The discovery of gold in California by John 
Marshall in January, 1848, had brought to the Golden Gate United states, 
tens of thousands from all parts of the world. Caravan v, 133-142. 
after caravan of '' forty-niners " crossed the plains and the 
mountains. Many proceeded via the Isthmus of Panama 
and large numbers sailed around Cape Horn. The slave 
states were represented as well as the free states, but the 
people of the southern states brought few slaves with them, 
for California at that time had little use for slave labor. ^ 

When a constitutional convention was held at Monterey, California's 

a constitution was framed by which slavery was prohibited application for 

within the state. All delegates to the convention, whether 

from the North or the South, supported this anti-slavery 

^^ •' Schouler, 

provision. With this constitution California applied for united States, 
admission to the Union as a free state, to the dismay of the V, 142-146. 
pro-slavery advocates. Since there were already as many 
free states as there were slave states, the admission of Cali- 
fornia would disturb forever the equality between the sections 
which had existed since the formation of the Constitution. 
Not only was a large part of California south of the line 
of 36° 30', but it was understood that in the territory east 
of California and south of that line the prevailing sentiment 
was opposed strongly to slavery. Unless something were 
done to protect slavery interests it would be only a question 
of time before the Senate — heretofore the stronghold of the 
slavery interests — would be controlled by the opponents of 

^ As Congress had neglected to pass a territorial act, there was no gov- 
ernment in that region other than the provisional one under General Riley, 
the military commander of California. To President Taylor, who was ac- 
customed to direct methods, it seemed as though California should apply 
at once for admission to the Union without going through the territorial 
stage. He accordingly dispatched an agent to the Pacific coast in order 
to learn whether the population justified this step. 



350 



American History 



[1849 



Diverse views 
on political 
questions. 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist., 

11,91-95. 
122-123, 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
I, 104-110, 
130-136. 



slavery. The admission of California as a free state seemed 
therefore to the less conservative southerners a menace to 
their prosperity and development and a sufficient reason for 
secession from the Union. 

309. The Elements of a Compromise (1850). — The 
admission of California with the constitution which she had 
adopted was recommended by President Taylor to Congress 
in his message, December, 1849. No action was taken at 
once, but a number of questions regarding slavery and con- 
nected especially with the subject of slavery in the territory 
ceded by Mexico were discussed at Washington. Among 
these were the admission of California, the organization of 
territorial government for the rest of the Mexican cession, 
the dispute over the boundary between Texas and New 
Mexico, slavery and the slave trade in the District of Co- 
lumbia, and the problem of returning fugitive slaves to their 
masters under the law of 1793. The majority of the people 
in the North undoubtedly believed that the further exten- 
sion of slavery should be discouraged, and felt that the United 
States could not afford to take a backward step by opening 
to slavery the new lands in the Southwest, in which slavery 
had been prohibited by Mexican law. A large and active 
minority in the North desired the exclusion of slavery from 
all new territory and the abolition of slavery as well as the 
slave trade in the national capital. Many, South and North, 
would have preferred to leave the question entirely alone, 
or, if this were impossible, settle the question in such a way 
that the Union would be preserved. To Clay it seemed that 
disunion might be prevented and the slavery question might 
be settled for all time by combining these measures before 
Congress and asking both sections to make concessions in a 
great compromise.^ 



1 It was Clay's suggestion that California be admitted as a free state, 
the territories of New Mexico and Utah be organized without restrictions 
as to slavery, Texas to be asked to relinquish her claims on New Mexico 
for a money consideration, the slave trade but not slavery be prohibited 
in the District of Columbia, and a new fugitive slave law be enacted. 



i85o] 



Slavery in Nezv Territoiy 



351 



310. Discussion of the Compromise. — For six months Senatorial 
Congress discussed the measures proposed by Clay. The headers, ciay 

. 1 . , ,1. , . , o ; , and Calhoun. 

weightiest speeches were dehvered in the Senate where the 
great triumvirate, Webster, Clay, and Calhoun, still held 
sway, though about to give way to younger men, of whom ^^^^^z, 
Seward, Chase, Douglas, and Sumner were the most promi 



nent. Clay spoke fervently in favor of compromise and 
pleaded for concessions on each side that would make possible 



II. 331-337. 




Calhoun, Webster, and Clay 



Hart, Content' 
poraries, 
IV, No. 19. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 



a permanent settlement of this dreaded question. Calhoun 

also pleaded for the preservation of the Union, which, in his 

opinion, had been endangered by the slavery agitation in 

the North. He asserted that the Union could be preserved 

only by giving the South a share in the government equal 

to that of the North. This must be done by the North, for i, 119-130 

the " South has no compromise to offer but the Constitution, 

and no concession or surrender to make." 

In his ''Seventh of March speech" Webster claimed that Webster's and 
slavery was excluded from California and New Mexico by Seward's views 
the law of nature, and urged that no Wilmot proviso should 
be applied to those sections when it was unnecessary. The 
parts of the speech which dealt with the abolitionists and 



352 



American History 



[1S50 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, Nos. 20, 22. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
I, 162-168. 



Provisions 

of the 
compromise. 

Burgess, 
Nfiddle Period, 
362-364. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos. 80-83. 



the fugitive slave law gave great offense to many living at 
the North, but Webster's earnest plea to support the Con- 
stitution and prevent secession undoubtedly gained many 
supporters for the proposed compromise. The position of 
those who opposed the extension of slavery was voiced by 
William H. Seward, senator from New York. He opposed 
all compromise with slavery and deemed the fugitive slave 

law " unjust, un- 
constitutional, and 
immoral." "The 
Constitution de- 
votes the domain 
Yi.e. the territories] 
to union, to jus- 
tice, to defense, 
to welfare, and to 
liberty. But there 
is a higher law 
than the Constitu- 
tion, which regu- 
lates our authority 
over the doma in, and devotes it to the same noble purposes." ^ 
311. Completion of the Compromise of 1850. — In its 
final form the compromise of 1S50 comprised five separate 
bills: (i) California was admitted as a free state. (2) New 
^Mexico and Utah were organized as territories, the territorial 
legislatures being forbidden to restrict slavery. (3) The 
northwestern boundary of Texas was fixed as at present, a 
sum of $10,000,000 being paid to the state for relinquishing, 
its claims on New ^lexico. (4) A fugitive slave act was 
passed which provided that a master or his agent could take 




^ In April all resolutions on the questions under discussion were sub- 
mitted to a committee of thirteen. The committee reported one " omnibus 
bill " covering all subjects in dispute in the Southwest, and separate bills 
on the other matters. But nothing was done. President Taylor was not 
friendh' to the compromise, but his death in July led to a reorganization 
of the cabinet under Fillmore who was largely under the influence of 
Webster. 



1850] Slavery in Neiv Territory 353 

a supposed fun^itivc from the state in which he was residing 
without a jury trial in that state. It imposed hues on tliose 
who interfered with the capture or rendition of fu^^itive 
slaves. It compelled all citizens who were summoned to 
aid in the caj)ture of fugitives to give their assistance, and 
it provided that the fee received by United States marshals 
for negroes who were declared to be fugitives should be 
$10, for others $5, (5) The slave trade was a])olished in 
the District of Columbia. 

The radicals of both sections were loud in their com- Direct results, 
plaints that all concession had been made by their side, 
but the majority of the peoj)le were relieved that a settle- Rhodes, 
ment was secured which promised to be fairly satisfactory. Uinted states, 
Conventions were held in the South to consider the ([ues- 
tion of secession from the Union, but none of these favored 
separation. 

As the majority of the people felt that the ciuestion of Election of 
slavery had been definitely settled by the compromise, the ^^^2. 
politicians proceeded on that hypothesis by ignoring the 
subject utterly in campaigns following 1850. To insure the Burgess, 

execution of the laws enacted at that time, Franklin Pierce ' ^ ^ ^^''° ' 

375-377. 

of New Hampshire, a pro-slavery Democrat, was in T852 
elected President over Winfield Scott, the Whig candidate, 
by a very large majority. The Free Soilers polled a vote 
little more than half as large as in 1848, for less interest was 
taken in the topic of slavery in the territories since the 
status of slavery in all parts of the national domain had been 
fixed by sacred pledges that were supposed to be irrevocable. 

312. The Fugitive Slave Law. — The execution of the Fugitives, 
drastic fugitive slave law succeeded in arousing more feeling ''J^^J^^^^ 
than the compromise allayed. Thousands of fugitives had and the 
settled in different parts of the North and had become useful underground 
citizens of those communities. Many of them were now '"'^^'^^y- 
reclaimed by their former masters and carried away to the 
plantations without an opportunity of proving their freedom, ^j)'^^/^ Period, 
The North was aroused as it never had been before at the 365-374. 
sight of seizures made on its soil. State after state passed 



354 



American History 



[1850 



Rhodes, 
United States, 

I, 209-213, 
498-506, 

II. 73-78. 



Loss to the 
South. 



Cuba. 

Ostend 

Manifesto. 



Foster, Am. 
Diplomacy, 
326-329, 
342-347- 



MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No. 89. 



" personal liberty laws," ^Yhich forbade state officers to aid in 
the capture of negroes and prevented citizens from taking 
part in the return of fugitives. The use of the jails was 
denied to national officers in charge of runaways. Police 
officers refused to interfere when negroes were rescued by 
mobs. Channing says truly, '' the execution of the Fugitive 
Slave law did more to arouse the moral sentiment of the 
northerners than the arguments of the abolitionists had done 
in twenty years." In many northern states there were 
established complete routes from the South to Canada, over 
which fugitives might escape by hiding in the daytime and 
traveling at night to the next house on the route. These 
were called " underground railways." 

Even if there had been very great need of so severe 
a measure, the passage of this act would have been a serious 
blunder. But when it is understood that only the border 
states lost many slaves and that less than one thirtieth of one 
per cent of the slaves attempted to obtain their freedom in 
any one year, we realize the magnitude of the mistake. 
The feeling of the North was intensified by the publication 
in 1852 of Harriet Beecher Stowe's book, ''Uncle Tom's 
Cabin," which was read by every one and was accepted as 
a true picture of slavery. 

313. Attempts to gain More Slave Territory. — Not only 
did the pro-slavery leaders wish to extend the limits of slave 
territory still further, but many expansionists who had 
favored the acquisition of California and New Mexico 
desired the extension of our boundaries on the south, 
especially by annexing the island of Cuba. During Polk's 
administration we ofifered $100,000,000 for Cuba. A few 
years later slavery sympathizers joined in filibustering ex- 
peditions to Cuba which accomplished nothing except to 
involve the United States in difficulties with Spain. France 
and Great Britain opposed any attempt to transfer Cuba 
from Spain to the United States and tried to persuade us to 
join them in a treaty which would have guaranteed to Spain 
permanent control of the island. In 1854 the Ostend Mani- 



1854J Slavery in New Territory 355 

festo, which was issued by our ministers to Great Britain, Smith, 
France, and Spain, announced the position held by a large ^^''^^^•^ '^^^ 
number of Americans that we would be justified in seizing 82-88. 
Cuba without the consent of Spain if " Cuba in the possession 
of Spain seriously endangers our internal peace and the ex- 
istence of our cherished Union." On the eve of the Civil 
War other offers were made for Cuba, and since that time 
many persons have desired the annexation of the island. 

During this period filibustering expeditions went out Central 
from the United States to Mexico and Central America as America. 
well as Cuba. The most famous of these was that of Walker Schouier, 
which grained control of Nicaragua for a time, only to be ./"^ f/^' 

. . ^' 34^' 3^4' 

driven from the country by the inhabitants. Except in the 400, 416. 

case of expeditions to Cuba, none of these attempts received smith, 

the support of a large percentage of the people in the United Parties and 

States. t^'^'^y^ 

88-93, 251-259 

Slavery in Old Territory (1854-1857) 

314. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill (1854). — When it be- The original 
came necessary to organize territories in the region north of Nebraska bill, 
the Missouri Compromise line, and lying between the Mis- 
souri River and the Rocky mountains, the question of slavery MacDonald, 

Documents, 

in the territories was again reopened. It w^ould seem as p^^ 85. 
though this subject had been settled by the provision of the 
Compromise of 1820 which " forever prohibited " slavery Hart, Contem- 
within this territory, especially as that was but one of three poraries, 
provisions in a compromise, the other two of which could ' °' ^ 
not now be altered. In the debate, however, it became clear 

... . . Burgess, 

at once that some congressmen believed or pretended to j^i^^i^ Period 
believe that the principle of " popular sovereignty " which 381-387. 
had been adopted in the Compromise of 1850 for the ter- 
ritories in the Southwest should be applied to all national Amer. Hist. 
territory. This was the view taken by Stephen A. Douglas, ^^-fi^^^' 
Democratic senator from Illinois and chairman of the Senate 
committee on territories. He reported a bill for organizing 
a single territory in the country purchased from France 
north of the line of 36° 30' with " popular sovereignty," 



356 



American History 



[1854 



Criticism of 
the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill. 



Smith, 
Parties and 
Slavery, 
98-108. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
I, 441-444. 
448-452. 
463-468. 



Amer. Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No. 17, 9-18. 



Vote on 
the bill. 



because, he said, the Compromise of 1850 had replaced the 
Compromise of 1820. 

Douglas's claim regarding the effect of the Compromise 
of 1850 on that of 1820 was denied emphatically by a large 
number of senators, and his argument that the territories 
should decide the question of slavery for themselves was 
held up to ridicule. Chase of Ohio asserted that there was 

no more reason for giving 
this territory home rule 
regarding slavery than in 
any other respect and 
demanded that it be 
governed as Congress saw 
fit. Chase and other free 
soil Democrats protested 
vigorously in the public 
press against the Ne- 
braska bill as a " gross 
violation of a sacred 
pledge, as a criminal be- 
trayal of precious rights, 
as a part and parcel of 
an atrocious plot to ex- 
clude from a vast, unoc- 
cupied region immigrants 
from the old world and free laborers from our own states, 
and convert it into a dreary region of despotism in- 
habited by masters and slaves." Throughout the North, 
while the bill was before Congress, the press and the 
public expressed themselves in no uncertain way, a large 
number of public meetings being held to denounce the 
measure. Several legislatures also petitioned against the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 

315. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854). — 
These demonstrations and demands had considerable 
influence, for, although the bill was passed by a large major- 
ity in the Senate and by a vote of 1 13 to 100 in the House, not 




Stephen A. Douglas 



i85S] 



Slavery in Old Territory 



357 



a single northern member in either house aside from the 
Democrats voted for the bill. Northern sentiment is shown 
further by the fact that only 7 of the 42 members of the 
House from that section who voted for the bill were re- 
elected in the fall of 1854. 

The original Nebraska bill had been modified early in 
the discussion, and it was passed finally in this form. There 
were to be two territories; one, Kansas, extending from 
37° to 40° and the 



^ 11 L c- .^'hipoV I ^\ 



3^~^ 







ijlOX 




KANSAS AND NEBRASKA (1854) 



other, Nebraska, from 
40° to 49°. The act 
of 1820 which pro- 
hibited slavery in 
these territories was 
expressly repealed and 
the people were left 
free to permit or ex- 
clude slavery not only 
when the states should 
be admitted to the 
Union, but while they 
were territories as 
wtII. It seems to have been the belief that by creating 
two territories, one would be left open to slavery while 
the other was devoted to freedom. 

As a pro-slavery measure the Kansas-Nebraska Act was a 
very serious blunder, because the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise Act aroused the North as even the Fugitive 
Slave law had not done. It led to an organization of the 
anti-slavery extension forces into a single political party. 
This would have been accomplished many years later but for 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a pledge which, in the 
opinion of the North, Congress had no right to alter. The 
direct results of the act were (i) the organization of a large 
political party, made up at first of what were known as 
anti-Nebraska men, who controlled the North from this 
time, and (2) the contest, little better than civil war, 



Burgess, 
Middle Period^ 
398-399. 



Provisions of 
the act 

MacDonald, 
Docmttents, 
No. 88. 



Results of 
the act. 



358 



American History 



[1855 



Republican 
party. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, No. 35. 

Rhodes, 
United States, 
n, 45-49- 

Smith, Parties 
and Slavery, 
109-114, 
118-120. 



Know-nothing 
party. 

Rhodes, 
United States, 
11.50-56. 

Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist., 
II, 258-265. 

Smith, Parties 
and Slavery, 
I 14- I 20, 
145-148. 

Election of 
1856. 

Smith, Parties 
and Slavery, 
161-173- 

Stanvvood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter XX. 



which was waged in Kansas for the control of that ter- 
ritory. 

316. Reorganization of Political Parties. — When the 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed, the times were ripe for 
great changes in the political parties. In the election of 
1852 the Whigs had been badly demoralized. The party had 
been split on the slavery question into two factions, neither 
of which could maintain more than the shadow of an op- 
position to the now triumphant Democratic party, so that 
it required only a new issue to produce another party. 
This issue the Kansas-Nebraska Act provided, for it gave all 
anti-Nebraska men a chance to unite in opposition to slavery 
extension. All of the Free Soilers and most of the Whigs 
of the North joined this new party, which was known after 
1855 by the name Republican, and large numbers of free- 
soil Democrats became members of the same organization. 

Most of the southern Whigs and large numbers of the 
voters in the North who opposed any discussion of slavery 
threw in their lot with the new American party, the members 
of which were called " Know-nothings " because their 
affairs were conducted after the manner of secret societies 
and outsiders were not informed of their doings. The 
original American party had been organized in order to keep 
from political power the foreigners who had come to the 
United States in such numbers after 1845 (§ 296). After 
1854 the Know-nothing party was composed principally of 
those who were unwilling to take sides on the question of 
slavery. In 1855 they carried several states. 

The election of 1856 was a test of strength between the 
old Democratic party and the new Republican party, as 
the Know-nothings, even with Millard Fillmore as their can- 
didate, carried only one state. The Democrats declared 
their belief in the principles of the Compromise of 1850 
and the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and nominated James 
Buchanan of Pennsylvania, who had been our minister to 
Great Britain and therefore had no record on the Kansas 
question. The Republicans declared that Congress had no 



1855] 



Slavery in Old Territory 



359 



authority to permit slavery in any territory and denounced 
the administration for its attitude toward Kansas. Contrary 
to the custom of those days they selected both candidates 
from free states, John C. Fremont of California being nomi- 
nated *for the presidency. The Republicans carried all 
but four states of the North, but, as three of these were large, 
Buchanan had 174 electoral votes to 114 for Fremont. 

317. The Struggle for Kansas (185 5-1 861). — Since the 
fate of Kansas was to be settled 
on the principle of " popular 
sovereignty," neither side hesi- 
tated long in its attempt to 
gain the state. An emigration 
society was formed in New 
England, by which thousands 
of '' free state " men were 
sent to the territory by way 
of Iowa. Some pro-slavery 
men became actual settlers 
of the disputed region, but 
slave owners were unwilling to 
take their slaves to a region 
which they knew was little 

adapted to slavery and in which slavery might prove to be 
a complete failure. As it cost a slaveholder six times as 
much to establish his home in Kansas as it did a free 
state man, the population was predominantly anti-slavery 
from the beginning. 

When the first territorial legislature was chosen in March, 
1855, Kansas was invaded by thousands of Missourians 
who claimed that they had the same right to vote as free 
state men sent out by emigrant societies. The free state 
settlers then took things into their own hands by adopting 
a constitution and electing a free state legislature.^ From 




Charles Sumner 



Emigration to 
Kansas. 



Burgess, 
Middle Period., 
407-417. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, Nos. 36-38. 



Political and 
civil war in 
Kansas (1855). 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, No. 39. 



^ During this political struggle, Charles Sumner delivered his famous 
speech on " the crime against Kansas" in which he criticised in scathing 
language several senators, notably Butler of South Carolina. Butler's 



36o 



American History 



[1856 



Smith, Parties 
and Slavery, 
I2I-I35- 



The Lecomp- 
ton constitu- 
tion (1857). 



Facts of 
the case. 



Burgess, 
Middle Period, 
449-452. 



this time the partisans of the two sides came to blows. 
Lawrence was sacked by the pro-slavery forces and in re- 
taliation five men were killed on Pottawattamie creek 
by John Brown and his followers. Bands of armed men 
roamed over the eastern part of Kansas, destroying crops 
and houses. About two hundred persons lost their lives 
in the civil war which gave to the territory the name of 
" bleeding Kansas." These outrages continued until they 
threatened to affect seriously the presidential election of 
1856, when the army was used to restore order. 

In 1857 a convention was held under the direction of 
the original pro-slavery legislature at Lecompton. A con- 
stitution based on that of Missouri was drawn up and the 
people were allowed to vote on it, with slavery or without 
slavery. The free state men, who now controlled the legis- 
lature, refrained from voting, so that the constitution was 
adopted with slavery. Buchanan's administration advo- 
cated the admission of Kansas with this constitution, but 
Douglas maintained that there had not been fair play 
in Kansas and declared that popular sovereignty had not 
had a fair test. The people were allowed to vote again on 
the Lecompton constitution, which they rejected by an 
overwhelming majority. From this time the free state men, 
who comprised four fifths of the settlers, controlled the 
territorial government and in 1861 Kansas was admitted 
to the Union as a free state. 

318. The Case of Dred Scott (1857). — Just three days 
after the inauguration of Buchanan the Supreme Court of 
the United States rendered its decision in the case of Dred 
Scott. Scott was a negro who had been taken by his master 
in 1836 to what was afterward Minnesota, a part of the 
territory from which slavery had been " forever prohibited " 
by the Missouri Compromise of 1820. He had been brought 



nephew, representative Brooks, attacked Sumner in the Senate chamber, 
striking him repeatedly over the head. Brooks resigned from the House, 
but was elected again b}- his constituents. The feeling aroused in the 
North by this brutal attack was intense. 



1857] Slavery in Old Territory 361 

back to Missouri in 1838 and afterward decided to sue for 
his freedom. He was about this time sold to a citizen of 
New York, a Mr. Sandford. Scott immediately began suit 
in the circuit court of the United States/ which decided 
against Scott. The case was then appealed to the Supreme 
Court of the United States, whose decision was awaited with 
great interest in the hope that it might settle the controversy 
over slavery in the territories. 

The court decided that Scott was not a citizen and could Decision and 
not sue in the courts. In supporting this position the chief opinions, 
justice, Taney, made the statement that at the time the Con- 
stitution was adopted negroes were not citizens, and unfor- M^cDonald, 

1 Till 1 • 11 . 1 1 • 1 Documents, 

tunately added that at that time negroes had no rights which i^q ^j 
white men were bound to respect. The court decided also 
that the case must be dismissed as the court had no juris- Hart, Contem- 
diction over it. Unwisely the chief justice and a number poraries, 
of his associates believed that this was a favorable time to ' °' 4^~43- 
give their opinions on the question of slavery in the territories 
and thereby settle that problem for all time. In a most Midlie Period 
elaborate argument the chief justice stated that the general 452-459. 
government had acquired Louisiana territory for the states, 
that it must protect in that territory all possessions that were Amer. Hist., 
legally property in any of the states, and that therefore ^^■^^^^> 
Congress could not prohibit slavery in any territory acquired 
after the adoption of the Constitution in 1787. On this 
account the law of 1820, a part of the Missouri Compromise, 
which prohibited slavery in the territory acquired from 
France north of 36° 30', was " null and void from the begin- 
ning." The influence of this opinion was widespread, for it 
was very different from the views held by most of the North 
and contrary to the wishes of the very large number of 
people who opposed the further extension of slavery (§ 320). 

319. Summary. — The period from 1843 to 1848 was Territorial 
one of rapid territorial expansion. At the earlier date our expansion 
western boundary was virtually the Rocky mountains at 

' By virtue of clause in United States Constitution giving national courts 
jurisdiction of cases between citizens of different states. 



362 



American History 



[1843- 




FREE AND 
SLAVE AREAS 

(1814:) 



Londtiide West W from Greenwich 




free Tirritonei \ :\ Slave Territorie* ^^^ 



1857] Slavery in Old Territory 363 

the north and a river about three hundred miles west of 
the Mississippi at the south, ahhough we occupied Oregon 
with Great Britain. Most of the people in the United States 
desired an extension of our territory to the Pacific Ocean, 
and the return of good times aroused a new spirit of enter- 
prise throughout the nation. The opposition to expansion 
in the Southwest came almost exclusively from those who 
did not favor the extension of slavery. Naturally the pro- 
slavery leaders, who saw that the slave states were growing 
less rapidly than those of the North, took the initiative by 
securing (1845) ^^ annexation of Texas. Disputes over 
the western boundary of Texas led to the war by which we 
wrested from Mexico the territory from the Rio Grande to 
the Pacific. At the same time Oregon was divided. By 
1848 our title had been made clear to the entire Pacific 
coast from parallel 32 to parallel 49. 

The contest over slavery in the territories of the nation struggle over 
may be divided into three parts, (i) The contest over the slavery in the 
new territories. This was decided by organizing Oregon 
as a free territory, by admitting CaHfornia as a free state, and 
by forbidding the legislatures of New Mexico and Utah to 
prohibit slavery. The good results of the Compromise of 
1850, in which the last two questions were settled, were 
nulHfied by the enactment of an unwise fugitive slave law. 
(2) The repeal of the Missouri Compromise so far as it ap- 
plied to the territory between the Missouri River and the 
Rocky Mountains. This opened to slavery two territories 
in which it had been prohibited, led to a bitter struggle for 
Kansas, and caused the majority of the voters in the North 
to unite in a new party, the RepubHcan, in order to op- 
pose the further extension of slavery. (3) The opening of 
all territories to slavery. This was the natural conclusion 
of the opinion rendered by the justices of the Supreme 
Court in the case of Dred Scott. It completed • the final 
though temporary triumph of the faction that was protect- 
ing the interests of slavery. 



364 American History [1843 



TOPICS 

1. Fugitive Slave Law: Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," IV, 
Nos. 29-33; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," I, pp. 192-227, 
498-506, II, pp. 73-78; Wilson, "Rise and Fall of Slave Power," 
II, pp. 291-337, 352-395, 435-461; Sites and Keener, "Growth of 
the Nation," pp. 295-310, 331-343- 

2. Kansas-Nebraska Act: Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 380- 
406; Johnston (Woodburn), "American Orations," III, pp. 3-89; 
Rhodes, "United States since 1850," I, pp. 424-506; Von Hoist, 
"Constitutional History," IV, pp. 280-461. 

3. Struggle for Kansas: Smith, "Parties and Slavery," 
pp. 121-135, 149-160, 209-222; Greeley, "American Conflict," I, 
pp. 224-251 ; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History," V, pp. 70-76, 134- 
185, 284-313; Wilson, "Rise and Fall of Slave Power," II, pp. 462- 
477, 496-507, 534-565; Spring, "Kansas," pp. 24-267. 

STUDIES 

1. Marcus Whitman's ride to Oregon. (Bourne, "Essays in 
Historical Criticism," pp. 3-99.) 

2. The "Pathfinder of the Rocky Mountains." (Appleton's 
"Cyclopedia of American Biography," under Fremont, John C.) 

3. Earliest debate over the Wilmot Proviso. (Benton (ed.), 
"Debates of Congress," XIV, pp. 643-651.) 

4. The Barn Burners. (Hammond, "Political History of New 
York," II.) 

5. Benton's view of the Compromise of 1850. (Benton, "Thirty 
Years," II, pp. 742-769.) 

6. Attitude of the United States toward Cuba. (Latane, "Diplo- 
matic Relations with Spanish America," pp. 89-137.) 

7. Douglas on the Kansas-Nebraska bill. (Johnston (ed.), 
"American Eloquence," III, pp. 50-87.) 

8. Beginnings of the Republican party. (Macy, "Political 
Parties (i 846-1 860).") 

9. Effect of the Dred Scott opinion on the North. (Nicolay and 
Hay, "Life of Lincoln," II, Chapter IV.) 

10. Kossuth in Boston. ("Old South Leaflets," No. iii.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. What were the advantages and disadvantages of annexing 
Texas? What was the influence of annexation on sectional senti- 
ment within the United States? on our relations with Mexico ? What 
obligations did we assume with Texas ? 



1857] Slavery in the Territories 365 

2. What was the purpose of the Mexican War as shown (a) by 
the attitude of northern capitalists ? {h) by that of the northern people 
in general ? (c) by the plan of campaign ? and {d) by the treaty of 
peace ? 

3. Make a table showing the action of Congress regarding slavery 
in the territories from 1787 to 1862. Compare areas closed or left 
open to slavery. What changes occurred during the period from 1843 
to 1857? 

4. Was a compromise necessary in 1850? Which provisions were 
favorable to the North? which to the South? Did the Compro- 
mise of 1850 introduce any new principle of territorial government? 

5. Make a careful study of the "Seventh of March" speech. 
Had Webster changed his position on the slavery question? Were 
his criticisms of the northern radicals justified? From our point of 
view was he right or wrong? 

6. Has Congress the right to pass irrepealable laws? May Con- 
gress rspeal part of a compromise when the repeal of the rest is im- 
possible ? Could a state in which slavery had been forever prohibited 
by Congress become a slave state ? Why was the Kansas-Nebraska 
Act a serious mistake? 

• 7. Which was more in conformity with our customs and our in- 
stitutions, popular sovereignty or territorial government by Congress ? 
What was the difference between the provisions for slavery in the ter- 
ritories in the acts of 1850 and 1854? 

8. Compare the arguments of Taney and Curtis regarding negro 
citizenship. Which was right ? Do you approve Taney's argument 
in regard to the relation of the nation to the territory acquired from 
France in 1803? 



CHAPTER XVI 



Buchanan. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
II, 172-174. 



Influence of 
the Dred Scott 
opinion. 



DISUNION AND CIVIL WAR (1857-1861) 

Presidents 
James Buchanan (1857-1861) Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865) 

Approaching a Crisis (1857-1860) 

320. The Situation in 1857. — It is unfortunate that at 
this time the presidential chair was occupied by a man as 
little fitted to prevent disunion as was James Buchanan. 
A mild, courteous gentleman who disliked controversy, he 
was utterly incapable of acting with decision and vigor 
to prevent a conflict between the opposing sections, and in 
fact by his vacillation aided in the development of the slavery 
crisis. 

The chasm between the North and the South which had 
been growing wider year by year, especially since the enact- 
ment of the Kansas-Nebraska law, had been increased to 
a very great extent by the opinion of the justices of the 
Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott. The South was 
content naturally, not realizing that the adoption of so 
radical a pro-slavery policy by the courts would react against 
the institution of slavery not simph' in the territories, but in 
the states as well. The majority of the people in the North 
were aghast at the conclusion reached in the opinion. Most 
of them opposed the further extension of slavery in the ter- 
ritories, and were exceedingly indignant over the announce- 
ment of the new doctrine that Congress could not prohibit 
slavery in national territory. People did not stop to con- 
sider that this was simply the opinion of justices of the court 
and not a part of the court's decision. The justices had 
made clear, they claimed, that a negro had no rights which 

366 



t857] Appivachiiig a Crisis 367 

a white man was bound to respect. It was evident that the 
justices of the Supreme Court, in seeking to settle the ques- 
tion of slavery in the territories, had precipitated the con- 
troversy over slavery. 

The increase of sectionalism in the years following 1845 Increase of 
is marked not only by the drift in politics, but by the changes sectionalism. 
in churches and other national organizations. The Metho- 
dists and Baptists had divided on sectional lines soon after 
1845. Fewer southern men attended northern colleges than 
formerly. In social life and even in business sectional 
prejudices made themselves felt. 

321. Political Factions and Parties. — It may be inter- Factions in 
esting to notice at this time the sentiments of the existing ^^e North. 
factions in the United States, (i) In the North there was 
a small but exceedingly active group of reformers which 
demanded the total abolition of slavery everywhere. To 
these men the Constitution under which the institution was 
protected within the states was ''a covenant with death, 
and an agreement with hell." (2) Less radical than the 
abolitionists but more interested in the restriction of slavery 
than in any other question was a faction whose attitude 
may be expressed by the phrase, ''let the Union sHde." 
(3) An overwhelming majority at the North believed that 
slavery was morally wrong and desired to see it excluded 
from the territories of the nation, although they were not will- 
ing to sacrifice the nation to that end. (4) A large minority 
at the North were opposed to any active discussion of the 
slavery question and were indifferent probably to its ex- 
tension in or exclusion from national territories. They 
were, however, emphatically opposed to any interference 
with slavery in the states. 

To the South the preservation of slavery in the states Factions in 
was a matter of vital importance, that of slavery extension ^^^ South. 
in the territories one of the greatest interest. Seeing that 
the South was falling behind the North in population, wealth, ^^^^ slavery 
and resources of every kind, southerners felt that slavery 292-304. 
should be protected by the equality of the sections, (i) At 



368 Americaii History [1857 

first only a few leaders like Calhoun realized the need of 
territorial extension. By 1850 this aggressive pro-slavery 
faction began to demand that one half of the nation should 
be set aside for slavery. Later they increased their num- 
bers so as to include most of those in the South who were 
interested in the political future of that section. Their 
program developed until they demanded that slavery be 
excluded from those states only where it was prohibited by 
the wish of the people of the state. (2) Another faction in 
the South was indifferent to the extension of slavery, pro- 
vided that the slaves in the states were left alone. (3) Still 
a third faction, composed of some merchants and of those 
mountaineers who owned no slaves, had nothing in com- 
mon with the slave interests. They possessed little political 
influence. One of their number, Hinton Helper, published 
in 1857 a book called the "Impending Crisis" which showed 
how the South was controlled by three hundred and fifty 
thousand slave-owners and how slavery had retarded the 
development of the South. This book was written in a 
sensational style and created a furore in political circles 
little less than that made by ''Uncle Tom's Cabin." 
Lincoln. 322. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858). — One of the 

most interesting elections in our history was that held in 
1858 in the state of Illinois. Members of the legislature 
were elected who were to choose a successor to Senator 
Douglas. Both parties selected their senatorial candidates 
long before the election, the Democrats renominating Doug- 
las and the Republicans naming Abraham Lincoln. Lin- 
coln was little known at this time outside of the central part 
of Illinois where he enjoyed an excellent reputation as a 
lawyer of rare honesty and ability. Born in Kentucky, 
(1809) to the heritage of the ''poor white trash," he had 
grown up in Indiana and later in Illinois, with a determina- 
tion to acquire an education. His experience as rail-splitter 
and flatboat-man, as well as his study at night by a pine- 
knot fire, is well known. Lincoln had served several terms 
in the Illinois legislature, and had spent two years in Wash- 



1858] Approaching a Crisis 369 

ington as a representative. Very tall and exceedingly 
ungainly in appearance, Lincoln did not attract at first 
until one was impressed by his earnestness and the kindness 
of his homely face, or was won by his never faiHng humor. 

During the summer of 1858 Lincoln and Douglas held a Joint 
series of joint debates. By far the most notable of these senatorial 

debates. 

was held at Freeport, where Lincoln asked Douglas four 
questions,^ the answers to which prevented Douglas from 
gaining the support of the southern Democracy in the presi- jj^^f^^ states 
dential election two years later. Lincoln forced Douglas 11,321-339. 
to choose between his favorite doctrine of popular sover- 
eignty and the opinion expressed by the justices of the Su- 
preme Court in the case of Dred Scott. Douglas tried to 
reconcile the two by saying that slavery could not exist in 
any territory if the people did not make local police regula- 
tions for its support, and therefore popular sovereignty 
would decide whether the territory should have slavery or 
not. Lincoln showed that slavery could exist without these 
local regulations, and that popular sovereignty and the 
Dred Scott opinion were incompatible. The South agreed 
with Lincoln and abandoned Douglas, although the people 
of Illinois by a narrow margin reelected Douglas senator. 

323. Union and Slavery. — At the beginning of the sena- Lincoln's 
torial campaign Lincoln had made a speech which, in the "House- 

r ,. • . . T , T . 1 i- divided" 

opmion of many pohticians, jeopardized his chances of speech. 

election. It was a speech worthy of the man, and now 

classed with the famous speeches of our history. '"A house Hart, Contem- 

divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this govern- poraries, 

ment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. ' °' '^'^" 

I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect 

the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. R^^^des, 

United States, 

It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the u, 315-318. 
opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and 

^ One question was: "Can the people of a United States territory, 
under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the wish of any 
citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the 
formation of a state constitution?" 
2 B 



370 



American History 



[1858 



Seward's 
" Irrepressible 
conflici " 
speech. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, No. 45. 

Rhodes, 
United States, 

n. 344-346. 



Influence on 
southern senti- 
ment. 



place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that 
it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates 
will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all 
the states, old as well as new. North as well as South." 
This was a statement of the nation's future which no mere 
politician would have had the foresight or the courage to 
announce. 

In the fall of the same year in which Lincoln made this 
prophecy William H. Seward, 
the most conspicuous man of 
the Republican party, startled 
the nation by proclaiming a 
similar opinion. He stated: 
*' Our country is a theater which 
exhibits, in full operation, two 
radically different political 
systems: the one resting on 
the basis of servile or slave 
labor, the other on the basis 
of voluntary labor of free- 
men. . . . The two systems 
are at once perceived to be 
incongruous. But they are 
more than incongruous, they 
are incompatible. They never have permanently existed 
together in one country, and they never can. . . . These 
antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer 
contact, and collision results. They who think that it is 
accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical 
agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case alto- 
gether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and 
enduring forces, and it means that the United States must 
and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave- 
holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation." 

324. Influence of John Brown's Raid (1859). — Public 
utterances frequently fix public sentiment, but definite 
acts make history. The Fugitive Slave law and the repeal 




William H. Seward 



i86o] Approaching a Crisis 371 

of the Missouri Compromise had united the North against Burgess, 

the further extension of slavery, the John Brown raid united f'^^^ ^^^* 

1, 34-44. 
the South for the protection -of slavery. Before 1859 the 

South was in no real sense committed to the radical program 
of its pro-slavery leaders ; after that date it identified itself u^n^^ 'states 
much more closely with the institution of slavery than be- 11,410-416. 
fore. It may seem remarkable that the attack of twenty 
men on the United States arsenal at Harpers Ferry could chadwick, 
have such a potent influence, especially when the attack ended Causes of 
in the capture of Brown and his followers. But the South ^^g 
was impressed by the fact that Brown had collected arms 
near Harpers Ferry and had planned to free the slaves. 
That he desired the freedom of all the slaves in the South 
is certain, and he believed this could be accomplished only 
by force of arms. This would involve necessarily a servile 
insurrection which was the nightmare of all classes in the 
South, slaveholders and others. The danger of such a 
calamity was enough to unite all southern factions, and to 
give the impression that the North would stop at no means 
to destroy slavery. This impression was strengthened by 
the enthusiasm with which John Brown's attempt was re- 
ceived in many parts of the North. The Republican leaders 
were very careful, however, to disavow any connection with 
the affair and to condemn the methods used. 

325. The Election of i860. — The decisive factor in the Democratic 
election of i860 was the attitude of the Democratic party, convention. 
This party had a majority of voters in the South and a large 
minority of those in the North. If they cooperated, success Schouler, 

^ ,. . , t 1 . r United States, 

seemed certain. If they were divided on the question ot v, 454-457,462 
slavery, the Republicans might w^in. The Democratic 
convention was held at Charleston, April 23. The south- ^^^ ^^^ 
ern delegates contended for a platform declaring that not civil War, 
only should the Dred Scott opinion be enforced, but Congress I. 50-58, 67-70. 
must protect slavery in the territories by every means in 
its power. They were outvoted, for the northern Demo- 
crats succeeded in adopting a plank which stated that the 
party would "abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court 



372 



American History 



[i860 



of the United States on the questions of constitutional law." 
Most of the southern delegates then withdrew and two 
Democratic conventions were held later. That comprised 
chiefly of northern delegates nominated Douglas, while the 
southern men adopted the platform which they preferred, 
and named John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky for the presi- 
dency. Remnants of the Whig party and conservatives 



Republican 
convention. 

Burgess, Civil 
War, I, 58-67. 

Chadwick, 
Causes of 
Civil War, 
116-123. 




THE RAIL 



A Cartoon of i860. 

of all parties united under the name "Constitutional Union," 
and nominated Bell of Tennessee. 

The Republicans met in Chicago in May. As the party 
was composed of numerous elements united chiefly by their 
desire to prevent the further extension of slavery, the dele- 
gates agreed without difficulty on a plank that denied "the 
authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any 
individual to give legal existence to slaver\' in any territory 
of the United States." But they maintained especially 
the right of each state to order and control its own domes- 
tic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively. 
They denounced Buchanan's Kansas policy, and favored 



i86o] 



Approaching a Crisis 



373 



a protective tariff. Because the party was composed of 
various elements with different opinions on many questions 
except the main issue, the convention ignored the more 
radical candidates, William H. Seward, the real leader of the 
party, and Salmon P. Chase. On the third ballot Lincoln 
was selected, and, to satisfy the East, Hannibal Hamlin 
of Maine was chosen for the second place on the ticket. 




ELECTION OF 1 

Lincoln. Republican... Y^^j^^ 
Breckinridge- So. Pern. - ^^ 

Bell. Const'l Dem. 

Douglas No. Dem | [ 



The campaign was full of interest and excitement. When The election, 
the polls were closed, it was found that Lincoln had carried 
all of the northern states,* that Breckenridge had been sue- Stanwood 
cessful in the South, and Bell had secured the vote of three 
border states. This gave Lincoln i8o of the 303 electoral 
votes, the others being divided as follows, Breckenridge, 72; 
Bell, 39; and Douglas, 12. On the popular vote, however, 
the combined votes of the other three were nearly one million 
more than those cast for Lincoln. 



Presidency, 
295-297- 



Schouler, 
United States, 
V, 462-469. 



The Secession Movement (1860-1861) 

326. Secession in South Carolina (December, i860). — Action before 
When it was learned that Lincoln had been elected, the legis- '^^^^ ^°- 

* Except three of the seven votes of New Jersey. 



374 



American History 



[i860 



Schouler, 
United State's, 

V, 469-471- 



Rhodes. 

L ^nited States, 

III. 115-125, 
192-196. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 

IV, No. 59. 



Secession 
resolutions. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
III, 1^20-. 



Lamed (ed.), 
Hist, for 
Ready Re/., 
3407-3409. 

Amer. Hist. 
Leajiets, 
No. 12. 



Buchanan's 
message. 



Burgess. 
Civil I \ ar, 
I. 82-88. 



lature of South Carolina called an election for members of 
a convention which should meet December 17 and consider 
the relations between the state and the Union. ^ There was 
no doubt in the mind of any one in South CaroHna that this 
result would be secession. In October, when all indications 
pointed to a Republican victory, the governor of South 
Carohna had sent to most of the other southern governors 
a letter asking their cooperation. The United States sena- 
tors from South Carolina and most of the national officials 
in the state resigned as soon as the convention was called 
and every preparation was made to sever connections with 
the Union. Nevertheless the act of the convention on 
December 20 was a shock to the people of the nation. 

In her secession ordinance the state repealed the act of 
17SS by which she had ratified the Constitution of the United 
States and declared that "the union now subsisting between 
South CaroHna and other states under the name of * the United 
States of America' is hereby dissolved.-' A few days later 
the convention adopted a series of resolutions giving reasons 
for their action. They reviewed the course of events during 
the formative years from 1775 to 1789 to prove that the state 
was sovereign and the Constitution a compact. They main- 
tained that the North had, by personal liberty laws, nulli- 
fied a law of the Union (the Fugitive Slave Act) and that the 
election of a Republican president threatened the institu- 
tion of slaver}'. The arguments of South Carolina probably 
did not influence the action in the rest of the slave states, 
but similar causes led to the calling of conventions in the 
other states of the South. 

327. Attempted Conciliation (December- January) . — Un- 
til South Carolina had passed an ordinance of secession, the 
North was indifferent, the administration inactive. Gen- 
eral Scott, as commander of the army, had urged during 
November that the forts in the states of the South be strength- 
ened, but Buchanan did nothing. As he could not ignore 



* The legislature had been in session to choose presidential electors. 
This method had given war to popular election in all of the other states. 



i86i] The Secession Movement 375 

in his annual message (December 3) the threatened destruc- Rhodes, 

tion of the Union, he considered the subject in a most ex- ^^^t^d States, 

traordinary way. He declared that no state had any right 131I138I 
to secede from the Union, but asserted that if a state saw 
fit to secede, neither the president nor Congress could pre- 
vent her from doing so or could bring her back into the Union. 
Buchanan denounced the anti-slavery agitation in the North 
as the cause of the whole trouble and recommended consti- 
tutional amendments protecting slavery in the states and in 
the territories. 

During the month following this message the President's Change in 

attitude toward the South changed considerably. Most Buchanan's 

of the members of his cabinet who favored secession resigned^ ° ^^'^' 

and their places were -taken by ardent Union men. The ^^^'^o^^^^- 

, . . . p , . . United states, 

admmistration even went so far as to send provisions and v, 481-485. 
troops to Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, but the relief . A(d\ 
ship was fired upon and turned back, January 9, 1861. Ready Ref., 
In Congress committees were appointed by each house 3411-3412. 
early in December to suggest means for preventing disunion. Attempted 
The southern leaders wished to have irrepealable constitu- compromise 
tional amendments that would prevent Congress from inter- 
fering with slavery in the states or in the territories. The Schouier, 
northern leaders were willing to agree that slavery in the y C04-C07 ' 
states should be free forever from interference, but they 
refused their consent to slavery at any time in any part of Hart, Contem- 
the territories. Other attempts to reach a compromise ^"'^^^\ 
satisfactory to both sides were made in Congress and out 66, 68, 69. 
of Congress during the last two months of Buchanan's term 

(§ 329)- 

328. The Confederate States of America. — When the Secession of 

southern leaders saw that the northern members in Congress *^^ ^"'^ ^'^^^^• 

would not accept their terms, they advocated the secession ^^^^ Contem- 

of the other states. Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, poraries, 

and Louisiana seceded during January, believing that they iv,Nos.s8.6i. 

could dictate terms if they severed their connection with „^ ^ 

•' , Rhodes, 

the Union. There was opposition in these states to seces- United states, 

sion, especially in Georgia, where Alexander H. Stephens Hi, 271-279. 



376 



American History 



[iS6i 



Chadwiok, 
140-150. 



Formation and 
proWsions of 
the constitu- 
tion. 

Burgess, 
I. 116-110. 

MacDonald. 
Documents, 
No. 97. 

Hart, Ct^nie-m- 
po^rixrtes. 
IV. No. 02. 



Battles and 
Leaders, I, 
99-HO. 



President 
Davis. 

Burgess, 

Cn-il War, 
I. 119-123. 



pleaded against disunion. In none of them was the seces- 
sion ordinance submitted to the people for ratification, al- 
though the result would have been the s;ime probably in 
any case. 

On the 4th of February, i$6i. delegates from these six 
seceded states and Texas met atMontgomer}-, Alabama, and 
drew up a constitution for the Confederate States of America. 

This constitution was in 
most respects a copy of 
the national Constitu- 
tion of 17S7. Several 
important defects or 
omissions of that docu- 
ment were remedied, 
and some changes made 
in the interest of state 
sovereignty or slavery. 
Each state was said to 
act "in its sovereign 
and independent char- 
acter." Congress did 
'vvvv^. ,^ T^xv< ^^^ h:^\'^ power to give 

bounties or lay protect- 
ive duties, but exports might be taxed by a two thirds 
vote of each house. The president was chosen for a term 
of six years, but was not reeligible. The Confederate 
States might acquire new territory in which slaver}- was 
to be 'recognized and protected," but no new state should 
be admitted to the Confederacy except by a two thirds vote 
of both houses of Congress, the senate voting by states. 
There were fewer limitations on the states than in the Con- 
stitution of the United States. 

The government, organized proWsionally in 1S61 and 
permanently in 1S62, included Jefferson Davis of Mississippi 
as president, and Stephens of Georgia as vice president. 
DaWs was a man of ext-^'^.ded and varied experience in pub- 
he life, as he had served in the army, in Congress, and in 















t:^-^—i 







/-" 



Q 00 



I^^^A5^■ 



v 4L<: H 



^as^^"%v ^^^r,7. 



^ ? I 3 

f. 11! 

- k .^1 ^' 



i86i] The Secession Movement 377 

Pierce's cabinet. Although more radical in his views than Rhodes, 



United States, 
III, 292-295. 



Stephens, he was not considered an extremist, and adminis- 
tered well the duties of his trying position, although to the 
satisfaction of very few. 

329. Close of Buchanan's Term. — The states in the Confederacy 
Confederacy seized the property of the national government '^"^ *^^ United 
which was located within their borders, including numerous 
arsenals and forts. None of these arsenals .manufactured 

. ■, r Chadwick, 

arms — they were simply depots ; but large numbers of causes of Civil 
muskets and a fair quantity of military supplies had been M^a/-, 184-204. 
transferred to southern forts or arsenals by Buchanan's 
secretary of war, perhaps in anticipation of hostilities be- 
tween the North and the South. The Confederate govern- 
ment selected commissioners to visit Washington and make 
a treaty of friendship with the United States (February, 
1861). 

Meanwhile, the discussion of compromise measures con- Crittenden 
tinned at Washington. The Senate still considered the resolutions. 
Crittenden resolutions which had been proposed originally ^^^^ ^^^ 
December 18. They favored irrepealable amendments to 
the Constitution for the extension of the line of ^6° xo' ^ 

^ ^ ' Burgess, 

all territories north of that line being free and all south, slave ; civii War, 
the admission of states as free or slave as they decided; and ^' 96-104, 
the compensation of slave owners for all fugitives not re- ^^"^"^^S- 
turned to them. During February there was held in Wash- 
ington a peace conference attended by delegates from two , ° ^^' 

° ^ J ^ United states, 

thirds of the states. By a narrow margin the convention m, 150-156, 

voted in favor of the 36° 30' line for all existing territories, 305-308. 

the admission of states with the constitutions they selected, 

no interference by Congress with slavery in the states, and MacDonaid, 

no treaty for annexing territory unless approved by a ma- ^^"^^^^^^< 

jority of the senators from the slave states and a majority 

of those from free states. The House of Representatives 

also devised a plan for conciliation, one feature of which 

was accepted by the Senate, the only part of any compromise 

plan approved by both houses of Congress. This provided 

that Congress should never interfere with or abolish slavery 



i;8 



Afpu^ncan History 



[iS6i 



Futilit>- oi 
conciliation. 



Two causes. 



Devdopment 
of new indus- 
trial methods 
^1775-1861). 



Slavery 
preTmts 
deTelopment 
of the SouA. 



within the states. The adjournment of Congress, March 4, 
closed these discussions. 

Certain moderate men, especially in the border states, 
had made even* possible effort to preserve the Union and 
maintain peace. But it was too late for compromise. The 
leaders oppv^sed to slaven- extension would make no con- 
cessions permitting slaven* permanently in the territories. 
The pro-sIav^- leaders would not Weld because they be- 
Heved that the system of slaver}- would lose in the end unless 
they gained every demand from the Xorth. 

330. Fundamental Causes of Secession. — The secession 
movement was not the work of discontented leaders, it was 
the clash between sections which were radically different 
and wished to retain and develop their own characteristics. 
To put it briefly, there were two fundamental causes of 
secession: one, the system of slinery; the other, the doctrine 
of stdU scnrrcigniy. It was the combination of th^e two 
that made secession possible. 

In the eighty years and more since the United States had 
become independent, great changes had taken place within 
this countn- and in the worid at large, (i) Methods of 
bbor had changed radically. The new industrial system 
required skilled bbor, intelligent service — in short, the 
freedom of the workingman. (2) An entirely different set 
of causes favored the emancipation of those who had been 
serfs or slaves. Chief of these was the great development 
of the idea of democracy, which had been growing stronger 
ever}-w-here among civilized nations, but pvarticularly in the 
United States- (3) This rapid progress toward industrial 
freeviom and poHtical equality- was but part of a much 
larger movement which had replaced the old order of things 
with a new commercial and industrial system much more 
a^mplex than the old and a new social order in whicli many 
class distinctions had been obHterated. 

These changes had affected the Xonh \-er}- much more 
than the South. Since the Revolutionary- War, the politi- 
cal ideas and ideals of the South had not changed greatly. 



iS6i] TJic Scccssio)i Moi\)Ht)it 



0/ 



Her occupations and business methods were not very differ- 
ent, her social system was practically the same as in 1776. 
Amid the wonderful changes of nearly a century of mar- 
velous progress she had made comparatively little material 
progress on account of slavery. Slavery prevented the 
competition of free labor, yet slaves could not perform 
any labor except that of the crudest kind. With a system 
of slavery, democracy, political or social, couUl not exist. 

331. Slavery and State Sovereignty fersus Nationality. — Slavery de- 
So closelv identified had the South become with the institu- '"-"^^^^ ^^" 

. ', 1 1 .- 1 • 1 equal sliaie in 

tion ot slavery that she ielt it necessary to preserve that tiietrovern- 
institution at all costs. To protect and preserve it she had ment. 
sought new territories. But as slavery could not compete 
with a system of free labor on equal terms, it required arti- 
ficial props to protect it in the old territory and in the new 
from being overwhelmed by tlie much stronger system of 
free labor. The South demanded therefore that the North 
allow her to have an equal share in the government of the 
United States. But to do this meant the permanent main- 
tenance of two sections, totally unlike and antagonistic. 
When we consider that the United States had, during the 
half century following the second war with Great Britain, 
been growing into a great and powerful nation, we can realize 
that permanent sectional ization would prevent the further 
development of nationality. 

There were but two alternatives, (i) Either the nation Antagonism 
must remain i^artlv developed, or (2) it must complete the ^^^^^^■'-'*^" ^'^^" 
development of its nationality by securing a uniform eco- nation, 
nomic, political, and social system; in short, it must abandon 
slavery or make slavery universal within its borders. Lin- why slavery 
coin, Seward, and others had seen this clearly, although the joined forces 
mass of the people did not. As the system of free labor had 
been gro\ying rapidly, while that of slavery had not, the only 
hope for slavery was to oppose the growth of nationality. 
This she could do most effectively by appealing to the politi- 
cal principle that the states are sovereign. State sovereignty 
had been the chief obstacle in the upward path of the nation, 



with state 
sovereignty. 



380 



American History 



[1861 



Inausruration. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
III, 316-319. 



Morse, 
Lincoln, 
I. 212-228. 



Amer. Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No. 18. 



Lincoln's 
cabinet. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
3420. 



and it was natural that when the development of the 
nation threatened slavery the institution of slavery should 
join forces with state sovereignty. But state sovereignty, 
like slavery, belonged to the old order of things, to a past 
that would never return, and even their union was unable 
to cope with the young, strong forces of free labor and 
what Calhoun called, ten years earher, "a great consolidated 
national democracy." 

Lincoln; "The Three Months' War" 

332. Lincoln's Policy. —On the 4th of March, 1861, 
Lincoln was inaugurated quietly at Washington. There had 
been fear that Lincoln's life would be threatened during 
his trip to Washington or on inauguration day, but nothing 
serious happened, for every precaution had been taken to 
prevent an outbreak. The inaugural address must always 
be ranked among his greatest state papers. He disproved 
at the beginning that his election was sufficient cause for 
secession by declaring that he would not interfere with 
slavery in the states, that he would not oppose a constitu- 
tional amendment which prevented the central government 
from interfering with slavery as a state institution. He 
asserted that there could be no right -of legal secession, for 
the Union was older than the Constitution. Having an- 
nounced his intention of enforcing the national laws in all 
of the states, as prescribed in his oath, he went on, "in your 
hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, 
is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will 
not assail you. You can have no conflict without being 
yourselves the aggressors." 

Lincoln was fortunate in being able to gather in his cabi- 
net many of the prominent Republican leaders, for if at 
first the cabinet lacked unity, it gained for the adminis- 
tration the support of all elements in the North. The 
secretary of state was William H. Seward, who considered 
himself the head of the party and sought to dictate the policy 
of the administration. He was anxious to subordinate 



i86i] 



The Three Months' War 



381 



I, 234-238. 



sectional questions to an aggressive foreign policy, but this Morse, 
unwise plan, which would have involved the government ^-'^^^^^"^ 
in difficulties abroad without lessening its burdens at home, 
was ignored completely by Lincoln. Seward afterward 
exhibited a very high quality of statesmanship, and during 
the eight years he served in the department of state, proved 
that he was second only to Lincoln among the men of his 
time. Other notable 
cabinet officials were 
Salmon P. Chase, who 
was secretary of the 
treasury until 1864, 
and Edwin M. Stan- 
ton, a member of 
Buchanan's cabinet 
after it was reorgan- 
ized, who had the war 
portfolio after 1862. 
Upon these three men 
devolved the chief 
duties that affected 
the success of the 
Union cause. Yet 
great as were the ser- 
vices performed by 
these men and others 
of Lincoln's assistants, the policy followed was in the main 
that of the chief executive. With added experiences and 
increasing responsibihties, Lincoln acquired a skill in hand- 
ling men, a soundness of judgment in deahng with difficult 
problems, and a firmness in carrying through a policy which 
he believed to be right, that marked him as the greatest 
American of the nineteenth century. 

333- Sumter. — From the beginning Charleston harbor, Negotiations, 
with its Union force of little more than one hundred men, 
had been considered the crucial point in the South. Major 
Anderson, before New Year's, 1861, had withdrawn all the 




The famotis Brady photograph 

Abraham Lincoln 



iSj 



American History 



[iS6i 



Hart, ComUm- 
IV. X OS. 70-7 J. 



Burgess, 
Ch'il li'jr, 
I. i^i-i-i. 



Attempted 
relief, bom- 
bardment. 



Union forces 
VApr., i86i) . 



Burgess. 
Ch-u liar, 
I. 172-174. 

irS-179- 



Rhodes. 
111.351-364. 



men from the forts around the harbor, and concentrated his 
force in Fort Sumter in the center of the harbor. The 
attempt made on T^inuan* 9 to send additional soldiers 
and supplies in the Star of the West had caused the South 
Carolina forces to fire upon the vessel, and had produced a 
strong sentiment against disunion throughout the North. 
Commissioners had been sent to treat with Buchanan in 
order to gain possession of Sumter, but without avail. 
L;iter, commissioners were sent to Washington by the Con- 
federate government to negotiate all matters affecting debts 
and property in the southern states. Both Buchanan and 
Lincoln refused to treat with these men, for to do so would 
have been recognition of the Confederacy ; but certain notes 
were left for them by Sew-ard in order that they might under- 
stand the attitude of the new administration. From these 
informal proceedings the officials of South Carohna gained 
the impression that no attempt would be made to relieve 
Simiter. In fact Lincoln promised only that he would 
notify them of a reHef expedition. This wras fitted out in 
New York, April 7. Governor Pickens of South Carolina 
was notified immediately. After two days' consideration of 
the matter the Confederate government asked for the sur- 
render of Sumter, and, when it was refused, began bom- 
barding the fort, April 12. On the afternoon of the 13th, 
his ammunition and supplies gone, and the fort on fire, 
Anderson surrenderevi and his men w-ere sent North. 

334. Preparation for War. — The news of the firing 
upon Sumter aroused the North from its letharg}*. When 
Lincoln, on April 15. asked for 75.000 militiamen 
to serve for three months,* the response throughout the 
free states was enthusiastic. In the slave states, however, 
the governors refused to furnish troops. Within fort>'- 
eight hours from the first call, regiments which had been 
organized already by the ''wrar governors'' were on their 
way to Washington. In Baltimore, on April 10. the troops 
were attacked by mobs, but further disorder was prevented 

* Under the act of 1705. 



i86i] The Three Mouths War 383 

by transporting the soldiers over another route. The regular Hart. Confrm- 
arni}' was demoralized by the withdrawal of nearly one half /''^ ■'''''■•'' 
of the officers, who were southerners, but even at this time 
the military force of the United States was larger and better 
organized tlian that of the Confederacy. There was no 
attempt to organize a large, permanent army, for very few 
people expected a long or a serious conflict. 

In March the Confederate Congress had authorized the Confederate 
enlistment of one hundred thousand troops, but although ^''"^^' '^"^ 

1 ^ c • V 1 1 • • 1 " privateers, 

that number 01 recruits onered their services, there were 

not enough arms or military supplies for them. The Con- Rhodes, 

federacy had also tried to prepare a navy, but their difh- ^'"'^^'^^ states 

culties were increased bv the lack of any naval vessels and ^ ^l^^^~' 

395-390- 
failure of many southern naval officers to leave the service 

of the United States. On April 17 the fitting out of priva- Lamed (ed.), 

teers to prev upon the commerce of the North was author- "^''' ; 

. ' . 342t>-3428. 

ized. This action was followed at once by Lincoln's proc- 
lamation blockading southern ports (§ 340). 

Lincoln's original call for troops was followed, May 4, Permanently 
by a request for 40,000 volunteers besides regulars and ^""S^^i^ized 
seamen to serve for three years or the war. Legally he 
had no right to organize this army, but he was supported 
in this and other ways by the Congress which met in special crJii ly^r 
session, July 4. Congress voted $250,000,000 for the prose- i, 226-232. 
cution of the war and immediately after the battle of Bull 
Run (§ 336) voted 500,000 volunteers. 

335. The Border States. — Between the Confederacy Second 
as it existed on the 12th of April and the free states there secession. 
were two rows of slave states that were still in the L'nion. 
The attitude of these border states was a matter of the first burgess. 
importance. If all joined the Confederacy, the two sections i j^^^ 182^186. 
would be not far from equal in strength. If all remained 
in the Union, the early downfall of the Confederacy was as- Rhodes 
sured. When Lincoln issued his call for troops on April 15, United states, 
the governors in most of these states refused to send troops. ^-383-357- 
Jackson of ^lissouri went farther than most of the others, 
and declared, "Your requisition in my judgment is illegal, 



3S4 



Amtrican History 



[iSoi 



Delaware, 
Maryland, 
and western 



Burgess, 
Civit \\\ir, 
I, 196-205. 



Rhodes, 
111,388-390. 



Kentucky 
and M.ssouri. 



Rhodes. 

L 'niUd States, 

111,391-394. 



Burgess. 
Civil ir.jr, 
I, 186-195. 



Situation in 
Virginia 
^July, 1S61). 



unconstitutional, and revolutionary in its object, inhuman 
and diabolical and cannot be complied with." Several of 
the states immediately took a vote on secession. In the 
four states of the lower tier, \'irginia. North Carolina, Ten- 
nessee, and Arkans;is, an overwhelming majority favored 
separation from the United States. All of these states, of 
course, joined the Confederacy. 

In the northern tier of the slave states the question was 
not put to a vote, or was decided against secession. Dela- 
ware unhesitatingly sided with the Union. In Mar}-land, 
tlie southern sympathizers were exceedingly active, although 
in a hopeless minority. The presence of the troops who 
were protecting \\'ashington, and the arbitrary suppression 
of disunion efforts by the administration and by the state 
officials, made the secession of the state imp<.^ssible. The 
pet^>ple of western Mrginia were not slaveholders, and 
objected to being thrust out of the Union. They claimed, 
therefore, to represent the true state and remained in the 
Union. Afterward, in 1S63, without regard to the require- 
ments of the national Constitution,^ West \'irginia was 
admitted as a separate state. 

Kentucky voted to remain neutral, but found it impossible 
to do so. In the fall of 1S61, when a Confederate force 
invadeii this state, it came out positively on the Union side. 
Missouri was the battleground in which a pohtical and a 
military contest was waged for the possession of the state. 
The Union men, organized by Blair and commanded by 
Captain Lyon, gained possession of St. Louis and secured 
control of the state government, deposing the governor, 
who favored secession. Several battles were fought in 
Missouri during the fall of 1S61, but the Confederate forces 
were driven finally from the st.ite and the L^nion victories 
made permanent by the battle of Pea Ridge in northwestern 
Arkansas (February, 1S62). 

336. Bull Run. — In \'irginia there were tliree armies 
on each side, one threatening and one defending Washington, 

1 Article IV, 



:86i] 



The Three Months War 



385 



two in the Shenandoah valley, and two contending for 
western Virginia. In the mountains of the western part of 
the state the Confederates, under Robert E. Lee, were driven 
back by George B. McClellan and Rosecrans. In eastern 
Virginia it was decided to advance from Washington and 
atttack the Confederate force under Beauregard. This 
army was stationed at ^lanassas Junction, where the rail- 
way from near Washington to southern and southwestern 
Virginia met the branch line from the Shenandoah valley, 
a point valuable for either side, 
but especially for the Confed- 
erates. Patterson, the Union 
general in the Shenandoah 
valley, was ordered to en- 
gage his opponent, Joseph E. 
Johnston, while McDowell ad- 
vanced against Beauregard. 

The armies of McDowell 
and Beauregard met at Bull 
Run, a short distance from 
Manassas, and fought well for 
raw troops. Beauregard was 
forced back until reenforced by 

fresh troops brought by rail from the Shenandoah by John- 
ston. What seemed to be a Union victory became a rout, 
which turned into a mad scramble to reach Washington, 
The Confederate force was too badly disorganized to follow 
and was in fact ready to disband, thinking the war was over. 
Stung by defeat, the North awakened to the fact that the 
reduction of the South was not a three months' task; that 
it would require a herculean struggle, to which the North 
must give unsparingly of her resources. As we have 
noticed, 500,000 volunteers were voted by Congress the 
next day, and under the direction of that splendid drill 
master, McClellan, and other commanders, armies were 
created that would understand the art of war. 











V'^-^- ^ 






..^:;^S 


1 


^' ^ 



Joseph E. Johnston 



Larned (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
3433-3434- 



Rhodes, 

I ^nitcd States, 

111,442-446. 



Battle of 
Bull Run 
and results. 



Dodge, 
Civil War, 
16-19. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
111,446-452. 



2C 



386 



American History 



[1861 



Conditions affecting Union Success 



Disparity in 
strength. 



Hart, Essays 
on Am. Gov't, 
268-275, 



Chadwick, 
Causes of Civil 
War, 21-36. 



Dependence of 
the South. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, No. 106. 



337. Resources of North and South. — Before considering 
the real campaigns which followed these military preliminaries 
it will be well to compare the contestants and consider those 
conditions which affected the final result. We have noticed 
already how much more rapidly the North had grown than 
the South, not alone in population but in wealth, general 
resources, and diversity of industries. In none of these 
respects were the eleven seceding states a match for the 
twenty-three states that remained in the Union. Their 
white population was less than five and one-half millions, 
that of the loyal states nearly twenty two millions. This 
disparity of about 4 to i ^ may be taken as a fairly true meas- 
ure of the relative strength of the two parties in other re- 
spects than population, for the Confederacy did not have 
more than twenty per cent of the wealth or commerce of 
the North, and her industrial output amounted to less than 
one tenth of that of the loyal states. 

The South had large natural resources, but they were un- 
developed. She had not attempted to manufacture what 
she needed, for she had exported almost everything she pro- 
duced to Europe or to the North, and purchased usually 
from the North even many necessities of life. At the be- 
ginning of the war, she did not have enough factories to 
supply her people with clothing and shoes. There were no 
powder plants, no factories for making cannon or small 
arms, no shipyards. Rolling mills and iron foundries 
were uncommon. Railways were not particularly plentiful 
at the South, but they had been equipped with northern 
rails and supplied with northern locomotives and cars. 
In short the South was entirely dependent on the outside 
world, to which she had given her cotton and other products 
for the articles she needed.^ 



^ Not counting slaves. 

2 At this time, however, the exports of cotton comprised about two 
thirds of the total exports of the entire United States. 



i86i] Conditions affecting Union Success 387 

The North possessed an abundance of all of these things, independence 
Her factories turned out all the munitions and suppHes °^ ^^^ North, 
that she needed. Her farms produced more food than both 
the soldiers and the workers at home could use. Industry 
and commerce, instead of being absorbed by the war, were 
stimulated by it. The strength of the system of free labor 
increased as the need became greater. 

338. The Southern Armies. — With a white population Southern 
but one fourth that of the North, the South was not able to military policy 
put as many men in the field. Even in the early part of 

the war, when southern enthusiasm was greatest, and all Cf. Rhodes, 
desired to present a "stern front to the invader," or, as Davis "''^ '^"' 

. V, 431-447. 

said, "fight on northern soil," the southern force was only 
about two thirds that of the North. During the last year 
of the war it was reduced to less than one half the number 
of soldiers in the Union ranks. Many from the loyal border 
states joined Confederate armies, but their number was only 
a little greater than that of the Union soldiers from east 
Tennessee and western Virginia. As the northern armies 
penetrated southern territory, the aid given to the Confed- 
erate commanders by the people was of inestimable value. 
The South was fortunate in most of her commanders, al- 
though President Davis interfered constantly by dictating 
the plan of campaign to be followed. 

The South excelled in cavalry except during the last year. Different 
and the men who had been accustomed to ride even to branches of 
their nearest neighbors made the finest cavalrymen in the service. 
world. Her artillery and engineering corps were especially 
inferior to those on the Union side. Her infantry possessed 
a spirit which went far toward making them, excellent sol- 
diers. When they charged, giving their terrible "rebel 
yell," there was need for the greatest courage among the 
Union troops. So excellent was her secret service, and so 
lax the northern methods, that the Union plans were always 
known and their movements anticipated. 

339. The Northern Armies. — To defeat a people so united, 
so earnest, possessing the advantage of fighting on their 



388 



American Hisjory 



[1861 



Northern 
soldiers and 
enlistments. 



Caring for the 
troops. 



Rhodes, 

L "nited States, 

V, 214-227. 



Government 

and 

contractors. 



own soil, able to move troops from one point to another as 
each in turn was threatened, required the greatest determina- 
tion and the highest courage, both of which the Union troops 
possessed in marked degree. Although the preponderance 
of numbers on the Union side counted in the end, in most 
contests the forces were not far from equal.^ In the North 
the soldiers did many things, such as driving teams and 
building earthworks, which were performed by slaves in the 
South. The Union armies were recruited to a much larger 
extent by voluntary enlistment, encouraged by national 
bounties of $300 and supplemented by state and local bounties. 
The South had no money for this purpose and resorted to 
drafts early in the war, toward the end permitting young 
boys and old men to enlist. The North was obliged to draft 
more than once. During July, 1863, the attempt to obtain 
soldiers by that means led in New York City to terrible 
draft riots in which nearly a thousiind negroes and whites 
lost their lives. 

It took the North longer to discover her best leaders, 
but toward the close of the war the northern commanders 
outgeneraled their opponents in almost every contest. 
During the early part of the war the northern armies were 
hampered by interference from Lincoln and his advisers. 
The northern soldiers were supplied much better than those 
of the South with ammunition, arms, food, and clothing. 
At first it was difficult to obtain these articles, as the war 
department was not able at once to handle so many sup- 
plies; but during the last two years of the war the govern- 
ment purchased food and blankets on the principle that it 
was cheaper to provide new blankets for the men who had 
discarded them on the march than to hamper the move- 
ments of the armies or permit the soldiers to suffer. 

This policy was extravagant and led to a great amount 
of fraud. Large fortunes were made out of govern- 
ment contracts. ^Men who furnished transports for Union 

^ This was not true in the battles of Virginia in which the skill of 
Lee counterbalanced the greater number of the northern soldiers. 



i86i] Cojiditions affecting Union Success 389 

troops usually doubled their wealth in a few months. 
Although the government paid a high price for uniforms and 
blankets, many of them were made of " shoddy," which fell 
to pieces on slight provocation. The army food, of none 
too good a quality in the days before canned goods were 
common, was often inferior stuff on which a good profit was 
m.ade. Yet few wars have been fought on so large a scale, 
with so little preparation, in which the soldiers were treated 
better. 

The loss of life from wounds and disease was much Sanitary 
smaller than in earlier wars, partly because of the efficient Co'^n^ssion 
service performed by a well-organized body called the 
Sanitary Commission. The northern troops were much 
more fortunate than those of the South, among whom 
anaesthetics and other drugs were rare, because the North 
insisted that they must be considered contraband of war. 

340. The Navies; The Blockade, — The American navy privateering, 
was small and scattered in 1861. Only three ships were in 
northern ports, none in those of the South. Since the South Cambridge 
realized that it could not get a regular navy, it issued letters Mod. Hist, 
of marque and reprisal to privateers and allowed these ^ii, 565-567. 
vessels to prey upon the merchant ships that carried the 
American flag. As our merchant marine had developed 
until our ships were found on every ocean this promised to 
strike a serious blow at the North. 

In retaliation Lincoln proclaimed a blockade of the entire Establishing 

southern coast, between 3000 and 4000 miles long, and a blockade. 

closed his proclamation by declaring that those engaged in 

privateering would be treated as pirates. Vessels were Cambridge 

purchased to maintain the blockade and in a few months ^^f- ^"^■• 

VII, 549-552. 
there were only a few ports in the South that could be reached 

even by the swift " blockade runners." These steamers 

usually plied between British ports, the Bermudas or Nassau 

in the Bahamas, or Havana, and Jacksonville, Savannah, 

Charleston, and Wilmington. Most of these ports were 

closed completely early in the war and blockade running 

became extremely hazardous. Many engaged in the traffic, 



;oo 



Amrn'atm His for)' 



[iS6i 



R:->. 



V, 596-410. 



Recognition 
(May, iS6i). 

RhcKies>, 
III, 417-4^3. 



Tb« Trtut 
(Nov.. iS6i), 



however, because the pro tits were S4.> enormous that two 
trips would pay for the cxkst of a vescsel. 

The is*.^lation of the South through the blockade was an 
import;\nt cause if not the chief Oiuse of the Confevieracy's 
failure. The South had devoted her energies to raising 
cotton until ** Cotton w;\s King/- Before the wax she 
believet-i that her a^tton ciop w^as of greater real \-alue than 
all the pnxiucts of the North. But the South had neN^er 
been self-sup^v>rting and could not bea^me so. She ne\'er 
was able to nuike as much powder as she needed and could 
not procure enough muskets or ainnon. She could raise 
food for hex people, but failure to sell hex cotton impo\-er- 
isheii hex rapidly. The Confederate government believed 
tkil Eun>pe would recognize hex independence because 
Euro^v needed southern cotK>n, and refused to allow the 
exporration of cotton before the blockade prevented its 
exporraiion altogether, but without avail. Although cotton 
sold for four cents a pound in the South and brought $2.50 
in Enghnd, e\^n the Lanaishire wea\-eis, half starving from 
want of w\>rk, deckred against a Confederacy based on 
sla\-er}-. 

341 . Foreign Relations (^i86i-i865>. — The success of the 
ContVxieracy de^x^ndexl in large ^\irt on the recognition of hex 
independence by European nations. This recognition she 
never gained. In May, iS6i, both Great Britain and France 
recognizeii the Confederate st:\tes as a belligerent power, 
with a well-organizeii government and complete militaiy 
force. The Xorth resented this action, unjusth% because 
the esmblishment of an e:ctensi\-e bkvkade in April had been 
an acknowkxigment that the hostilities with the South had 
reachevi the proportions of a war in which both contestants 
must W ireatcvi accc^rding to the rules of war. 

In November, 1S61, ^amplications with Great Britain 
were a\\>ided with difficuky. An Ameria\n wax \-essel. 
the 5<jii Jjcitti<\ stopped the British mail steamer Trcni on 
its wi\y fn^m Ha\"ana to Euix>pe and remove^i two cc^mmis- 
sioners who xs'ere bein? sent to the courts of Great Bntain 



i86r] CoNiiitious affect ipt(^ I'nioti Success 391 

and France by the Confodcrato govcrnniont. The Nt>rth Foster, Amfi\ 
applauded this act, but the KuL^lish i^overnnient anil iieoi>le ^^'/^'""''O'. 
were very indignant. When a tlemand was made lor tlie 
surrender of the commissioners, they were released because 
their seizure had been irregular. Secretary Seward stated 
that we complied cheerfully with the request for the sur- 
render of the commissioners, for we had contended many 
years against the principle of the " right of search." 

The majority of the olTicials and people of Great Britain Attempts 
undoubtedlv sympathized with the aristocratic South and to gain rooog- 

,' ' , -11 • 1 T • 1 1 nition of 

might not have been unwillmg to see the I nion broken up. ^,,^,j^p,.„ 

As the prime minister said to a northern man, " We do not indcpondonco. 

like slavery, but we want cotton and we dislike very much 

your Morrill taritY." Although recognition of the Con- Foster, -■////<•/•. 

federacy was desired by both Great Britain and France, i^ipioma.y, 

they hesitated to take that action, (1) because Russia, ^''^"^ ^' 

still smarting under the defeats of the Crimean war, ojUMily 

took the side of the Union and sent a tleet to New Yc^-k ^|^'^'"^^'"- 

Appeal to 

harbor, (2) because the government at Washington made it ,^rwj, 306-322, 

clear that if the independence of the South were recognized, 

our ministers would be withdrawn, and (3) because southern 

invasions of the North were always checked easily and 

quickly. Much of the credit for preventing the recognition 

of tJie Confederacy and the fitting out of privateers and other 

war vessels in European ports belongs to our ministers 

abroad, especially Charles Francis Adams, who represented 

us at tlic Court of St. James. 

342. Bonds and a National Banking System. — ^loney is Government 
called appropriately the chief of the sinews of war, since more ^'^'^"^• 
wars have failed because of lack of money than for any other 
one reason. The situation of the national government Dewey, Fman. 

^ - ,. , • rr^i^ 1-x e cia! Hist., 

m the sprmg ot iS^i did not excite envy. The credit of ^^120,130, 
the government had been declining during the hard times 132, 136. 
succeeding 1S57 and was almost destroyed in the fall of 
i860, when many feared that the Union might be dissolved. 
Nevertheless the need of money induced Congress in the 
summer of 1S61 to vote a loan of $250,000,000 at seven per 



39^ 



American History 



[iS6i 



cent, with some taxes to pay the interest. This loan could 
never have been tloated but for the loyalty of the banks in 
the larger northern cities, which dispc-)sed of large numbers 
of bonds. But in December, iS6i, the Ixinks were obliged 
to suspend specie payments, and regular business throughout 
the rest of the war was done witli piii^>er, or with gold at a 
premium. In February, 1S62, a second loan was voteti, tliis 
time the enormous ^um of $5oo,ooo,cx50. Otlier loans were 
authorized later, as the go\ernment's need of money in- 

creaseti constantly; but 
it was not easy to sell the 
bonds even on the ad\*an- 
tageous terms at which 
they were offered. 

In order to panide a 
new market for the bonds 
and have a national bank 
currency which would re- 
place that of the states, 
a National Banking Act 
wa s 1^x1 ssed in i S63 . This 
provided that persons 
might organize national 
bi\nks which could issue notes to ninety per cent of the 
value of United States bonds that they held. L;\ter the 
state bank notes were forced out of circulation by a tax 
of ten per cent on their issues, so that most of these state 
banks were converted into national Ixinks. 

343. Greenbacks and Taxes. — Early in the war the 
government had begun to levy new kinds of taxes, but in 
Februar}', 1S62, it supplemented the bonds and taxes by 
Dew-ey, FinM- issuing treasury notes which did not l>ear interest. Many 
pet^ple denietl that tlie government had the right to issue 
bills on the credit of the United States, but the needs of 
the time overrulevi all scruples and the notes were issued, 
tirst to the amount of $150,000,000, later to three times 
that sum. They were called popularly *' greenbacks,'* 



National 
Rmking act. 



Dewey, FiM<if$- 

^S^ 13S. 139. 




Issues of 
greenbacJiS. 






1 862] Conditions affecting Union Success 393 

and became the ordinary niediuni of exchange. Heing 
issued in large quantities, they depreciated naturally. At one 
time $1 in gold was equivalent to $2.85 in paper, lie- 
cause of this cheap and abundant money high prices pre- 
vailed, and a great deal of business was done. Wages were 
higher, but as they did not increase in the same proportion 
as the cost of living, a large part of this " forced loan " was 
paid really by those working by the day, week, or month. 

Three kinds of taxes were used to gain the money neces- Three kinds 
sary to pay the interest on the national debt and maintain of taxes, 
the credit of the government: (i) The tariff, which in 1861 
had been made protective in character. The rates were ^7^-y: ^''"'"'■ 

. c ml Hist., 

increased considerably in 1862 and much more m 1864 to ^^ 127-129. 
gain revenue and to protect from foreign competition the 
industries which were now obliged to pay national taxes. 
(2) Manufacturing taxes. Part of these were levied on 
distilled or fermented liquors and tobacco, this tax having 
been retained to the present. Taxes were levied on almost 
everything manufactured in the United States from a toy to 
a locomotive. Often an article would be taxed several times 
in the process of manufacture. The tax was as nearly uni- 
versal as it could be made. Even these heavy taxes did 
not interfere with the industry of the North, for manufacturing 
developed continually during the war. (3) Personal taxes, 
which were levied on all incomes except the very lowest. 
The rate during the last of the war was five per cent on all 
incomes between $600 and $5000 and ten per cent on all 
above $5000, those under $600 being exempt. These in- 
come taxes were paid cheerfully until peace came, when it 
was found that taxes of tliat nature were very objectionable. 

344. Southern Finances and Government. — When the Loans and 
South sought to obtain money for carrying on the war, the "^'^^^^^ money. 
baleful influence of slavery was very noticeable. As the 
section had no industries and few strong banks, she did not Rhodes, 

^ , - United states, 

possess the resources for raismg revenue or the means tor y^ 344-351. 
floating her loans. Since the blockade cut off foreign trade, 
no duties could be collected on imports or from the export 



394 



Avicricaii History 



[1862 



Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 
610-619. 



Arbitrary 
government 
in the South. 

Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 
607-610. 

Rhodes, 
United States, 
V, 43 1, 453-458, 
470-475- 



Some of the 
dangers. 



of cotton. The states were too poor to pay heavy taxes of 
any other kind, so that the government depended on the sale 
of bonds and the issue of paper money. The earliest bonds 
were sold for cash, but as the money was expended abroad 
for military supplies, there was little gold or silver left in the 
Confederacy. A few bonds were sold later abroad, but most 
of them were exchanged for food, and netted the government 
very little. Paper money was issued in large quantities, 
depreciating rapidly of course in value. Probably the face 
value of all the notes aggregated more than $1,000,000,000, 
besides the issues of the state governments and the banks. 
Prices rose to enormous figures, even the gold value of every- 
thing, including cotton, being higher than before the war. 
A barrel of flour sold in Richmond during the last year of 
the war for $20 in gold or $1000 in paper. ^ 

As might be expected, the southern jealousy for state 
rights interfered considerably with the exercise of dictatorial 
power by the government at Richmond. Yet the neces- 
sities of war forced President Davis and the Confederate 
Congress to use arbitrary means to gain men or money. 
Attempts were made to regulate prices, needed supplies 
were seized, the army was recruited by means of forced 
drafts, and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was 
suspended, although less extensively than at the North. In 
fact, as President Woodrow Wilson says, " everything gave 
way, even law itself, before the inexorable exigencies of war.'* 

345. Critical Situation at the North. — The material ad- 
vantages possessed by the Union over the Confederacy are 
clearly apparent now, and were understood in part at that 
time, but the result was by no means certain for at least two 
years. Had the North been less united than it was, history 
might give us a very different story. The government at 
Washington felt it necessary to use every means in its power 
to preserve the Union, even if that involved the sacrifice of 
personal rights and compelled officials to disregard the 

* An ordinary dinner for nine persons, in January, 1865, cost $631.50. 
Rhodes, United States, V, 249. 



1 862] Conditiofts affecting Unio7i Success 395 

Constitution. Fortunately the people realized the danger to 
the Union and gave the chief executive their hearty support. 
It is remarkable that there was so little opposition to the 
great extension of the president's war power. A few in- 
stances will suffice to show how the president became 
almost a dictator. 

At the very beginning of the war President Lincoln sus- Presidential 
pended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus around tiictatorship. 
Washington and in some of the border states. When the 
Supreme Court protested on the ground that Congress alone Lamed (ed.), 
could suspend the writ, he ignored the order of the court to re- '^^ -^ ^' 

. ' o 3447-3448. 

lease persons imprisoned and Congress practically supported 3496-3498. 
his action. Later the writ was suspended throughout the 
North and many who opposed the work of the government Johnston, 
were imprisoned. The draft was used less at the North than Am. Poi. Hist, 
at the South, but both governments took engines and cars ^^' 394-405- 
on the railways when the need arose. There was a partial 
censorship of the telegraph at the North, and an edition of Hosmer, 
two New York newspapers was confiscated because they ^-^^y y^^^ 
published news which the government wished to keep secret. Chapter i. 
The national government attempted at first to treat the south- 
erners as rebels and wished to confiscate their property, but Dunning, 
in the end treated them as belligerents. Much the most ^""'^ ^''''' """^ 

Reconstruction, 

conspicuous mstance of dictatorial power, however, was the chapter I. 
freeing of the slaves of those engaged in war against the 
United States by Lincoln in the Emancipation Proclamation, 
which he issued by virtue of his position as commander in 
chief. 

346. Summary. — After the Dred Scott opinion had The critical 
opened all of the territories to slavery, there was little chance P^^'^*^ 
of avoiding a conflict between the sections, because neither 
would yield. A strong executive might have prevented or 
postponed the secession movement. Buchanan did neither. 
When the split in the Democratic party (i860) permitted the 
Republicans to elect Lincoln, South CaroHna seceded and 
six other cotton states foUov/ed within six weeks. Buchanan 
did nothing until forced by public opinion to reorganize 



the conflict 
(1861). 



396 American History [1862 

his cabinet. The senators and representatives tried to find 
some common ground for compromise, the poHtical leaders 
from Virginia and Kentucky taking the initiative in pro- 
posing pla-os for conciHation, but without result. 
Beginning of A month after Lincoln became president, the fall of Sumter 

began the war, which, it was thought at first, would last 
but a few months. Preparations were made for the conflict 
on a small scale, but the chief contest was over the border 
states, the lower tier of which joined the Confederacy, while 
the northern border states were persuaded finally to remain 
in the Union. The battle of Bull Run showed that the 
struggle was to be one of large proportions. Both sides 
then began to prepare in earnest. The North had the 
advantage of very much greater numbers and industrial 
and natural resources. It had money that was available 
for carrying on the war. Its navy was able to cut off the 
Confederacy from the supplies that were indispensable to the 
South. The South used her men and resources much more 
freely than the North found necessary. She had several 
able commanders and possessed the advantage of fighting 
on her own soil, being able thus to transport her troops from 
point to point with comparative ease. Her limited re- 
sources and inability to supply herself with necessaries made 
it impossible to compete with the North on equal terms. 
Foreign nations refrained from recognizing the independence 
of the Confederacy, and the conquest of her territory be- 
came only a question of time. 



TOPICS 

1. John Brown's Raid: Burgess, "Civil Wax and Constitu- 
tion," I, pp. 34-44; Von Hoist, "United States," VII, pp. 18-59; 
Rhodes, "United States since 1850," II, pp. 383-416; Redpath, 
"Captain John Brown," pp. 229-407. 

2. Election OF i860: McClure, "Our Presidents," pp. 154-182; 
Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," Chapter XXI; Stephens, 
"War between the States," II, Colloquy 18; Blaine, "Twenty Years 
of Congress," I, pp. 157-172; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," 
II, pp. 440-502. 



i86i] Disunion aiid Civil War 397 

3. Contrast between the Slave and Free States : Wright, 
" Industrial Evolution of the United States," Chapter XII; Helper, 
"Impending Crisis," Chapters V, VIII, Hart, "Practical Essays 
on American Government," No. XI; Sites and Keener, "Growth 
of the Nation" (N. America, Vol. XIII), Chapter VI; Brown, 
** Lower South in Amer. Hist.," pp. 155-190. 

4. England and the United States during the War: 
Foster, "Century of American Diplomacy," pp. 365-400; Adams, 
"Charles Francis Adams," Chapters ' IX, XII, XIII, XV, 
XVII; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," IV, pp. 76-95,337- 
394. 

STUDIES 

1. Lincoln's Freeport speech. (Johnston (ed.), "American 
Eloquence," III, pp. 184-194.) 

2. Comparison of Davis, Lincoln, and Douglas. (Burgess, 
"Civil War and Reconstruction," I, pp. 1-27.) 

3. Jefferson Davis. (Trent, "Southern Statesmen of the Old 
Regime," pp. 257-293.) 

4. Seward during March and April, 1861. (Lothrop, "William 
H. Seward," pp. 246-291.) 

5. Reasons for the secession of the Southern States. 

6. Formation of the southern Confederacy. (Davis, "Rise and 
Fall of the Confederate States," I, pp. 229-242.) 

7. Stephen's "Corner Stone" speech. (Johnston (ed.), "Ameri- 
can Eloquence," IV, pp. 39-50.) 

8. Washington on the eve of the Civil War. (" Battles and Leaders 
of the Civil War," I, 7-25.) 

9. The secession movement in Missouri. (Carr, "Missouri,'* 
pp. 267-323.) 

10. Enlisting in the army. ("Battles and Leaders," I, pp. 149- 

I59-) 

11. The Sanitary Commission. (Johnson, "War of Secession," 

PP- 351-358.) 

12. Running the blockade. (Soley, " Blockade and the Cruisers," 
pp. 153-167-) 

13. English sentiment for the South. (Rhodes, "United States," 
IV, pp. 76-95.) 

14. Preventing England from recognizing independence of the 
Confederacy. (Adams, "Charles Francis Adams," pp. 278-290.) 

15. Debate of the issuance of greenbacks. (Blaine, "Twenty 
Years of Congress," I, pp. 409-429.) 

16. Civil government of the southern states. (Garret and Hud- 
ley, "Civil War from Southern Standpoint" ("North America,'* 

.XIV), pp. 485-506.) 



398 American His toy 



QUESTIONS 

1. As far as possible trace the development of the radical move- 
ment at the North and at the South. In which section did the radicals 
gain control first ? 

2. What were the questions that Lincoln asked Douglas? How- 
did Douglas answer those that were most important ? How did his 
answers affect his later political career? 

3. What is secession? Distinguish from nullification. Why is 
the Constitution silent on the subject ? Could anything but slavery 
have caused secession ? Was the election of Lincoln suflBcient reason 
for secession? 

4. Compare the Constitution of the United States with that of the 
Confederacy. In what respects do they differ most ? Were the states 
sovereign under the Confederacy? Did they enjoy more powers 
than those in the Union ? 

5. Trace the growth of slavery as {a) an economic institution; 
(6) a political institution. In what ways had slavery retarded the 
growth of the South as shown by social conditions, political ideas 
and customs, lack of material development, etc. ? Show clearly as 
possible why slavery led to secession. Give the important changes 
connected with slavery from 1830 to 1861. 

6. Compare the Confederacy with the Union in population, 
value of property and products, size of army and navy, financial re- 
sources, and dependence on outside countries for war necessities. 

7. Which war powers were exercised by the president? Were 
any of these unconstitutional? extra-constitutional? Is there a 
"higher law than the Constitution"; judged by the events from 
1850 to 1865; judged by the "presidential dictatorship"? 



CHAPTER XVII 

PROSECUTION OF THE WAR (1862-1865) 

President 
Abraham Lincoln (i 861-1865) 

Spring and Summer of 1862 

347. Theater of War in the West. — The result of the General char- 
Civil War was decided "by the western campaigns, and the ^^^^^' 
western campaigns were determined to a great extent by the 
direction of the great rivers. As the Union forces necessarily Mississippi 
assumed the offensive, they followed naturally the Mis- 
sissippi, which crossed the west-central part of the Con- 
federacy, and the Tennessee, which penetrates the heart of j^-^^ ^^j -^^ 
the South. Movements along the Mississippi were impeded Geog. Condi- 
by the shallowness of the river, the many turns, and other ^'^"^^^ 300-308. 
obstacles to navigation, and the bordering swamps which 
prevented the successful cooperation of land and naval 
forces. When the Union forces had gained possession of the 
entire river and controlled the railroads which connected the 
states west of the river with those east, the three western 
states found it difficult to send men and supplies to the armies 
across the Mississippi. 

The fate of the Confederacy was decided even more in the Territory be- 

territory from the Mississippi to the Alleghany mountains. *^'^^" Missis- 
, , . . . '1111 1, sippi and the 

Most of this was comparatively level and not very well Aiieghanies 
settled. The northern part is crossed by the Ohio, which 
was always in the possession of the Union troops except the g^^ ^^ „ ^ 
very important points where the Ohio meets the Cumber- conditions, 
land, the Tennessee, and most of all the Mississippi. Farther 302-308. 
south the Cumberland crosses northern Tennessee, and the 
Tennessee River after crossing the state of that name gives 

399 



i862] 



Spring and Summer of 1862 



401 



entrance to northern Mississippi and northern Alabama. 
Railways ran in 1862 from the junction of the Mississippi 
and the Ohio to New Orleans and Mobile. East and west 
railways extended from Memphis to Chattanooga and 
Charleston, and from beyond Vicksburg to Atlanta, Savan- 
nah, and Charleston. 

The most important points for the attacking Union force Strategic points 

in the West. 




to gain were Cairo and Paducah on the line of the Ohio; 
Memphis, Corinth, and Chattanooga along the southern 
boundary of Tennessee; New Orleans and Vicksburg on 
the lower Mississippi, and the railway center, Atlanta, in 
north-central Georgia, on the border line between the west 
and the east. The location of these places should be noted 
carefully and the maps should be used constantly to ascer- 
tain the general routes of the Union forces, 

348 Grant's Campaign in the West (to February, 1862). Seizure of the 
— When the Confederates seized and fortified the bluff at ^^^^^f"^^ 
Columbus, Kentucky (September, 1861), General Grant, who Grant, 
had already occupied Cairo, took Paducah also and thus 



402 



Americaii History 



[1862 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
III, 594-598. 

Hosmer, Ap- 
peal to Arms, 
84-90, 



Capture of the 
first Confeder- 
ate line. 



Dodge, 



Civil War, 
25-28. 



Fiske, Miss. 
Valley, 52-66. 



gained possession of the entire line of the Ohio. Ulysses 
S. Grant was a West Point graduate who had done excellent 
service under both Taylor and Scott during the Mexican War. 
Before 1861 he had been engaged in business without very 
great success near St. Louis and later at Galena, Illinois. 
A man of few words, in all his campaigns he acted with a 

promptness and 
carried his plans 
to completion with 
a determination 
that brought re- 
sults. He showed 
good judgment in 
the selection of his 
immediate subor- 
dinates, but was 
often imposed 
upon by men 
whose motives he 
believed to be as 
pure as his own. 
The next for- 
ward movement 
of the army was 
to capture Colum- 
bus, Island No. 10, and forts Henry and Donelson, so as 
to open the Mississippi, the Tennessee, and the Cumber- 
land by taking the first line of forts. Farther east the Con- 
federates were driven out of Kentucky by Thomas.^ Fort 
Henry was captured by Admiral Foote and his fleet of gun- 
boats, the garrison withdrawing to Donelson, which was 
much stronger. A combined land and water attack was 
made on Donelson, during which Grant demanded the 
" unconditional surrender " of the fort. On February 16 
Grant won his first great \dctory by capturing Donelson, 
with its garrison of nearly fifteen thousand men. His 

1 Battle of Mill Springs, January 19, 1862. 




Ulysses S. Grant 



i862] 



Spring and Siinnner of 1862 



403 



chief difficulties had been due to the undisciplined char- 
acter of his troops, the strength of the fortifications, and 
the severity of the weather. The capture of Donelson left 
the way open to Nashville and compelled the Confederates 
to withdraw from Columbus. 

349. Completion of the Western Tennessee Campaign. — 
Grant's successes on the Tennessee and the Cumberland 



Battle of Shiloh 
(April, 1862). 




HoUj 

/ A L A K A M A \ 

I B0RMAy,1J^■'^ 



WESTERN KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE 



of Secession, 
132-145- 



Rivers were followed by Pope's capture of Island No. 10 after Dodge, Civil 
an energetic campaign, March, 1862. Grant had at once ^^^' 4^-48. 
advanced to Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee River, the 
nearest point for an attack upon Corinth, which was at the Johnson, ]A/aT 
Junction of the north and south railway with that from 
Memphis to Chattanooga. At this point he waited for 
reinforcements to arrive from Nashville. His divisions were „ ^ . , 

Battles and 

badly scattered and the army in no condition for advance or Leaders, 
defense. Less than thirty miles away was a Confederate 1,465-486. 
army nearly as large as Grant's under Albert Sidney John- 
ston, one of the most experienced officers of the old regular 
army and at that time considered the ablest military leader 



404 



American History 



[1862 



Capture of 
Corinth and 
Memphis. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
3461-3469. 

Fiske. Miss. 

r.z//o', 133-137. 

Plan of cam- 
paign, 1862. 
Progress of 
the blockade. 

Dodge, Civil 
I far, 33-39. 

Johnson, War 

of Secession, 
90-98. 



on either side. Suddenly before daybreak, April 6, the Con- 
federates attacked the advanced brigades of Grant's scattered 
force near Shiloh church. Several thousand prisoners were 
taken and the Union troops were driven back in the attempt 
to get between them and the river. That the Union army was 
not destroyed at the outset was due largely to the courage of 
the soldiers, and the skill and determination of William T. 
Sherman, for Grant was absent and at least ten thousand of 
his soldiers could not report for duty on the field of battle. 
The death of Johnston and the stubbornness of the Union 
defense saved Grant's army that day, and the arrival of 
Buell's army from Nashville and other troops so strengthened 
Grant that he overpowered the Confederates the next day, 
although he did not follow up his victory. 

General Halleck, who had charge of all western armies, 
now took command of all the troops at Shiloh and advanced 
against Corinth. With his greatly superior force he pressed 
back the Confederates, who abandoned this strategic point 
without a battle. After he had gained possession of the east 
and west railway at Corinth and at points east, Memphis 
surrendered to Admiral Foote, who had defeated the Con- 
federate fleet on the Mississippi. 

350. New Orleans (1862). — The advance of the Union 
armies from the north along the Tennessee and the ^lissis- 
sippi was but part of a much larger plan which included not 
only the opening of the Mississippi by attacking New Orleans 
also, but the advance upon Richmond and the capture of 
important places on the Atlantic or Gulf coasts which could 
be made the bases of operation for the fleets or blockading 
squadrons. The United States navy had already gained a 
foothold on the islands off the coast of North Carolina. A 
Union fleet had captured Port Royal and had gained control 
of most of the inlets between Charleston and Savannah. In 
this way the blockade of those ports and a few others on the 
south Atlantic coast was made very effective. The capture 
of New Orleans was desired not simply because it was on the 
Mississippi, but because its nearness to the cotton belt made 



1 862] Spring and Summer of 1862 405 

it easy to ship that staple from the city. On account of the 
three mouths of the Mississippi it was very difficult to main- 
tain an effective blockade. 

The naval expedition against New Orleans was intrusted Capture of 
to Admiral Farragut, a southerner of the greatest ability, ^^^ Orleans, 
who remained loyal to the Union. With a large fleet of 
wooden vessels, and mortar boats under Admiral Porter, Lamed (ed.), 
Farragut attacked the forts on opposite banks of the river, ^^'l^ ^'^■^" 
which constituted the chief defense of the city. After several 
days' bombardment, the chain across the river which con- 

... 1 /-. r 1 r, Johnson, War 

nected the forts was cut, the Confederate fleet was over- of Secession, 

powered, and the Union vessels ran past the forts. The city 111-126. 
surrendered at once, April 25, and the forts held out only 
a few days longer. 

351. The Theater of War in Virginia. — In the East the Country be- 
ad vance of the Union armies was as difficult as it was easy in !^^^^" Wash- 

•' ington and 

the West. From Washington to Richmond is about 100 Richmond. 

miles as the crow flies, but the country is as hard to traverse 

as 500 miles along the Mississippi or the Tennessee. Below sempie, Geog. 

the Potomac three rivers cross eastern Virginia, flowing in a Conditions, 

southeasterly direction. Farthest north is the Rappahan- ^ 9-293- 

nock, which, at Fredericksburg, is but ten miles from the 

lower end of the great bend of the Potomac. South of this 

is the York, and still farther south the James River, with 

Richmond located at the first series of falls over 100 miles 

from Chesapeake Bay. Between these rivers the country was 

wild and almost impassable. Near the coast were swamps, 

farther inland hills, and everywhere forests. Roads were 

few, although in 1862 there was a railway from the Potomac 

above Fredericksburg to Richmond and other southern 

cities, besides the railway running through Manassas to 

Lynchburg and Chattanooga. 

To these physical difficulties encountered in an advance on Defence of 
Richmond, there was added the problem of defending Wash- Washington 

^ 1 . 1 r 1 -r^ 1 , . ^"d Shenan- 

mgton. On the side of the Potomac there was nothmg to ^^^^^ v2X\&y. 
fear so long as the Union side had fleets and the Confederates 
had none. The great danger arose from the Shenandoah 



4o6 



Amei'ican History 



[1862 



Semple, Geog. 

Conditions, 

293-300. 



valley. Harper's Ferry, at the confluence of the Shenan- 
doah and the Potomac, is but thirty miles west of Washington 
and twenty miles north, so that a force crossing the Potomac 
at this point could threaten Washington from the rear. The 
upper part of this fertile valley, sometimes called the " gran- 




THEATRE OF WAR IN VIRGINIA 

ary of the Confederacy," is divided into two parts, a range of 
hills separating the valley of Cedar creek from that of the 
upper Shenandoah. A retreating army could withdraw 
up one of these valleys, cross into the other, and either escape 
into central Virginia through the many passes of the Blue 
Ridge or get between Washington and the Union force that 
had been following them. Because of the geography of 
northern Virginia a single Confederate army, if it pos- 



1 862] Spring and Summer of 1862 407 

sessed a fairly large body of cavalry or rapid-moving troops, 
might compel the Union commanders to keep one army 
south of Washington to prevent a direct attack on that city 
and might at the same time threaten and keep engaged an 
equally large Union force in the Shenandoah valley. 

352. Monitor and Merrimac. — Because of the difficulty The 

of crossing eastern Virginia, it was decided early in 1862 to ^^*'^^^^<^^- 
attack Richmond by transporting the troops to the penin- 
sula formed by the Tames and York rivers. This plan was ^^^^^ "^" 

. Leaders, 

no sooner adopted than its execution was endangered by the i, 692-701. 
arrival in the lower Chesapeake of a powerful Confederate 
ironclad, the VirHnia or Merrimac, which threatened to ^ , 

' "^ ' Johnson, War 

destroy the Union vessels in those waters and all fleets sent 0/ Secession, 
to that quarter. This ironclad had been constructed from 127-131. 
the hulk of a Union vessel, the Merrimac, which had been 
sunk in Norfolk navy yard, when Norfolk with its many R'lodes, 
sunken vessels and fine guns had been abandoned hastily jjj ^qq_^[ ' 
the preceding April. The new Merrimac, with its coat of 
heavy armor, attacked first the wooden ships at Hampton 
Roads. On March 8, 1862, she destroyed the Cumber- 
land and the Congress and drove the Minnesota ashore. 
Alarm spread throughout the North, due to the fear that she 
might attack Washington or the shipping in New York 
harbor or even bombard the commercial metropolis. 

That night the ironclad Monitor arrived at Hampton First contest 
Roads. It had been designed by John Ericsson, a native of between 
Sweden, the chief inventor of the screw propeller for steam 
navigation. It had been constructed at New York in three 
months for just this emergency. For two hours on the morn- j^g^derT 
ing of March 8 these two ironclad vessels fought each i, 701-711. 
other at close range, until the Merrimac withdrew, not dis- 
abled but baffled, never again to be used for offensive pur- 
poses. A new era had dawned in the history of naval 
warfare, an era of steam and steel replacing the old epoch 
of canvas and oak. 

353. McClelian's Peninsular Campaign. — The destruction 
of the Merrimac made it possible to carry out McClelian's 



4o8 



American History 



[1862 



Situation in 
Virginia 
(April, 1862) . 



Wood- 
Edmonds, 
Civil War, 
42-53- 



Hosmer, Ap- 
peal to Arms, 
125-132, 
138-153- 



Battles on the 
peninsula 

Cajii bridge 
Mod. Hist., 
VII, 474-479 

Dodge, 
Civil War, 
52-68. 

Hosmer, Ap- 
peal to Anns, 

132-137. 
154-166. 



plan of an advance upon Richmond from the east. Since 
the beginning of the war the motto of the New York Trib- 
une had been echoed throughout the North, *' On to Rich- 
mond," to which there came always the same reply, " All 
quiet on the Potomac." Everywhere the question was 
asked, "Why doesn't McClellan move?" At last this slow 
organizer of armies was ready, but delay was caused by 
friction with the President, who was fearful that Washington 

might be captured and 
wished a large part of 
the army of the Potomac 
to be left for its defense. 
McClellan demurred, 
especially when Mc- 
Dowell's army was de- 
tached from his force. 
But the danger to 
Washington seemed 
real to the politicians, 
for, in the Shenandoah 
valley, *' Stonewall " 
Jackson and his light 
infantry defeated three armies containing nearly three times 
as many men as his own and finally withdrew almost 
unharmed to aid in the defense of Richmond. 

McClellan felt crippled by the loss of these troops, but he 
still outnumbered his opponents, at first two to one. But 
McClellan always overestimated the size of the Confederate 
forces and never realized the value of rapid movements. He 
lost nearly a month besieging Yorktown, defended by wooden 
guns, and, compared with his own army, a handful of troops, 
who withdrew as soon as he was ready to attack. In a 
rather swampy region, in mud that made rapid marching 
impossible, he finally penetrated to within five miles of 
Richmond, drove back the Confederates, wounding the 
commanding general, J. E. Johnston, and waited for rein- 
forcements. Every day saw the defense of Richmond 




PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 



i862] 



Spring and Siivirner of 1862 



409 



stronger and the Confederate army larger. At length, the 
last week of June, General Robert E. Lee,^ who was now in 
command, attacked the scattered line of the northern army. 
With vigorous blows 
he attacked the Union 
right so as to cut Mc- 
Clellan's line of com- 
munications with the 
York River. McClel- 
lan easily changed his 
base of operations to 
the James River and 
withdrew to Harri- 
son's landing. For 
seven days Lee at- 
tacked, in many 
cases his entire army 
being pitted against 
a part of McClellan's 
detached forces. Mc- 

Clellan showed him- ^^^^^^ ^ Lee 

self skillful in con- 
ducting his retreat, but failed to take advantage of several 
opportunities to march on Richmond or to destroy parts of 
Lee's army which were in perilous positions. Nothing had 
been accomplished, but the North had discovered the great 
difficulties of capturing the Confederate capital. 




1 Lee was a Virginian who resigned from the United States army when 
his state seceded, A West Point graduate, he had served with distinction 
as chief of engineers in the Mexican War and had been superintendent 
of the academy at West Point for several years. His action in withdrawing 
from the Union army has been the subject of extended discussion, but was 
caused by his belief that his allegiance was due to his own state. In west- 
ern Virginia he did not distinguish himself, but, as he gained more experi- 
ence, his real military ability became evident. Beloved and respected by 
his men, he made the army of northern Virginia one of the finest bodies 
of soldiers in modern times. Probably no man in America during this 
period, except the great president of the Union, so won the hearts of the 
people, North and South, as did " Uncle Robert." 



4IO 



American History 



[1862 



Lee's first 
invasion of the 
North, 



Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 
480-483. 



Johnson, War 
of Secession, 
173-183- 



The Middle Period of the War (August, 1862- 

JUNE, 1863) 

354. The Fall of 1862. — General Halleck had now been 
transferred to the command of all the Union armies. He 

ordered McClellan to with- 
draw from the peninsula and 
placed Pope in charge of the 
forces before Washington. Lee 
immediately assumed the of- 
fensive, and proceeded north 
rapidly from Richmond. Be- 
foreMcClellan could joinPope, 
Jackson had gained the rear of 
the army at Bull Run and Lee 
attacked in front. Blunder 
followed blunder, and Lee had 
httle difficulty in winning from 

GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN ^ ^^P^^i^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^.^^^^^ 

battle of Bull Run. This vic- 
tory removed all possible danger of renewed campaigns 
against Richmond. 
The time seemed propitious for an invasion of the North. 





Antietam Bridge 



Antietam and 
Fredericks- 
burg. 



Maryland had been interested in the Confederacy and there 
was hope still that she might be detached from the Union, 
while a successful campaign north of the Potomac would give 



i862] The Middle Period of the War 411 

the Confederacy prestige abroad which it had not yet been Dodge, 

able to gain. The Union army, again under McClellan, met ^^'"''^ ^^^' 

. J -^ ■ ' 102-115. 

Lee at Antietam creek. The battle was a Union victory, 

although Lee with an inferior force outgeneraled his oppo- 

,.,,....? . , . Battles and 

nent. Lee recrossed mto Virgmia without pursuit being headers 
organized. Burnside was now placed in command of the ll, 663-674. 
army of the Potomac, against his own wishes, and in Decem- 
ber attacked Lee's fortified position at Fredericksburg on 
the Rappahannock. The result of a direct assault was to 
have been expected, but the days following this sickening 
Union defeat were the darkest of the whole war. 

While Lee was leaving McClellan on the Peninsula and Bragg's inva- 
marching north, Bragg withdrew part of the Confederate ^'°" °^ 
army from before CorintTi. Then Bragg assumed an even " "^ ^' 
bolder course than Lee. While the latter was invading Mary- ^^^^^ qi^h 
land, Bragg dashed past Buell into Kentucky with the hope War, 82-88. 
of seizing Louisville and perhaps Cincinnati and completing 
the panic which would be caused by a successful invasion Rhodes, 
in the East. Buell reached Louisville first and a few weeks jy lyo-isi 
later drove Bragg from Kentucky by defeating him at Perry- 
ville. The last day of the year 1862 these armies came Battles and 
together again at Stone River, and battled this time for the ^^^'^^^^^ 
control of central Tennessee. After two days' severe fight- 
ing the Union force was left in control of the field. 

355. Events Leading to Emancipation. — On January Problem of 
I, 1863, President Lincoln issued his famous Emancipation negro fugitives. 
Proclamation. The policy of emancipation had been de- 
veloped slowly, for since the beginning of the war the gov- Cambridge 
ernment had been troubled by the problem 01 the negroes, yj'^j 'r^'^^^^ 
Lincoln had disclaimed from the time of his inauguration 
that the war was waged to free the slaves, although many 
people at the North were more interested in the abolition of 
slavery than in any other national question, and most of the 
people in Europe believed that the war was essentially a 
struggle to preserve or destroy slavery. General Butler at 
Fort Monroe had suggested the best plan for dealing with the 
negroes who flocked to his camp. He declared that they 



412 



A mencau History 



[1S62 



Emancipation 
before July, 
1862. 

Cambridge, 
Mod. Hist., 
¥11,582.587. 

Rhodes, 

I 'nited States, 

IV. 60-66. 

Lamed (ed.). 
Ready Ref., 

V. 3453. 3402, 

3464. 3473- 

Hosmer, Ap- 
peal to Arms, 
201-212. 



Lincoln's 
views on 
emancipation. 



Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 

585-591- 

Rhodes, 
United States, 
IV. 66-76. 



were an aid to the enemy in carrying on the conflict, and 
should be treated as " contraband of war." Colored fugi- 
tives were known afterward as '' contrabands." 

In August, 1861, Congress passed a confiscation act freeing 
the slaves who aided the Confederates. Two of the Union 
commanders, Fremont in Missouri (1861) and Hunter in 
South Carolina and Georgia, applied this by declaring free 
all slaves in their districts. Their acts were overruled by 
Lincoln who claimed and exercised the right to deal with the 
slaves in the seceeiing states. Lincoln used his influence to 
persuade Congress to vote money for the compensation of 
slave owners in the loyal border states and tried to have those 
states agree to compensated emancipation, but the con- 
servatives in Congress and in these states defeated the plan. 
Lincoln's purpose was chiefly to attach these states ir- 
revocably to the Union by breaking the only bond that 
might exist between them and the Confederate states. 
Congress did, however, free the slaves in the District of 
Columbia, paying an average of more than $200 each to 
their owners. On June 19, 1862, it abolished slavery in the 
territories without compensation. 

356. Emancipation. — Lincoln was among the first of 
those in authority to realize the need of emancipating the 
slaves of those in insurrection against the government. He 
considered it simply a war measure that would aid the Union 
cause. On July 22, 1862, he read to his cabinet the first 
draft of an emancipation proclamation, but the matter was 
kept secret and postponed because the issuance of the proc- 
lamation in the midst of the defeats of the armies in Vir- 
ginia would appear like a call for help to Europeans who 
dishked slavery. Lincoln's object was showTi clearly when 
a month later he replied to the unjust criticism of Horace 
Greeley in the New York Tribune, because the President 
had not freed the slaves. He wrote, " I would save the 
Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Con- 
stitution. . . . ;My paramount object in this struggle is to 
save the Union and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. 



[863] 



The Middle Period of the War 



413 



If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would 
do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would 
doit; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving 
others alone, I would also do that." 

Soon after the victory at Antietam in September, 1862, 
President Lincoln issued his preliminary proclamation, 
stating that on January i, 1863, he would free the slaves 



Proclamation 
and results. 










- w 



A.... X. 



^^c 



jy.'' 



//,//,<..- //../i.-.,...^ 



Emancipation Proclamation (Closing Page) 

in those states or parts of states that were in insurrection 
against the United States. This was done by the regular 
proclamation on New Year's Day. The proclamation did not 
affect slavery in the loyal parts of the Union, in some of which 
it was abandoned , however, by state action before the adoption 
of the thirteenth amendment. It did not abolish the in- 
stitution of slavery even in the states then actual parts of the 
Confederacy. It intensified the opposition of the South to 
the invasion of the Union armies, but it almost destroyed hope 
of recognition by Europe of a Confederacy based on slavery. 
It did not affect radically the attitude of the people in the 
North toward the government's policy, although it met with 
approval in most of that section. 



MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No. 28. 



Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 
591-597. 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
IV, 157-163, 
212-217. 



414 



American History 



[i86: 



Chancellors- 
ville (May, 
1863). 



Dodge, 
Civil War, 
127-131. 



Battles and 
Leaders, 
III, 154-171. 



Invasion of 
Pennsylvania 
(June, 1863) . 



Dodge, 

Civil War, 
127-131= 



Battles and 
Leaders, 
III, 244-250. 



357. Chancellorsville ; Lee's Second Invasion. — The 

series of disasters to the army of the Potomac was to be 
completed at Chancellorsville, May, 1863. "Fighting Joe" 
Hooker, who had replaced Burnside, sought to get in the rear 
of Lee's army by making a long detour to the west. He 
began this movement successfully, but the vigor with which 
Lee attacked him paralyzed the Union leader and gave Lee 
an overwhelming victory over an army much larger than 

his own. At Chancellorsville, 

however, Lee lost Jackson, who 
had been an invaluable help in 
executing difficult and danger- 
ous movements whose success 
depended chiefly upon the 
rapidity and audacity with 
which they were made. 

Lee now decided to invade 
the North a second time, hop- 
ing that he might seize some 
of the northern cities and that 
even if he did not succeed to 
that extent, he might create 
a panic throughout the North 
section to make peace, Lee 
Hooker's army, separating his 
timidity of those in authority 




Thomas J. Jackson 



that would compel that 
marched to the west of 
divisions so that only the 
at Washington permitted the completion of this difficult 
movement. The chief duty of the army of the Potomac, 
according to the views of the chief commander, was 
to stand between Lee's sixty or seventy thousand vet- 
erans and the national capital. Lee was advancing into 
Pennsylvania when the Union commander was replaced by 
another. General George Meade, who threatened Lee's com- 
munications and hurriedly gathered his scattered army to 
meet the invasion. Lee turned aside from his march into 
central Pennsylvania in order to meet Meade marching 
rapidly from Washington. 



i863] 



Union Advance 



415 



Union Advance (July, 1863-JuLY, 1864) 

358. Gettysburg. — The two armies came together near July i and: 
the village of Gettysburg, in southern Pennsylvania. Fight- 
ing began on July i, only a few divisions being engaged on 
each side. On July 2, the battle began in earnest, the 




Gettysburg Battlefield 
(From Little Round Top) 



Union forces having occupied a long ridge which ended in two Dodge, 

detached hills known as Round Top and Little Round Top. <^^'^^'^ ^^''• 
Across a valley less than a mile wide, the Confederate army 

was intrenched. Other divisions of Lee's force were sta- ^^ 

Hosmer, Ap- 
tioned so that they might attack the right flank of the Union p^^i to Arms, 

army, and, if successful, get in its rear. The real fighting 287-298. 

of the second day, however, was for the possession of the two 

Round Tops which commanded the entire Union position. 

Had the Confederates gained and held these heights, Meade's 

army must inevitably have retreated. The second day closed 

with the Union line intact. 



4i6 



^rica?i Histor 



[1S63 



July 3- 

Rhodes, 

I 'fitted States, 

IV, 2S6-296. 

Battles and 
Leaders, 
III, 369-3S5. 



Difficulties in 

attacking 

Vicksburg. 

Dodge, 
(7:7/ War, 
142-147. 

Brigham, 
Geographic 
Itijiuences, 
211-217. 



On the afternoon of the third day began the final struggle 
in the most spectacular charge of the war. It opened with 
a tremendous artillery contest, the Confederate fire being 
concentrated on Cemetery Ridge, the Union center, which 
Lee desired to seize. When the Union guns ceased fire at 
length, there appeared from the woods opposite Cemetery 
hill three long lines of soldiers, the '' best fighters of the 
Confederacy," who marched across the valley against the 

Union position. Upon them 
the Union batteries opened 
with renewed vigor, but they 
marched on, charged up the 
hill, even over the embank- 
ments, their ranks thinned by 
the terrible fire from cannon 
and musket. Futile though it 
was, for the survivors were 
beaten back easily, this gallant 
charge marks the high-water 
mark reached by the Confed- 
eracy. Never again was an in- 
vasion of the North attempted, 
and from this time the fortunes of the Confederacy ebbed 
steadily, it being a question of time only until the authority 
of the Union would be reestablished everwhere in the 
South. 

359. Vicksburg. — The Union victory at Gettysburg on 
July 3 was accompanied by the capture of \'icksburg on 
July 4. Because of its location on the Mississippi, the 
strength of its fortifications, and the difiiculties of maneuver- 
ing in the country around Mcksburg, this campaign was one 
of the most important and remarkable of the war. Vicks- 
burg is located on a high bluff at the outer end of a huge 

1 Fifty years later the survivors of that terrible charge went up Cemeterj' 
Ridge, where the survivors of the Union force again received them warmly, 
this time with open arms, with hearty hand clasps, and with friendly em- 
braces. Could we have any better proof that the United States of America 
is a real Union ? 




GETTVSBIKG BATTLEHEl.U-LAST DAY 

Vnion forcea c=j Conj'edtraU forc«» •_ 



1863] 



Union Advance 



417 



bend of the river so that l)atteries on the bluff comnKUuU'd tlie 
river for miles in either direction. Attemi)ts were made in 
1862, and in the spring of 1863, to reach the city from the 
north, or directly from the west. 

Grant tried at first to hind north of the city,' but when 
he found that this was impossible, he decided to move his 
army in a semicircle through the swamps of Arkansas, and, 
by landing south of Vicksburg to attack the city from the 
southeast. This movement was attended with great risk, 
because his long 
line of communi- 
cations was ex- 
posed, and be- 
cause defeat 
would leave him 
at the mercy of 
his foe. He suc- 
ceeded finally in 
opening a water 
route through 
Arkansas. The 
gunboats above Vicksburg passed the batteries so as to 
aid him in crossing, and, late in April, he landed his 
army in Mississippi thirty miles below Vicksburg. Grant 
moved rapidly considering the physiographical difficulties 
encountered, and by the middle of May had thrust him- 
self between Pemberton, who commanded the army around 
Vicksburg, and the forces farther east. Joseph E. John- 
ston was coming to the aid of Pemberton and ordered 
that general to abandon Vicksburg and join him, but Pem- 
berton thought his own plan better and kept between 
Grant and Vicksburg. He was driven back into the city 
without delay. 

Grant tried at once to take the fortifications of Vicksburg, 
for he feared that Johnston would either unite with Pem- 
berton or would attack Grant's army in the rear. The 
works were too strong to be captured by assault, but John- 



Geographic 
Injlucnccs, 
211-217. 

Grant's route 

against 

Vicksburg. 



Dodge, 
Civi/ War, 
147-155. 




Capture of 
Vicksburg, 



4i8 



America7i History 



[1863 



Dodge, 
Civil War, 
172-178. 



Fiske, 

Miss. Valley, 
248-264. 



Dodge, ston remained inactive, and Grant was able to lay siege to the 

Civil War, ^-^y^ ^ merciless bombardment was kept up by the fleet 
and army, but the fall of the city after six weeks was due to 
the scarcity of food. On July 4 Pemberton surrendered 
with his army of more than thirty thousand men. The 
Mississippi was opened completely by the fall of Port Hud= 
son less than a week later. 
Chattanooga. 360. Operations around Chattanooga (1863). — The 

capture of Vicksburg lim- 
ited greatly the sphere of 
hostilities, confining it in 
the South to the area 
around Chattanooga and 
those districts in Alabama 
and Georgia which could be 
reached most easily from 
Chattanooga.^ Chatta^ 
nooga, the key to all this 
region, lies in the narrow 
valley of the Tennessee 
with mountains on the 
northwest, and completely 
surrounding it on the 
south. Toward the east a 
range several hundred feet high, called Missionary Ridge, 
commands the city, and on the south a higher mountain, 
Lookout Mountain, threatens the place. To Chattanooga 
Bragg was forced to withdraw from near Stone River 
(§ 354), during the summer of 1863, but Rosecrans found 
it difficult to drive his opponent from the city. He finally 
sent his divisions over the mountain trails across the 
ranges south of the city in order to cut Bragg off from his 
base of supplies. 




,^? ^"•q^'^C?^" 



COUNTRY AROL'ND CHATTANOOGl 

Showing Battlefields «nd Sieges (J863) 



^ The Confederates still held Mobile, Alabama, and places as far west 
as Meridian, Mississippi, but this hold was very slight and could have 
been broken entirely, if the troops had not been engaged in more impor- 
tant enterprises. 



1864] Union Advance 419 

Bragg immediately withdrew from Chattanooga (Sep- Chickamauga, 
tember), but as soon as he was reenforced, fell upon the 
advanced divisions of Rosecrans's army at Chickamauga Dodge, 
Creek (September 19 and 20). The wings of the Union ^^^ ^^^' 
army were driven back in terrible disorder, but Thomas 
with the center formed his lines in a semicircle and withdrew y\%\.^ 
slowly, holding at bay a force much more than double his Miss. Valley, 
own. The firmness of this reliable soldier, himself a south- 264-280. 
erner, saved the Union army. He was known thereafter 
as the " Rock of Chickamauga." 

Thomas now took command in place of Rosecrans, but was Missionary 

practically besieged in Chattanooga by Bragg, who held both Ridge. 

Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. So difficult was 

it to get supplies that the army was at one time on very short Dodge, 

rations. The arrival of Grant with reinforcements from ^^^^^ ^^'^^^ 

184-189. 
Vicksburg relieved the situation, and plans were made at 

once to get control of the heights about the town. Late in 

November, the troops were ordered to seize the rifle pits at ^^^^^ ^^^ " ' 

the foot of Missionary Ridge. These were taken without v, 3510-3513. 

difficulty and the elated soldiers without orders rushed up 

the hill and drove the Confederates from the top of the ridge 

— a reckless move only justified by its success. The Union 

army was now in complete control of Chattanooga and its 

approaches. 

361. Naval Operations (1864). — During 1863, no exten- Mobile, 
sive naval operations were undertaken along the seacoast, 
although the blockade was strengthened and Charleston Cambridge 
blockaded more carefully. In 1864 two important attacks Mod. Hist 
were made : one at Mobile, the other at Wilmington, North 
Carolina. The forts of Mobile Bay were captured in August, 
1864, by a fleet under Farragut. The wooden ships and ^^^1 ^^/ 
monitors steamed past the forts at the entrance to the bay, 3537. 
crossed the mines and torpedoes with the loss of a single 
vessel, destroyed a powerful Confederate ironclad, and 
closed the port to blockade runners. 

The attack on Wilmington was less successful. Wilming- Wilmington. 
ton was defended by a very strong fort called Fort Fisher. 



420 



American History 



[1864 



Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 

VII. 556-558. 



The Alabama. 



Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
I, 24-26. 



Battles and 
Leaders, 
IV, 600-614. 



Privateers and 
shipping. 

Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 

VII, 565-567. 

Johnson, War 

of Secession, 
402-412. 



On account of the two mouths of the Cape Fear River and 
the strength of that fort, Wilmington had remained open to 
the blockade runners until this time.^ As the Union forces 
controlled all the railways except those in the Carolinas and 
southern Virginia, Lee's army was dependent on Wilmington 
for food and supplies. Fort Fisher was attacked in Decem- 
ber, 1864, but only after great losses, in February, 1865, 
did it surrender. 

In the year 1864 the most successful of the Confeder- 
ate commerce destroyers were sunk or captured. A few of 
these had been fitted out in southern ports, but those that 
did the most damage were of British build and in some 
cases had been allowed to proceed from English ports after 
the American minister, C. F. Adams, had protested that they 
were to be used against northern commerce. The Ala- 
bama had the most successful career. After a cruise of two 
years, in which she captured no less than sixty-nine vessels, 
she fought the American warship, Kearsarge, off the harbor 
of Cherbourg, France, in June, 1864. The ships seemed 
evenly matched, but the duel was short, and in less than 
two hours the Alabama sank. 

Although only two hundred and sixty-one prizes were 
taken by all of these privateers, they practically drove 
American merchantmen from the high seas.^ Before the 
war Great Britain and the United States carried an equal 
amount of shipping, but in 1866 American vessels carried 
only about one half as much as they had in i860. The use 
of steamers in place of sailing vessels and of steel in place 
of wood was responsible also for the decline of our merchant 
marine. 



^ H. W. Wilson, in Cambridge Modern History (Vol. VII, p. 557), gives 
the following statistics of supplies entering the port at Wilmington between 
October 26, 1864, and January, 1865: 8,632,000 lb. of meat, 1,607,000 lb. 
of lead, 1,933,000 lb. of saltpeter, 546,000 pairs of shoes, 316,000 pairs of 
blankets, 500,000 lb. of coffee, 69,000 rifles, and 43 cannon. 

2 By a tribunal held in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1872, in accordance with 
an agreement reached in the treaty of Washington (1870) (§ 416), Great 
Britain paid the United States $15,500,000 for the ''Alabama claims." 



i864] 



Union Advance 



421 



362. The Advance on Atlanta (1864). — Grant was called 
to Washington in the spring of 1864 to take command of all 
the Union armies. It was decided to have the army of the 
Potomac and that at Chattanooga advance simultaneously 
so as to prevent the Confederates from shifting divisions to 
the point attacked, as they had been able to do formerly. 

Sherman ^ commanded the army in the West, whose objec- 
tive point was Atlanta. Although the distance from Chatta- 
nooga to Atlanta is only a little more than one hundred miles, 

there are several ranges of the lower ___.„_____ ^ ^ 

Appalachian mountains to be 
crossed, and only one practicable 
route to be followed. Over this a 
line of communications must be 
maintained after the army had 
passed. Sherman had a fine force 
of nearly one hundred thousand 
veterans, but he was opposed to 
Joseph E. Johnston, a commander 
but little less able than Lee in con- 
ducting a defensive campaign, with 
an army three fourths as large as his own. On account 
of his superior numbers Sherman was able to leave part 
of his force in front of Johnston, and, by moving the 
balance to one side, threaten his rear and compel him to 
abandon one fortified position after another. At Kenesaw 
Mountain Sherman was forced by the impatience of his 




William T. Sherman 



Plan of 

campaign 

(1864). 



From Chatta- 
nooga to the 
Chattahoo- 
chee. 

Johnson, War 
of Secession, 
419-429. 

Dodge, 
Civil War, 
223-243. 



Battles and 
Leaders, 
IV, 247-253, 
260-277. 



* William T. Sherman was a brother of the statesman, John Sherman, 
who was actively engaged in public life for more than forty years. Gen- 
eral Sherman had been in the South before the war and understood better 
than almost any other northern man the character of the conflict that 
would follow secession. He was appointed in 1861 to the district covering 
most of Kentucky. When he asked for 60,000 troops at once with the idea 
of increasing his army to 200,000, the report became general, " Sherman is 
crazy," and he was removed. Had the war department been wise enough to 
appreciate the sanity of his views, the war would have been shortened greatly. 
Sherman combined caution with aggressiveness and displayed as great skill 
in conducting his campaigns as any other general perhaps on the Union 
side. 



422 



American History 



[1864 



Atlanta. 

Dodge, 
Civil War, 
255-262. 



The " ham- 
mering cam- 
paign." 



Rhodes, 
United States, 
IV, 440-448. 



Dodge, Civil 
War, 197-208, 
213-222. 



Battles and 
Leaders, 
IV, 118-144. 



Hosmer, 
Outcotne of 
Civil War, 
Chapter VI. 



troops to make a direct attack, which was unsuccessful; 
but he, as well as Johnston, avoided regular battles. Con- 
sidering the skill with which both sides conducted all 
operations, this may be considered the best-managed cam- 
paign of the war. 

Johnston was finally compelled by equal generalship and 
superior numbers to take refuge beyond the Chattahoochee 
River after a two months' campaign. As Johnston had never 
had the confidence of President Davis, he was removed and 
his place filled by Hood, who was preeminently a fighter. 
Hood attacked the Union army repeatedly, several times when 
everything seemed favorable to him, but he was beaten con- 
stantly. Sherman was detained a month before Atlanta, 
but when Hood saw that the city was doomed, he withdrew 
his army. Sherman at once destroyed all of the factories 
which had provided military supplies for the Confederate 
armies. 

363. Grant in Virginia (May- July, 1864). — Grant's task 
was of greater difficulty than Sherman's, chiefly because of the 
great ability of his opponent and the remarkable spirit of 
Lee's soldiers, although the latter's army was much smaller 
than that of Grant. In some respects the natural obstacles 
encountered by Grant were more serious than those of Sher- 
man, but he did not have half the difficulty of maintaining 
communication with his base of supplies. Grant stated that 
he would '' fight it out on this Hne if it takes all summer." 
He started a " hammering campaign " which began in the 
Wilderness early in May and continued for about six v/eeks. 
With terrific blows he massed his troops and hurled them 
against Lee's lines, only to be driven back invariably. Com- 
bined with these fierce attacks he kept moving part of his 
army to the east and rear of Lee, forcing him to abandon one 
position after another. The result was the same in the 
Wilderness, at Spottsylvania, and at North Anna, until the 
armies faced each other at Cold Harbor, less than ten miles 
from Richmond. Here Grant attempted to carry Lee's posi- 
tion by direct assault, but the loss of one tenth of his men in 



1864] Union Advance 423 

ten minutes tells the story of slaughter and defeat. As he 
could make no headway, Grant moved his army across the 
James and invested Petersburg, which it was necessary to 
wrest from Lee before Richmond could be taken. Another 
direct assault following the explosion of a mine led to fur- 
ther bloodshed. In less than three months Grant lost more 
men than there were in Lee's army at the beginning of this 
titanic struggle, but the great Confederate captain had lost 
only one third as many. Grant had gained ground, but the 
honors of war were with his opponent. 

Close of the War (July, 1864-ApRiL, 1865) 

364. The Shenandoah Valley; Hood in Tennessee. — Attempts to 
During the summer of 1864, the Confederate leaders tried to ^""^^ off Grant 
loosen Grant's bull-dog grip on the defenses of Richmond 
(§ Z^Z) ^y threatening Washington. Later they tried to 
draw Sherman away from Atlanta (§ 362) by dispatching 
Hood into Tennessee. Both of these movements failed to 
divert the determined Union commanders from carrying 
out their main plan. 

In July, 1864, Early was sent to the Shenandoah and ad- Early and 
vanced to the defenses of Washington, which was defended Sheridan in the 

^ ^ ' . , , Shenandoah. 

by home guards only. But reinforcements arrived and 

Early withdrew. Grant sent Sheridan to meet Early and 

later agreed that he should lay waste the valley, so that it waT^e^-ln^. 

could not be used for military operations. Early was driven 

from the Shenandoah, which was devastated completely. Battles and 

He returned, however, and nearly succeeded in defeating Leaders, 

Sheridan's superior force, the magnetism of Sheridan's per- ^^> 500-521. 

sonality alone restoring victory after his famous ride from 

Winchester. 

Hood was disappointed when Sherman sent only a part of Nashville. 
his force to protect Tennessee, while he kept the rest at 
Atlanta. Hood swung around through Alabama and ad- Dodge, Civil 
vanced to central Tennessee. Here he was confronted by W''^^. 279-285, 
Thomas, who was gathering additional troops at Nashville. 293-301. 



424 



American History 



[1864 



The march to 
the sea. 

Dodge, Civil 
War, 2S6-292. 

Rhodes, 
United States, 

V. 7. 15-31- 

Hosmer, 
Outcome of 
Civil War, 
Chapter XII. 

Dodge, Civil 
War, 302-309. 

Rhodes, 
I ^nited States, 
V, 85-91, 
100-107. 



Sherman in the 

Carolinas. 



When he was ordered to attack Hood, Thomas offered to give 
up his command, but refused to advance until he was ready. 
The middle of December, Thomas attacked. Hood's army 
was almost annihilated, and all danger to the Union in 
the West was averted. 

365. Sherman in Georgia and the Carolinas. — When 
Sherman left Atlanta in November, 1S64, he did not attempt 
to maintain a Hne of communications z'ia Chattanooga, but, 
starting with a fair supply of provisions, planned to live on 
the country. His army of 60,000 marched in nearly parallel 
columns, separating between towns, converging at all im- 
portant places. All railways along the line of march were 
destroved, the rails being rendered useless by heating them 
at bonfires and twisting them into fantastic shapes. Al- 
though there was no intention of destroying private property 
except for food, and positive orders to that effect were 
issued, the people suffered severely. Xot only was their 
stock driven oft" and their grain seized or destroyed, but a 
great deal of damage was done to houses, barns, and furni- 
ture. This was inevitable. The march was an act of war to 
cripple an enemy and it was not always easy to prevent 
excesses. It was thought that Sherman would reach Augusta 
and then march north to cooperate with Grant, but no news 
came from him until he reached the coast near Savannah. 
That city he captured December 20, so that, as he said, he 
offered it as a Christmas present to the President. 

Leaving Savannah in January he advanced to Columbia, 
and after burning the factories, stores, and supplies at that 
point, proceeded northeasterly into North CaroHna. Wil- 
mington had already fallen into Union hands and Charleston 
was abandoned when Sherman reached Columbia, so that 
the Confederacy was reduced now to a strip but three hun- 
dred miles in length and much narrower, Lee holding the 
northern end and Johnston, again in command, striWng in- 
eff'ectually with 25.000 men to check Sherman's advance. 

366. The End of the War. — At Petersburg Grant and 
Lee spent the fall and winter trying to gain some advantage 



[865] 



Close of tlic War 



425 



over the other, without result. With spring Grant was able 
to continue his lines farther to the south and west, hoping 
to cut off Lee's retreat. He accomplished his purpose at 
length when Sheridan captured Five Forks on the railway 
in Lee's rear. Lee, forced to abandon Petersburg and Rich- 
mond, marched toward the mountains, hoping also to join 
Johnston ; but his soldiers were starving, and at Appomattox 
Court House, April 9, the 30,000 survivors of his army 
surrendered to Grant. The simple soldier left to his brave 
opponents their horses as well as their swords and the close 
of the campaign was marked by acts of kindliness and 
unselfishness worthy of two commanders who were not only 
great captains 
but noble men. 
Johnston sur- 
rendered to 
Sherman two 
weeks later, and 
with the cap- 
ture of isolated 
bands the great 
struggle came 
to a close. 

In all history 

there is no record of any national contest greater than 
this. For four years those who wished to preserve the 
Union had given freely of men and money. With cour- 
age and determination they had pressed back their op- 
ponents, step by step, until there was nothing left to defend. 
It has been said that the secession movement was one of 
leaders and not of the people. If the events of the winter of 
1860-1861 do not disprove this, certainly the later years show 
that the South was united as few nations ever have been. 
Her soldiers fought with courage equal to that of their 
brothers in the North. But all of the advantage of inside 
lines, campaigning on their own soil, and skillful leadership 
could not counterbalance the greater numbers and the in- 




et^ 



LiHBY PRIS(_)N 



Surrender of 
Lee and 
Johnston. 



Dodge, Civil 
War, 310-319 



Battles and 
Leaders, 
IV, 708-722. 



Results to 
the South, 



426 



American History 



[1S64 



Lincoln's 
supporters and 
opponents. 

Cambridge 
.\fod. Hist., 
573-575- 

Rhodes, 

L ^nited States, 

IV, 223-230. 



Election of 
1S64. 



Johnson, War 

of Secession, 
468-4S0. 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter XXII. 



Hosmer, 
Outcome of 
Ciz'il War, 
Chapter IX. 



Death of 

Lincoln. 



finitely greater resources of the free North. The South had 
sacrificed everything on the altar of slavery and state sov- 
ereignty. It was almost a case of all is lost save honor. 

367. The People and Lincoln's Government. — During 
the critical years of the war, Lincoln was fortunate in hav- 
ing the support of Congress and of the North. His wisdom 
in insisting from first to last that his sole purpose was to 
save the L'nion did much to gain the goodwill of the Demo- 
crats. The earnestness with which the great body of that 
party supported the war was due even more to the fervent 
appeals of Douglas and other Democratic leaders, who in- 
sisted that the question was one purely of patriotism and not 
of politics. Nevertheless there was a large number of per- 
sons at the North who desired peace above everything else. 
Many of these men opposed the arbitrary acts of the Presi- 
dent. Prominent among the critics of the government was 
congressman Vallandigham of Ohio, who was arrested 
(1S63), denied the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus^ 
tried by a military tribunal, and banished to the South. 

The election of 1S62 had decreased the number of Re- 
publicans in the House of Representatives, although it left 
the Republicans in control of both houses. As the time for 
election approached (1S64), it became evident that the dis- 
contented members of both parties would try to prevent the 
reelection of Lincoln; but as the campaign progressed, 
party differences were forgotten and from all sides people 
ralHed to the support of the President. The Democratic 
candidate. General George B. ^IcCleUan, was nominated on 
a platform which declared that the war was a failure and that 
peace should be made at once, ^•iews which McClellan did 
not countenance. For the second place on the ticket with 
Lincoln, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, a I'nion Democrat, 
was selected. McClellan carried only three states, and gained 
21 electoral votes to 212 for Lincoln, although Lincoln's 
popular majority vras only 400.000 in a total vote of 4,000,000. 

Six weeks after the second inauguration, and but five days 
after Lee surrendered to Grant, Lincoln was struck down bv 



1 864] Close of the War 427 

an assassin. In the midst of rejoicing over the return of 
peace, the nation lost the leader who had grown great under 
the heavy duties of his position. Lowell spoke truly when 
he called Lincoln, 

" The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man. 
Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, 
New birth of our new soil, the first American." 

368. Summary of the Campaigns. — When the war began First half of 
the armies of the Confederate states controlled not only the ^^^ ^^■'^^• 
territory of the eleven seceding states, but one half that of 
Missouri, Kentucky, and western Virginia. The North had 
possession of Fort Monroe in Virginia and Fort Pickens and 
Key West in Florida. I-n the fall of 1861 northern troops 
occupied the Ohio, which might be called the first line of 
Confederate defense. Early in the spring of 1862, by vic- 
tories at Pea Ridge, Island No. 10, and Donelson, they seized 
the second line of defense and gained entire control of the 
border states. Later in 1862 they broke through the third 
line of Confederate defense by capturing Memphis on the 
Mississippi and Corinth on the railways farther east. At 
the same time they gained a foothold on the lower Mississippi 
by capturing New Orleans, but were repulsed before Rich- 
mond and compelled to withdraw from the " peninsula." 
The Confederates then assumed the offensive, Lee defeating 
the Union troops at Bull Run and then invading ^laryland, 
Bragg at the same time invading Kentucky. These inva- 
sions failed, although the Confederates regained some of the 
territory that they had lost. 

After two great victories over the army of the Potomac, Second half 
Lee again invaded the North, but was defeated at Gettys- of the war. 
burg in July, 1863, at the same time that Grant captured 
Vicksburg by attacking from the rear. In the fall of 1863 
Union troops, after successive defeats and victories, gained 
possession of Chattanooga, Sherman in 1864 pushing on to 
Atlanta ; while Grant, by hard fighting and maneuvering, 
W'as forcing Lee south through Virginia. While Grant 



428 



A »i eric ail His to fy 



[1S65- 



Cost of the war. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Rcf., 

V. 3559-3560. 

Blaine, TiLvnty 
Years of 
Congress, 
I. 549-562, 



Return to 
peace. 



Rogers, Dn-f. 

or\\\^rth, 

31-34- 



was hammering away at Lee's lines at Petersburg, Sherman 
gamed control of Georgia and Soutli CaroUna. Lee and 
Johnston now attempted to join and avoid being caught 
between Grant and Sherman, but they were unable to unite 
and surrendered separately. 

369. Conclusion. — The question is asked sometimes 
whether the result justified the cost. As the result must 
be measured by the destruction of slavery and tlie perfec- 
tion of national unity, while the cost may be reckoned in 
human lives ^ and billions of dollars,- no satisfactory answer 
can be given. Certainly the unification of the nation was an 
end beside which the appalling money cost of the war is 
comparatively insignificant. In human lives the price was 
too dear if this terrible conflict could by any possibility have 
been avoided. 

Among the most serious results of all great wars are 
the extravagance they produce and the idleness and reckless- 
ness they develop. The direct wastes of the war, the un- 
reasonable prices paid for poor food and inferior uniforms 
constituted a large item in the government's bill of expenses. 
After the kivish expenditures of the war it was difficult for 
the government and the people to return to the simple 
ways of the past. Xo nation, however, has suft'ered so 
Httle from the disbanding of great armies as we did after 
1865. Most of the Confederate troops were paroled at 
once, and before December, iS6q, more than ^oo,ooo 



*The loss of life on the Union side is reported at 350,528; that of the 
Confederates was probably Uttle less. Besides this number we should 
count the hundreds of thousands who were crippled for life because of 
wounds, or diseases due to the hardships of the war. 

2 The debt of the United States at tlie close of the war was two and three 
foxirths billions; but to this must be added about $750,000,000 raised by 
taxation during the war, besides the interest on the debt and amounts paid 
for pensions since 1S65. The aggregate cost to the national government 
has been nearly eight biUions. If we add to this the cost to the separate 
states of the Union, the cost to the Confederacy, the value of property de- 
stroyed, the direct losses due to injury to business, the depreciation of 
paper currency, and other losses, we should obtain a sum very much greater 
than the total assessed valuation of property in the loyal states in 1S60. 



1865] The Civil War 429 

Union soldiers had been disbanded, the army being re- 
duced soon after to a peace footing of 25,000 men. Very- 
few of these men joined the ranks of idlers. The southern- 
ers returned to their plantations, all of which had been 
neglected and many of which were practically ruined. 
The northerners rejoined the ranks of workers and enjoyed 
the prosperity of a period of unusual business activity. 
Numerous associations were organized to continue the com- 
radeship begun during the war, notably the Grand Army 
of the Republic. These organizations of old soldiers have 
been an important influence in the life of the nation, 

TOPICS 

1. Capture of New Orleans: Fiske, "Mississippi Valley in 
the Civil War," pp. 1 1 1-132 ; Mahan, " The Gulf and Inland Waters," 
pp. 52-90; "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," II, pp. 13-102. 

2. Gettysburg: Burgess, "Civil War and Constitution," II, 
pp. 157-179; Wood-Edmonds, "Civil War in United States," 
pp. 215-246; Johnson, " War of Secession," pp. 248-269 ; Doubleday, 
" Chancellorsville and Gettysburg," pp. 87-210. 

3. ViCKSBURG Campaign: Fiskc, "Mississippi Valley," pp. 221- 
247; Wood-Edmonds, "Civil War," pp. 247-273; Sherman, "Mem- 
oirs," I, Chapter XII; Grant, "Personal Memoirs," I, pp. 250-337; 
Greene, "The Mississippi," pp. 91-208; "Battles and Leaders," 

III, pp. 462-598. 

STUDIES 

1. The navy on the upper Mississippi (1862). (Mahan, "Gulf 
and Inland Waters," pp. 9-51.) 

2. Incidents of a campaign. (Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," 

IV, Nos. 86-88, 90.) 

3. Personal experiences in the Civil War. ("Battles and Leaders,'* 
II, pp. i53-i59» 189-199.) 

4. Morgan's raid. (Cox, "Reminiscences of the Civil War," 
I, pp. 491-509-) 

5. The draft riots in Nev^ York. (Johnson, " War of Secession," 
pp. 290-306.) 

6. The fight for Round Top. ("Battles and Leaders," III, 
pp. 318-330.) 

7. Greeley's estimate of Lincoln. {Century^ 42 (1891), pp. 371— 
382.) 



43 o American History [1865 

S. Vallandigham's opposition to the government. (Johnston 
(ed.), "American Eloquence," IV, pp. 82-02.) 

0. The battle of the Crater. (Wise, "End of an Era," pp. 346- 

10. Spirit of the Xonh *(i^^4-iS^5)' (Hosmer, "Outcome of 
the Ci\-il War," Chapter XV.) 

11. Spirit of the South, (Hosmer, "Outcome," Chapter XVI.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. At what points ^\*as the South most \iilnerable? Was the 
Union plan of campaign the one best suited to the conditions? Show 
the importance of Cairo, Corinth. Vicksburg, Chattanooga. 

2. Could the war have been ended by the capture of Richmond 
in 1S62? Why was the possession of Xew Orleans of \-alue to the 
Union armies in Tennessee? Show the importance of the na\y in 
the western aimjxiigns. 

3. Why did Lee attempt to in\-ade the X'orth ? \\'hy did he fail 
in each case? Were his northern campaigns conducted with less 
skill than that in Virginia in 1S64? 

4. Were the burning of Atlanta and the de^-astation of the Shenan- 
doah \-alley justified? What was the real importance of Sherman's 
march to the sea ? 

5. Could the cost of the war in men or money haN-e been reduced 
easily? Did the results of the war justify the cost? How was the 
Union different in 1S65 from wliat it had been in 1S61 ? 



CHAPTER XVIII 

POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION 

Presidents 
Andrew Johnson (1865-1869) Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877) 

370. Lincoln, Johnson, and Reconstruction. — Less llian Lincoln and 
a week after Lee surrendered to Gniiit at Appomattox ^^^8^^^^- 
Lincoln was dead. His assassination, which was part of a 
plot to kill Johnson, Seward, and Grant also, was most Cf. Rhodes, 
unfortunate for the nation, since the problems of reconstruc- y^ _j ^ ' 
tion were but little less serious than those of the war. In 
fact there was greater need that the president possess tact 
and skill in dealing with men after the war than during its 
prosecution. While there was danger from southern armies, 
the nation rallied around the President, overlooked his 
mistakes, and gave him its united support. Congress had 
acquiesced, gracefully on most occasions, in the unusual 
acts of Lincoln and had allowed him a free hand even when 
he used powers that were legislative in character. The 
close of the war changed the situation radically. 

Having been unselfish during the war. Congress was Situation 
more jealous of its prerogatives in the period following. ^^^ *''^' ^'°^^ °^ 
It did not propose to allow the president to settle questions 
which belonged in any respect to the legislative department. 
When we consider the delicacy of the problems — the way 
the seceding states should be treated, the attitude of the 
national government toward those who had taken part in 
the Civil War, more than all, what should be done for and 
with the blacks — we can realize that there should have 
been perfect harmony between the president and Congress. 
Lincoln could have preserved cordial relations with the 
law-making branch of the government, for he possessed the 

431 



432 



American History 



[186: 



Andrew 
Johnson. 



Rhodes. 

I 'niUd States, 

V. 517-526. 



Three 
problems. 



The blacks. 



confidence of Congress and the people. He understood the 
situation as well as any one; he had become preeminently 
a leader of men. That his reputation may have sufltered 
had he lived is unquestioned. But when he left the great 
duties of his office to his subordinate, the nation lost as much 
as his reputation may have gained. 

Andrew Johnson had been selected for the second place 

on the Republican ticket 
because he was an earnest 
Union Democrat, a south- 
ern man who had been 
lov-al. Deprived of early 
advantages, he had edu- 
cated himself late in life, 
and, by the force of a 
powerful personality, had 
risen step by step until 
accident placed him in 
the president's chair. But 
he possessed few qualities 
to commend him to the 
great otnce even in ordinary times. Although a man of 
unusual intelligence and will power, he was tactless and 
^-indictive, intemperate in thought, speech, and act, the 
opposite in almost every respect of the man whose place he 
took, whose cabinet he retained, whose policy he adopted, 
whose popularity for a time covered his most glaring defects. 

Rf.coxstructiox ( I S65-1S 70) 

371. The Problem of Reconstruction. — When the war 
closed, the national government was forced to find solu- 
tions for three problems: (I) What should be done 
with the slaves? (II) How should those persons who 
had belonged to the Confederacy be treated? (Ill) 
How should the Confederate states be restored or recon- 
structed ? 

(I) South and Xorth agreed that slavery should be abol- 




Andrew Tohnson 



1865] Rcconstniction 433 

ished. The slaves had been freed by the emancipation proc- MacDonaid, 
lamation (§ 356) in part of the South, but slavery had not ^^^^"^^-'^ 
been abolished during the war except inlNIaryland, although 
both \\'est Virginia and Missouri had provided for gradual 
emancipation. The thirteenth amendment to the national 
Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United 
States, was passed by the necessary two thirds in each house 
of Congress in January, 1865, and ratified by more than three 
fourths of the states, North and South, by December, 1865. 
It gave Congress the right to prevent the reestablishment 
of slavery. This was only the beginning of legislation for 
the blacks, as the protection of the freedmen was the osten- 
sible cause of most of the reconstruction legislation. 

(II) Most of those who had taken part in the war against Southerners. 
the government of the United States were allowed to resume 

their normal rights as citizens on taking an oath to support Johnston, 

the Constitution of the United States and abide by its laws. ^'"- ^"^^ "'^^- 

.11, 484-487. 
Those high in civil or military authority were debarred until 

1868, when President Johnson declared a complete amnesty 

11 1 1 1 • • 1 • 1 ^. •, TTT /". MacDonaid, 

for all who had participated in the Civil War. Congress, statutes, 

which had claimed the right to control this subject of am- Nos. 46, 75, 94. 

nestles, prevented most of those important persons from 

holding any office, state or national, until several years 

later.^ 

(III) Legally and theoretically the greatest difficulties Status of the 
of this period were presented by the questions: What was seceding states, 
the status of the Confederate states ? Were they in the Union 

or out of the Union ? To admit that they were out of the 
Union would have been to acknowledge the right of secession, 
the success of secession, or both. If it was claimed that they 
were in the Union, there was really no " reconstruction " 
problem, only need of restoration of the states to their normal 
relations with their sister states, 

372. Status of Seceding States. — Several theories were Theories 
developed, soon after 1865, presenting dift'erent points of as to the status. 
view. The southern and the presidential theories agreed 



* The fourteenth amendment gave Congress this power. 

2 F 



434 



America ti History 



[1865 



Dunning, 

Reconstruction, 

99-112. 



Hart, Contem- 
poraries, IV, 
Nos. 145-149. 



Congressional 
plan of 
reconstruction. 



that the states were still parts of the Union, but out of their 
constitutional relations to the central government. They 
stated that restoration should take place through action of the 
people of each state, under limitations prescribed, according 
to the first, by those people; according to the second, by the 
president. Charles Sumner held the theory that when a 
state tries to secede, it commits suicide as a state, and be- 
comes merely a part of the ter- 
ritory of the Union under its 
control m regard to local,, as 
well as national, affairs, i.e. the 
states reverted to the condi- 
tion of territories. Thaddeus 
Stevens went further, and in 
the conquered prcrdnce theory 
advocated the view that the 
South was not even in the con- 
dition of territories; that it 
was a conquered district. He 
therefore proposed wholesale 
confiscation and appropriation 
of land to negroes. This sug- 
gestion was the basis of the doctrine that every freedman 
should have forty acres and a mule. 

As none of these theories was acceptable to moderate 
men, the theory of jorfeited rights came to be the basis of 
final reconstruction. It held that the people of the states 
had forfeited their rights by attempted secession, and that 
those rights could be restored to them only on the fulfill- 
ment of certain conditions. The judge of what the condi- 
tions should be, and when they had been fulfilled, was 
Congress, because Congress was instructed by the Constitu- 
tion to guarantee to each state a republican form of gov- 
ernment. This theory was upheld by the Supreme Court 
of the United States in the case of Texas w White (1868). 
373. Restoration under Johnson (1865). — President 
Lincoln and his successor, President Johnson, were anxious 




Thaddeus Stevens 



1865] 



Reconstruction 



435 



to have the seceded states restored to their constitutional The presiden- 

relations as soon as possible. To this end they used their ^^^^ P^^" ^" 

1 . , . ^ . . , operation, 

power as commanders m chief to grant amnesties and par- 



Johnston, 



dons, and, in addition, declared that when a state govern- 
ment had been formed by loyal voters equal to one tenth ''Am. Pol. Hist., 
of the whole number of voters in i860, they would recognize li. 434-439- 




The Supreme Court 

(During the Reconstruction Period) 

such a government and declare the state fully restored. "f d"^' 

^ ■^ and Recon- 

This plan which Lincoln had formulated Johnson put into struction, 

operation.^ When Congress assembled in December, 1865, 75-83- 



^The states of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee had reorganized their 
governments in accordance with Lincoln's instructions before the close of 
the war. In Virginia there had been for years a loyal government which 
claimed to be the legal government of the state. This was accepted by 
both Lincoln and Johnson as the regular government of Virginia. In the 
other states that had attempted to secede from the Union, the President 
appointed, during the summer of 1865, provisional governors, under whom 
the work of reorganization or restoration was to be performed. In most 
of these states conventions were called without delay. Those persons were 
allowed to vote who were included in the amnesty proclamations of the 
president, and the conventions were allowed to decide who might vote 
thereafter in the state or hold any office. 



436 



^ ;;/ erica n His to 



O' 



[1865 



Burgess, Re- 
construction, 
35-41- 

Opposition in 
Congress. 

Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist,, 
n. 44^452^ 

Rhodes, 
United States, 

V, 549-550. 



Southern 

apprenticeship 

laws. 



Burgess, Re- 
construcfum, 
45-55- 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, IV. 
Nos. 143, 151. 



Second Freed- 
nien's Bureau 
BiU. 



the president announced that regular state governments had 
been restored in all of the southern states but two. 

Congress immediately appointed a joint committee on 
reconstruction to decide all questions regarding the states 
that had tried to secede. Opposition to the President's 
plan of restoration developed at once, not simply because 
Congress believed that it had the right to decide the con- 
ditions under which reconstruction should be allowed, but 
because little of importance would be accomplished by the 
war if the southern states were restored to the Union and 
allowed sole control over the blacks. This danger was 
real to most of the congressmen, for they desired to give 
the former slaves not only freedom but the suffrage as well. 
The thirteenth amendment forbidding slavery was adopted 
in December, 1S65, but at the same time came alarming 
reports from all parts of the South that the restored states 
were reenslaving the blacks. 

374. Freedmen Legislation. — :Most of the southern states, 
proceeding on the assumption that Johnson's plan of res- 
toration had reestablished their position in the Union, 
passed, during the fall of 1865 and the following winter, 
apprenticeship and vagrancy laws for the freedmen. All 
colored minors were to be apprenticed, if possible, to their 
former masters. All negroes who were not employed, or 
who were guilty of attending meetings, were deemed va- 
grants and their services were sold to the highest bidder. 
To Congress and to the majority of the people of the North 
these laws seemed to establish a new form of slaver}'- that 
would be perfected when the states were unquestionably 
again in the Union. Congress was induced to pass several 
laws for the purpose of protecting the blacks and to delay 
reconstruction until definite and permanent guarantees had 
been secured which would protect the blacks from their 
former masters. 

The first of these laws was the second Freedmen's Bureau 
Bill. In March, 1S65, the Freedmen's Bureau had been 
created for the war and a period of one year thereafter to 



1 866] R eco nstructioft 437 

provide food, clothing, and shelter for needy freedmen and MacDonald, 

to apportion vacant lands for their use. The new bill (Feb- ^^^^"^''^> 

ruary, 1866) created an organization that had an agent in 

every county in the South. No time limit was designated, 

and the powers of the bureau were enlaru;ed so that its ,, ., , ' , 

^ ^ United States, 

agents looked after not only destitute negroes but every v, 568-574. 

freedman. The agent was really a judicial officer who could 

try cases where a negro's rights had not been respected by the Burgess, AV- 

whites, or where a black had been punished with unneces- construction, 

sary severity. To leave such vague yet extensive power in ^ ^' ^7-9o- 

the hands of an agent of the central government in recently 

conquered territory was of course a dangerous procedure. 

The bill was vetoed by Johnson, on the grounds that it was 

a war measure applied to territory in which peace had been 

restored fully, and that the central government had no 

authority to exercise jurisdiction in this way. The bill 

failed to obtain the necessary two thirds to make it a law 

at this time, but four months later a more severe bureau bill 

was passed over the President's veto. 

375. Civil Rights Bill and Amendment XIV (1866). — Civil Rights 

Although the radicals in Congress may have desired the ^'^^' 

humiliation of the South, the majority wished simply to 

protect the negroes. Those in power in Congress decided MacDonald, 

that this could be secured only by changes in the national j^.^ ' 

law and Constitution which the states could not alter. 

This led to the enactment in April, 1866, of a Civil Rights „ 

^ ' ^ Burgess, Re- 

Bill which declared that persons born in the United States construction, 

were citizens of the United States and that they had the 68-73. 

right to make and enforce contracts, to protect themselves 

in the courts, to acquire and dispose of property. There Rhodes, 

was to be no discrimination under the civil or criminal law ^^"^^^'^ states, 

V, 583-587. 

on account of race or color. The President naturally vetoed 
a bill that not only changed the status of the negroes so 
materially, but which took from the states powers that had 
been exercised by them since the formation of the Union. 
Congress passed the bill over his veto (April, 1866), showing 
that the Republicans had broken completely with Johnson. 



438 



American History 



[1866 



Fourteenth 
amendment. 



Johnston, 
Am. Pol. Hist., 
11,454,467. 



Burgess, Re- 
construction, 
73-80. 



Provisions of 
the acts. 



MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
Nos. 56, 62, 
64, 67. 



Johnston; 
Am. Pol. Hist., 
II, 462-465. 



Soon after it was decided to combine in a single amend- 
ment to the United States Constitution the principles of the 
Civil Rights Act and other articles which would embody 
important results of the recent war. In its final draft this 
most important amendment was as follows: (i) It defined 
United States citizenship. " All persons born or naturalized 
in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof 
are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein 
they reside." It protected the rights of these citizens. 

(2) When a state denied to any men v/ho were citizens of the 
United States the right to vote, the state should lose a number 
of representatives in the lower house of Congress in pro- 
portion to the number of citizens excluded from voting. 

(3) Persons who had broken their oaths to support the 
Constitution of the United States should be allowed to hold 
state or national office only by a two thirds vote in the houses 
of Congress. (4) The validity of the United States war 
debts was affirmed, those of the Confederacy and seceding 
states were declared illegal and void. 

376. Military Reconstruction (1867-1870). — As the fall 
elections in 1866 increased the Republican majority in 
both houses of Congress, the plans of the leaders were per- 
fected and enacted into law early in 1867. The Military 
Reconstruction Acts ^ provided that the ten unreconstructed 
states ^ of the South should be divided into five military dis- 
tricts, each of which was to be controlled by a general of 
the army, (i) These generals were to enroll in each 
state as voters all men over twenty-one, without regard to 
color, except those debarred for participation in rebellion. 
(2) The voters should elect a convention that should adopt 
a state constitution, one part of which must provide for 
manhood suffrage. (3) This constitution must be ratified 
by the registered voters, and approved by Congress. (4) The 
legislature elected under this constitution must ratify the 
fourteenth amendment. During this process of recon- 



1 Acts of March 2, March 23, and July 19, 1867. 

2 Reconstruction had been completed in Tennessee in 1866. 



1870] Reconstruction 439 

struction the general had almost arbitrary power, including 
even the right to set aside state or local laws or remove 
officials. When it was completed, the state was '' read- 
mitted " to the Union. 

It was found that less than ten per cent of the men were Reconstruction 
excluded from voting, although of course all of the former under the acts. 
leaders were debarred. The black voters outnumbered 
the whites in five states, but in only two states did the blacks 
have a majority of the delegates to the conventions, although ^^ p^^ Hist 
the friends of reconstruction controlled the situation in most ll, 465-471. 
of the states. Reconstruction was completed before July i, 
1868, in North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, 
Louisiana, and Arkansas. The other four states — Virginia, MacDonaid, 
Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas — were obliged to accept j^^^ gg' 69, 76, 
the fifteenth amendment as well before reconstruction was 81, 82, 83, 89. 
completed and their representatives were admitted to Con- 
gress. This unwise amendment made negroes voters on the 
same terms as whites throughout the United States. In this 
way the plan of protecting the negroes was perfected, since 
the thirteenth amendment had given them freedom and 
the fourteenth had made them citizens. 

Incidents of the Reconstruction Period (1867-1877) 

377. The Impeachment of Johnson. — The difference of Quarrel be- 
opinion existing between the President and Consrress on the ^Z^^^} ^ ^ 

. ■ ^ President and 

subject of reconstruction developed rapidly into a quarrel, congress. 
after his veto in February, 1866, of the second Freedmen's 
Bureau Bih. The President publicly criticised Stevens and Cambridge 
other reconstruction leaders and by this attitude won not ^"'^- ^"^•' 
only the dislike of all the leaders in Congress, but lost the ' ^ ~ ^°* 
support of the moderate Republicans who had been un- 
willing to break with the President. As the Republicans Division, 
had a two thirds majority in both houses of Congress, all ^ 129-131. 
bills relating to the reconstruction plan of Congress were 
passed over Johnson's veto. When the election of 1866 in- Johnston, 
creased the opposition in Congress to the President, he made .^^' ^^ \^ '^ '' 
a trip through the North, called " swinging round the circle," 



440 



American History 



[1867 



Tenure of 
Office Act. 

MacDonald, 

Statutes, 
No. 57. 



Johnston, - 
Am. Pol. Hist., 
II. 499-501- 



Impeachment 
and trial. 



MacDonald, 

Statutes, 
No. 66. 



on which he attacked the Republican leaders and declared 
that Congress was '' no Congress," because the southern 
states were unrepresented. In March, 1867, Congress had 
its revenge, (i) It passed the drastic militar}' reconstruction 
acts over the President's veto. (2) It limited the president's 
control of the army as commander in chief by compelling 
him to issue all orders through the general of the army. 
(3) It passed the famous Tenure of Office Act which pre- 
vented the president from re- 
moving officials from office 
without the consent of the 
Senate.^ (4) Finally, it ad- 
journed March 4, 1S67, to 
meet, the same day, as the 
fortieth Congress. 

The members of Congress 
believed that without these 
acts the President would use 
the great power of his o^ce, 
especially his control of the pat- 
ronage, to defeat their recon- 
struction policy. The more 
radical members, in fact, de- 
sired the removal of the President, so that the president 
pro tempore of the Senate might become acting chief execu- 
tive. The Tenure of Office Act precipitated the quarrel. 
Johnson attempted to remove his secretary of war, Stanton, 
who had been dictatorial and refused to resign. Stanton 
denied that the President might remove him and defeated 
every attempt to gain possession of his office. The House 
of Representatives eagerly seized up9n the attempt to re- 
move Stanton as a sufficient pretext for impeaching the 
President, which it did in February, 1S68. The trial before 
the Senate lasted about six weeks. Chief justice Chase of 




Edwin M. Stamon 



^ The Constitution requires the consent of the Senate in appointments, 
but is silent on the subject of removals. Since 17S9 the president had 
exercised sole power of making removals. 



1872] Incidents of tJie Rcconstnictioii Period 441 

the Supreme Court presiding, as the Constitution prescribes Johnston, 

when a president is tried. The excitement was intense, ^"'- ^"^^^ ^''^^'* 

II, 499-505. 
tremendous pressure being brought to bear on the Re- 

pubHcan senators who did not beHeve the President to be 
guihy of " high crimes or misdemeanors." When the vote 
was taken, it was learned that thirty-five senators stood for 
conviction and nineteen for acquittal, one less than the two 
thirds required for removal from office. 

378. Carpetbag Government in the South. — In almost Misgovern- 
all of the states the reconstructed governments were con- "^^"^ ^" *^^^ 
trolled by the negro voters. A large proportion, perhaps a 
majority, of the offices were held by northerners who had 
settled in the South at the close of the war. Some of these ^^^^ p^^ Hist 
men were adventurers in search of wealth and power, 11, 471-475. 
who, at the beginning, carried their possessions in home- 
made carpetbag grips. Under the rule of such men, with Hart, Contem- 
such supporters, conditions were ideal for misgovernment pof^^^i^^' 
and corruption. Although the South was impoverished, it 
furnished rich pickings for these social vultures. Taxes 
became so heavv that thev often exceeded the grross value " ^^^.^' 

' ^ '^ Own Times, 

of the crops. Thousands of fine plantations and magnifi- 112-122. 

cent halls were sold because the owners were unable to carry 

the heavy burdens placed upon them. The people were 

often subjected to insult and oppression at the hands of 

ignorant and greedy rulers. 

The young and reckless southerners sought relief by Ku Klux Klan. 

organizing a secret society known as the Ku Klux Klan, the 

ostensible purpose of which was the intimidation of the Johnston, 

neerro voters. Nisrhtlv visitors robed in white called at negro ^"^' ^^^' ^^^^^ 

11.487-492. 
cabins and terrified the superstitious blacks. But the more 

violent whites did not stop with that. There was great „ 

^ ^ Burgess, Re- 

temptation to end the misrule by resort to torture and murder, construction. 
At length the national government interfered, passing in 250-261. 
1870 and 1 87 1 two force acts which permitted the use of the 
United States army to uphold the reconstruction govern- 
ments and protect them from their enemies. 

After 1872, when the last of the Confederate leaders 



442 



American History 



[i8: 



Results of 
carpetbag 
government. 

Burgess, Re- 
ccnstructiofi, 

247-249. 
261-264. 

Andrews, Our 
Oivn Times, 
I22-I3a 



Fraud and 
extravagance. 



Tweed ring in 
New York. 

Andrews, Our 
Own Times, 
li-i6. 



were pardoned, the whites gradually regained control of 
their state and local governments. South Carolina and 
Louisiana, both of which had a large majority of negroes, 
were the last to establish white rule, after several years 
of bitter partisan warfare. In Virginia and the other states 
in which the whites predominated, carpetbag government 
had never secured a serious hold, but in Louisiana, for 
example, the results of misgovernment can be measured in 
part by the terrible financial condition of the state. For 
several years the average annual expenditures of the state 
government were six millions, and in four years the debt of 
the state had increased from less than seven millions to more 
than forty millions. What those figures represented cannot 
be imagined easily; they cannot be described in such a text 
as this at all. 

379. City Government and Corruption. — One of the most 
distinctive political features of American history in the 
decade following the Civil War was the prevalence of cor- 
ruption in all of our governments, national, state, and city. 
Aside from the carnival of misrule in the South under carpet- 
bag government there was a greater amount of bribery, 
fraud, and theft in some of our larger northern cities tlian 
elsewhere. During these years the cities grew rapidly, but 
the increase in the number of duties they performed far 
outstripped the increase in population. Franchises were 
given freely by the cities to pri^•ate corporations which 
furnished water or gas, or operated street railways. These 
franchises were often of great value and continued in force 
for very long periods. The amount of money required for 
necessary expenditures was much greater than formerly, 
and most of our city governments unfortunately fell into the 
hands of ignorant and corrupt politicians. 

New York sutfered so much more than any other city that 
she seemed to be in a class by herself. A ring of poUtidans 
under the lead of ''Boss" Tweed gained control, and, by 
systematic theft covering a number of years, robbed tlie 
city of a sum probably little less than $100,000,000. Public 



1S69] hicidtjits of tJic Rccoustnictioi Period 443 



United States, 
VI, 392-410. 



attention was centered on the ring by the striking cartoons Rhodes, 
of Thomas Nast, which appeared in Harper's Weekly. 
When the New York Times published definite information 
regarding thefts by the ring, pubhc-spirited men Uke Samuel 
Tilden devoted their attention to bringing the leaders to 
justice. A number of Tweed's associates were convicted, 
and the boss died in jail several years later. 




i\HO S)C-E THt rECF.li "i^Nir; 



TWA5 HIM. 



From Harper's M'eekly, by permission. 

NAST'a Famous Tweed Ring Cartoon 

380. The Administrations of Grant (186 9- 1 8 77). — Al- Grant's 
though General Grant had had no experience in public affairs poii^iesc 
he was the unanimous choice of his party in 1868 and was 
elected almost without opposition. He proceeded to carry 
out the Congressional policy of reconstruction (§ 376) and 
gave his consent, in a rather half-hearted way, however, to the 
plan of those that wished hard money instead of an inflated 
paper currency (§ 390). In dealing with foreign affairs, 
his administration was quite successful, owing to the skill 
of his secretary of state, Hamilton Fish; but Grant's favorite 



444 



American History 



[1S72 



Election of 
1872, 

Burgess, Re- 
construction, 
264-268. 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter XXIV. 



Andrew-s, Our 
Chun Times, 
6&-78. 



Civil service 
under Grant. 



Rhodes. 

L Jtited Stipes, 

VI, 385-390. 



Credit Mo- 
bilier and 
Whisky ring. 

Andrews, Our 
Own Times, 
104-109, 200- 
205, 237-242. 



scheme of annexing Santo Domingo failed, because it did not 
meet the approval of his advisers or of the people. 

The election of 1872 was interesting chietly because 
of the attempt of the Democrats to join the reform RepubH- 
cans and because of the Labor platform. Horace Greeley 
was nominated by the Liberal Republicans and Democrats, 
but his campaign was mismanaged and his death soon after 
election compUcated matters. The interesting platform of 
the Labor party contained several planks that were received 
with derision in that day, but have found a place in the 
nation's law. Among these were demands that Chinese 
laborers be excluded from the United States, that the 
national government supervise the affairs of railways and 
telegraphs, that contract labor in prisons be abandoned. 
They asked for civil service reform, an eight hour day for 
private contract work on public buildings, lease but not 
sale of all public lands, and a paper currency issued on the 
credit of the people but not through the banks. 

381. National Political Scandals. — Grant was so honest 
himself and had such confidence in the men by whom he was 
surrounded that he was imposed upon by them. Positions 
were created to furnish berths for dishonest pohticians. 
The civil service became filled with unfit men. Inefficiency 
and corruption were prevalent in the national government 
as nowhere else except in Xew York City and in the South. 
In response .to a demand for reform, a civil service com- 
mission was appointed in 1S71 to select candidates for a few 
oflices on a merit system, but it was not very successful and 
was abandoned entirely in 1S75. 

During Grant's administration there were numerous 
pohtical scandals, some of them of no significance. Per- 
haps the most discussed of these was that of the Credit 
Mobilier, an organization created for the purpose of building 
the Union Pacific railway. Stock of this company was sold 
to many congressmen before the completion of the great 
highway to the Pacific. It w<is claimed, probably with 
truth, that there was no legislation pending which would 



1876] Incidents of the Rcconstniction Period 445 



have been influenced in any way by the vote of these Rhodes, 

congressmen: but the whole affair was condemned without ^'"^^'^ -S/a/w, 

11 , . ,1. . ^ r. VI. 1-18, 

mercy by the awakenmg pubhc conscience. In 1875 ^ 182-191. 

gigantic '' whisky ring," with headquarters at St. Louis, 
which had defrauded the government of several million 
dollars by connivance with internal revenue officers, was 
broken up by the effort of B. H. Bristow, secretary of the 
treasury ; but later a ring in California was successful in its 
fight with the treasury department. The post office depart- 
ment was purged of many abuses 
by the energy of the postmaster- 
general, but, in the war depart- 
ment, Secretary Belknap was 
found guilty of accepting bribes 
in making appointments and in 
letting contracts. Belknap was 
impeached by the House of Rep- 
resentatives, but escaped convic- 
tion in the Senate by resigning. 
The President's attitude is shown 
by his statements: ''Turn the 
rascals out," and, " let no guilty 
man escape." Grant was criticised, however, because he 
seemed to favor the grafters, as he was loath to believe his 
friends guilty of wrongdoing. 

382. The Disputed Election of 1876. — The closing scene Cause of the 
of the reconstruction tragedy was enacted in connection w^ith dispute. 
the presidential election of November, 1876. The candi- 
dates were Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio and Samuel J. 
Tilden of New York. The campaign was rather uninterest- 
ing until the day after the votes were polled, when it became 
evident that both parties would claim the electoral vote of 
several states. On the face of the returns, as reported origi- 
nally, Tilden had a fair majority, but the Republicans claimed 
the electoral vote of the states of Florida, South Carolina, 
and Louisiana, as well as one elector from Oregon. In 
these southern states the contest between the carpetbaggers 




Samuel J. Tiluen 



Burgess, Re- 
construction, 
280-283. 



446 



American History 



[1S76 




^^i-if or M^xi^o ^^ ^ 



Electoral com- 
mission 1,1877). 



Burgess, R^ 

2S3-205. 



Johnston, 
Am. /\^/. Hisf 
II. 544-552. 



and the native whites made it possible to send in two sets 
of returns. If all of the votes in dispute were counted for 
Tilden, he would have 203 votes to 166 for Hayes. If all 
were counted for Hayes, he would have 1S5 and Tilden 1S4. 
The electoral votes were sent to Congress, in January, 
1S77, the Senate being Republican and the House Demo- 
cratic. They were opened by the 
president of the Senate,^ but it 
was decided that he had no au- 
thority to count either set of the 
votes in dispute, and the matter 
was referred to an ** electoral com- 
mission " of fifteen whose recom- 
mendations should be accepted 
unless refused by both houses. 
The commission was to consist of 
nve senators, five representatives, 
iind five justices of the Supreme 
Court. As eight of these elected 
to the commission were Republicans, all questions in dis- 
pute were settled by a party vote of eight to seven, and, 




Rutherford B. Hayes 



Amendment XII of Constitution. 



1877] Incidents of tJic Rcconstnictioi P triad 447 

on March 2, 1S77, Hayes was declared lo be elected by a 
majority of one vote. 

It was understood but not agreed that, if elected, Hayes Hayes's south- 
would withdraw the troops from the South and allow the ^^" ^o\\cy. 
former Confederate states to conduct their own governments 
without interference from Washington. This was the real Burgess, Re- 
end of reconstruction in the South. From this time, normal '^(>"^^^>"^f'<^'i> 

2QC— 2q8 

conditions being restored, the South began to take advantage 
of the great resources at her command and developed with 
amazing rapidity. 

National Changes (1S61-1877) 

383. National Development. — The period of the Civil General. 
War and reconstruction — that is, the years from 1861 to 
1877 — was an era of changes as important as those that had 
taken place in the epoch-making Revolutionary period 
(1775-1789). In each case a war which had been brought 
about by conflict between two different systems of govern- 
ment and society left the United States very different from 
the country it had found. In each case the war had ex- 
erted an almost inestimable influence in developing a stronger 
nation. 

Before the Civil War the relation of the nation to the Triumph of 
states had been a disputed one. A fairly large minority of national 
the people still held that the states were sovereign and ^^^^^^^S"*-^- 
believed that Congress should be no more than the agent of 
the states. This position could no longer be held, since J^^^^J^o"- 

r , , r 1 . , , 1 Am. Pol. Hist., 

the events of the war and of the reconstruction epoch had 11,343-336. 
shown beyond question that the nation was sovereign and 
that Congress was not the law-making body of a league 
of states. The right of the nation to coerce a state which 
attempted to secede had been proved by the failure of 
secession. After one hundred years of dispute over the 
question of whether the nation was sovereign or whether 
the states were sovereign, there was no longer the slightest 
doubt as to the supremacy of the nation. 
The second great change of the period was the destruction 



448 



American History 



[1861- 



Destruction 
of slavery. 



Amendments 
XIII and XV. 



Amendment 
XIV. 



of the system of slavery which had been the chief factor 
before the war in developing sectionalism. Freed from the 
blighting influence of slavery, the South was able to make use 
of its natural resources and to devote its energies to new 
occupations ; in short, to gain a share in the general progress 
of the world, from which it had been debarred by slavery 
before the Civil War (§ 320). 

384. Changes in the Written Constitution. — In spite 
of the very radical changes in the relation of the nation to the 
states, and in the real constitution of the United States, the 
changes in the written Constitution were comparatively few. 
Only three amendments had been added to that valuable 
document. Nominally all of these were for the purpose of 
protecting the negroes, although they have helped to estab- 
lish the supremacy of the nation over the states. This is 
partially the case with the thirteenth and fifteenth amend- 
ments, in which the nation decided matters controlled 
exclusively by the states before the war began. Without the 
war few states. North or South, could have been persuaded 
to surrender to the nation the right which they had had as 
states to control the question of slavery within their own 
limits. Without the war it would have been difficult, per- 
haps impossible, for the nation to have placed limitations 
on the right of each state to decide for itself who should vote 
within its limits. 

More important than these amendments, from a national 
standpoint, were the provisions in the first article of Amend- 
ment XIV. Before the Civil War those who upheld the 
doctrine of state sovereignty denied that there was such a 
thing as real citizenship of the United States.^ They con- 
tended that every man owed allegiance to his state only, 
since he was a citizen of the state only. The reality of 
United States citizenship,^ with its corollary of allegiance to 
the nation alone, was made clear bv the first clause of the 



^ Except in national " territory.'' 

2 On state and United States citizenship and the rights of each, consult 
Ashley, American Government, §§ 264-266. 



national 
authority. 



1877] National Changes 449 

fourteenth amendment. Later clauses prevented the states 
from interfering with the rights of citizens of the United 
States or of restricting unjustly the rights of state citizen- 
ship. 

385. Changes in the Unwritten Constitution. — The increase of 
constitution of the United States consists not simply of 
the written Constitution, but of an " unwritten constitution." 
This unwritten constitution includes all important laws 

or court decisions which explain or supplement the written 
Constitution. During the war, of course, it had been neces- 
sary to use powers that were extra-constitutional. This was 
justified on the ground that unless the Union was preserved, 
the Constitution would be destroyed. During the process 
of reconstruction also extra-constitutional measures were 
passed because, in the opinion of the nation's rulers, they 
were demanded by public necessity. At the close of the 
period of reconstruction, the national government ceased 
to use these powers which would have been unconstitutional 
under normal conditions, but it continued to use powers 
which before the war would have been considered uncon- 
stitutional, but which were now deemed legal. It is not 
surprising that this was done, for the war had developed a 
much stronger national sentiment than had ever existed 
before. The national government had become so central- 
ized that it could not be expected to give up most of the 
powers that it had acquired since i860, and the Supreme 
Court, reflecting popular wishes, gave its support to the 
doctrine that since the United States was a nation, the Con- 
stitution should be interpreted in such a way as to give the 
central government power to do what was for the best inter- 
ests of the nation, provided the Constitution did not forbid 
the use of such a power. 

386. The National Government. — In form the national The president, 
government was changed little ; in pow^r it was as different 

from the government at Washington before 1861 as the 
nation in 1877 was unlike the nation of two decades earlier. 
By virtue of the exercise of war powers the president had for 
2 G 



450 Amurican History [iS6i- 

a short time increased the authority of his position immeasur- 
ably. After the dose of the w-ar of necessity this pow-er was 
reduoevi greatly because of the return to peace conditions. 
It was reduced still funher by the interference of Congress 
with so many undoubted rights of the president that our 
chief executi\"e, although more powerful than before the war, 
was in danger of becoming suK>rdinate to Congress, 
Fowas of Although the expansion of congressional authority during 

^-***^*^^ the war was less marked than that of the president, a veiy 

large part of this new-found power was retained by Con- 
gress and still more powers were exercised after the war 
at the expense of the president or the srates. In shon 
the war and recv>nstruction period left Congress much the 
most powerful politicxl organization in our s\-stem of 
go\-emment. The way in which Congress forced the once 
proud southern suites to recc^rm« negro rights, to allow the 
n^lTv^ a \*ote, and to accept conditions that were humiliat- 
ing in \-iew of their recent claim to state so\-ereignty. was 
almost pitiful. Congress undoubtedly would ha^-e seized 
and retained e\-en more of the rights of states than it did bu: 
for the action of the Supreme Court in declaring that it was 
exceeding its f>owers, for example, when it tried to pre\^n: 
discrimination against negroes in any inn or csa any railw-ay 
in the countn*.* A comparison of the national finances 
before the war and twenty \^irs later will show that Congress 
had assumed many new duties and had radically changed 
the s\-stem of taxation to which the countiy had been ac- 
customed for sixty \-ears (§ 3S0). By the creation of a paper 
currency during the war, and the refusal afterward to with- 
draw this currency from circulation. Congress asserted its 
right to exercise a power which the Constitution did not 
authorize and which the cvmstitutional con\-enticm ol 17S7 
belie\-ed Congress might use as a temporar\- expedient only 
in time of great need (§ 300^ 
Bosiftess 387. New HatioiULl Indistrial Conditioiis. — E\-en more 

beiMe Uie «;», directly did the war influence the industry of the United 

' QtiI m^its Law of xS7>, dedaured uncoostitutioiULl XSS3. 



States. In iSOo the jx\^plo wore still dovotcil almost 
exclusively to agriculture. There was little manufacturing, 
and almost none at all on what we should ctMisi^ler a large 
scale. Almost all money in use was in the form of state 
bank bills, which did not pass at their face value outsiile of 
the state where they were issued and often were worth little 
anywhere, because they were issued in such i|uantitics. 
This lack of a really national currency preventetl the devel- 
opment of interstate trade. In consequence few companies 
commanded a large market or exported extensively, whil'^ the 
value of manufactured imports was large. 

During the war manufacturing had been stimulated by the Duriiigtho 
need of providing the troops with necessaries and of furnish- '^^'•^'"• 
ing materials for the prosecution of military camjxugns. 
The high tarilT had more than counterbalanced taxes on pro- 
duction, and this reduction of foreign competition coui)led 
with high prices had proved a boon to manufacturers. 

When peace came, the internal taxes were removed, while After the war, 
the taritT was changed very little for a quarter of a century. 
This assured sutTicient protection to warrant the invest- 
ment of still more capital in industry. Large companies 
were organized. Firms which before had been content 
with local markets began doing business in several states. 
New^ commercial ties were formed by men in ditTerent parts 
of the Union so that many of the old sectional prejudices 
were forgotten. By this obliteration of state lines in busi- 
ness, the unity of the nation was developed as at no earlier 
time. The marked difference between the United States, 
commercially and industrially, before the Civil War and 
after that contlict can be appreciated perhaps by examining 
the opening sections of the next chapter. 

TOPICS 

I. The Process of Reconstruction: Dunning, " Civil War 
and Reconstruction," pp. 176-252; Burgess, "Reconstruction and 
the Constitution," pp. 144-156, 222-246; Rhodes, "United States 
since 1S50," M, pp. 60-07, 168-178, 284-305; Cox, "Three Decades 
of Federal Legislation," pp. 480-577. 



452 Amcncan History [1S77 

2. Impeachment of President Johnson: Burgess, "Recon- 
struction and the Constitution," pp. 172-192; Dunning, "Ci^•il War 
and Reconstruction," pp. 253-303; Blaine, "Twenty Years of Con- 
gress," I, pp. 341-3S4; Rhodes, "United States since 1S50," VI, 
pp. 9S-157. 

3. Disputed Election of 1S76: Stanwood, "History of the 
Presidency," pp. 356-393; Cox, "Three Decades of Federal Legis- 
lation," pp. 651-668; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," \TI, 
pp. 206-281; Haworth, "Disputed Presidential Election of 1876." 

STUDIES 

I. The condition of the South (1865). (Hart (ed.), "Contem- 
poraries," IV, Nos. 141-144.) 

2 Powers exercised by the Freedmen's Bureau. (MacDonald, 
"Select Statutes," No. 51.) 

3. Attempt to remove Stanton from office. (Blaine, "Twenty 
Years of Congress," II, pp. 34S-355-) 

4. The trial of Johnson before the Senate. (Ross, E. G., in 
Scribner's, XI (1891), pp. 519-524.) 

5. Ku Klux movement. (Brown, "Lower South in American 
History," pp. 191-228.) 

6. Carpetbag government in South Carolina. (Rhodes, "United 
States," VI, pp. 142-168.) 

7. Political contests in Louisiana. (Andrews, "United States 
in our Own Times," pp. 152-167.) 

S. Nast's ser\-ices in breaking up the Tweed ring. (Paine, 
"Thomas Nast.") 

QUESTIONS 

1. Summarize the practical and the theoretical problems of re- 
construction as they existed in 1S65. How did the plan that was 
adopted solve each of these ? Do you agree with Professor Burgess 
that the North should acknowledge that reconstruction was an error 
as well as a failure ? 

2. Were the rights of whites and blacks in the South protected 
by the Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Rights Bill? What new 
principles did the latter introduce into our system of government? 
Were those principles incorporated permanently or not ? 

3. Compare the three amendments to the written Constitution 
in regard to proWsions, importance, and results. Make a complete 
comparison of the Emancipation Proclamation and Amendment 
XIII ; of the Ci^-il Rights Bill and Amendment XIV. 

4. Enumerate the most important changes in the written Consti- 
tution during the reconstruction period. Did the changes (1861-1877) 
constitute a revolution? 



PART V 

THE NEW NATION (1865-1907) 

CHAPTER XIX 

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT (1865-1886) 

Presidents 

Andrew Johnson (1865-1869) James A. Garfield (1881-1881) 
Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877) Chester A. Arthur (1881-1885) 
Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881) Grover Cleveland (1885-1889) 

388. Changes Following the War. — There can be no Business activ- 
greater mistake than to imagine that during the Civil War the ^^^ ^^ ^~^ '^'^'' 
energies of the North were entirely absorbed in carrying on 
that conflict or in supposing that during the succeeding years 
the reconstruction of the Confederate states engaged the 
attention of more than a small proportion of the people. 
When the crisis was past and the preservation of the Union 
no longer in doubt, the vast majority were aroused by the 
new business opportunities to improve their financial con- 
dition. At the close of the war a million and a half of men, 
North and South, returned to the ordinary walks of life within 
a few months. The business of the North, stimulated rather 
than retarded by the war, increased in volume manyfold. 
There probably never has been a period of more numerous 
radical business changes or greater apparent prosperity than 
the period of reconstruction. During those years the wealth 
of the United States nearly doubled. The larger cities 
engaged in commerce on a large scale. In the smaller 
towns new factories were started. Immigration from 
Europe began anew. Into the West flocked a host of sturdy 
pioneers who settled with their families on the farms which 

453 



454 



American History 



[iS6; 



Extravagance 

and panic 



the national government sold to them on liberal terms. ^ 
New lines of railway were built in all parts of the Union, 
especially in the West. 

As the country \N-as flooded with the large issues of national 
paper money — greenbacks and national bank notes, — gold 
and silver coins were no longer in regular circulation during 
this period, high prices pre\-ailed, and speculation was com- 
mon. People bought and sold recklessly, fortunes un- 
dreamed of before the war were made within short periods, 
and private extravagance began to replace the cautious 
expenditures of the earlier period. Prosperity soon led to 
panic (1S73) ^^"<^ piinic to hard times (1S73-1S77). The 
countn* recovered from this experience about the time that 
reconstruction was completed in the South, and after 1S77 
it settled down to the new methods of business and new 
standanis of liWnsc under fairlv normal conditions. 



National debt. 
Dewev. Firi,:^- 



Tojtes, 



Financial and Industrial Rfadti'STMENT (1S65-1S70) 

3S0. Bonds and Taxes after the Wiir. — A: the close of 
the war the debt of tlie Uniievl States was nearly three bil- 
lions of dollars. It included more than four hundred miUions 
in greenbacks and other notes which bore no interest, but 
most of the debt was in the form of bonds, with interest at five 
per cent or six per cent. Some of the bonds were p;t}-able 
in coin only, but the laws authorizing others had not stated in 
what kind of currency they were to be paid. As they had 
been sold for paper money, in almost every instance, many 
people insisted that these latter bonds be paid in green- 
backs. In fact the Democratic platform (1S6SI contained a 
plank favoring this method, but the government, in order to 
maintain its credit and to facilitate the sale of the new bonds 
that were to replace the old ones, decideii to pay all in coin. 

^^'hen peace came in 1S65, the government sought to 
reduce the taxes as soon as possible, but until the panic of 
1873 there was a surplus of receipts over expenditures. The 

* Homestead .\ct of 1S63. see Coman, ImJustriai HisUtry of Umittd 
Staifs, pp. 3-g-2S2. 



1875] Fina)hial a fid Industrial Rcadjustiiioit 455 

most objectionable features of the internal system were Dcwcv, /-/V/jw- 
repealed, including the income taxes and the taxes on manu- ^''"' i^'^^*-^ 
factures, but the excises on liquors and tobacco were retained, ^^ ^^ ' ^ 7- 
the annual revenue from this source after 1870 being but 
little less than that from customs duties. No important 
change was made in the tariff ^ in spite of the reduction in 
the internal taxes on manufactured articles which were 
protected from foreign competition, so that the rates were 
more than twice what they had been before the war and the 
mducement to invest capital in industry was very great. 

390. The Greenbacks. — As the greenbacks had been issuance and 
intended to help the government during the war only, constitution- 
steps were taken by the treasury department as early as 
1865 to retire them from circulation. Those who desired 
the withdrawal of the paper money were called " contrac- J^i'^J^'iJ"'^^^' 
tionists," their opponents were known as '' inflationists." §^^ 154-156. 
Contraction of the currency proved to be unpopular and was 
abandoned in 1868, but in 1869 the Supreme Court decided White, Money, 

that Consjress had no power to make those notes legal ^34-i49. 
^ 156-163. 

tender. This decision was reversed two years later when 

the reorganized court declared that the national govern- 

.*" , . ,11 • J • e Rhodes, 

ment might issue legal-tender paper money in time of war. imitcd states 
During the hard times of the 70's the treasury department vi, 222-225, 
issued new greenbacks, and in 1884, when the Supreme 258-273. 
Court was asked to decide whether these issues were con- 
stitutional, it gave its opinion that " Congress, as the legis- 
lature of a sovereign nation," has the right to issue legal- 
tender notes at its discretion.^ 

In spite of the hard times after 1873, repeated attempts Resumption of 
were made to resume specie pavments. Finally in 1875 a specie pay- 

^ ^ - " ' ^ ments (1S79). 

^ In 1S72 the duties on tea and cofifee were abolished and a horizontal re- 
duction of ten per cent was made on other rates, but the original rates 
were restored in 1S75, except that tea and coffee were left on the free list. 

2 It might do this because of powers specifically conferred on it by the 
Constitution (Art. i, § S, els. i, 2, and 5) and because " the power to make 
the notes of the government a legal tender in payment of private debts is 
one of the powers belonging to sovereignty in other civilized nations, and 
not expressly withheld from Congress by the' Constitution." 



^;5 



Amtenatm Hisiiny 



[1875 



Btn??es&. 



XII i>ii . 












law \ri5 passed \duch provided for die lesumptioii <rf 
sj^cie payments cm the nrst day erf January. 187^ John 
Sbennan, as secretary of the treasun, took chai^je trf collect- 
ing goki to be used as a reserve for the ledempdon of green- 
backs, and sucoeeded so well that he had $153,000,000 at 
his cxmimand on the day set for redemption. Few notes 
weie presented for payment at that time, as greenbacks now 
circulated on a par with gold, but the go\^jnment sought 
Thvre..!:eT to keer> 3 reserve of at least one hundred millions 
for rfie redemption of the green- 
backs and other notes which it 
had outstanding. 

Aldiough the government kept 
the greenbacks in circulation and 
die courts upheld the right of Con- 
gress to issxie diem in times of 
peace, many persons were dissatis- 
oed with die gOMHim^Jit's decision 
to pay all ol its ob%aitiQits in coin 
,.rd its avowed intention of le- 
:;:niing the greenbacks in specie, 
reby increasiiig the vahie o£ 
e^'eI^- paper 1 "' ;: was wordi as much as ^?3kl. 

Many erf the : > - ..^ opponents of this poKcr united 
and formed a political party called the Gnwaiback party, 
which in 1S7S polled more dian one nuUion votes. The 
renim of " good times " did mudi to countefact this ejt- 
teaisivTe " inflation " mov«nent, and the influaioe o£ the 
** GreenK^ckeis *' on k^tslation was not great. 

391. La^ns Relating to SOver. — In iS;4 Congress had 
»(kipt!ed a law for die free coinage * erf gold and silver at a 

mhemthe80<twa»eatrfMre»y<»iicltti«^g bi d g« w<rfattt«wt»itDl>iae 




JO^N SH.£x>tAN 



to ^ke vast awl iccet^ w enteaee cons <if die 
vkefttkecovoMMMt M>d tbe go Ttmitfit atofce cu clause lift 
^Ae^ AWKwl Cw tw j p. •#»-*$?» 



1S79] Fift-iifU'iaJ ami IndustruiJ Ra^Jjustmrfit 457 

legal ratio of 10 to i. Under this law very little silver 
xs-as coined, and in oixier to supply the country with small 
change. CongK'ss in 1S54 providevi that the silver coins of \y\\\tt, M^m^y, 
a denomination less than one dollar should contain less 34-37- 
silver than fonnerly, but should be minted from silver pur- 
chased by the go\-ernment. This left the dollar as the only 
silver coin subject to free coinage, but for business rea- Dowey. /=».»»- 
sc->ns very few sil\-er dollars were minted. This condition, ^'^'^-^ ^'-'"^•• 
coupled with the fact that only ^\i|^>er money had been used ^^ ^ ^'^ 
in ORiinary circulation for several yeai^>, led Congress in 
1873 ^^^ P^^^ ^^ 1^^^^' declaring that tlie sih^er dollar should 
no longer be subject to free coinage. It is doubtful whether 
the congresismen realized fully that this would establish 
gold monometallism in the United States, so that few if any 
could be accuseii of deliV-erate p;vrticipation in a '' crime of 

This act happened to coincide in time with the opening Biand-Aiiison 
of many new silver mines in the Rocky mountain states, and '^*^^ (1S7S). 
with action on the pivrt of l«?nnany, France, and several other 
nations which was unfavorable to silver. Consequently, the l>e>**ey. Fixm- 
price of silver declined from $1.20 an ounce in 1S70 to ^/^^.^ '^'" 
$1.05 an ounce in 1S7S. In order to raise the price of 
sih^-r and in order also to g:\in a cheaper money in which ^^-^^j^^ t^ 
they might rep;iy their debts, large numbers of persons 193-109. 
demandeci the free coinage of silver. A bill to that effect 
was introduced in the House by Bland of Missouri, but in the 
Senate it was changed at tlie suggestion of Senator Allison 
of Iowa so that tlie government was to purchase not less 
than $2,000,000 nor more than $4,000,000 worth of silver 
per month at tlie market price, and coin it into dollars. 
Even in this modified form the bill was vetoed by President 
Hayes, but it was p;issed over his veto. 

392. Business after the War. — In the decade following Mining, 
tlie war the natural resources of the countr}- were developed 
as never before. Xew silver mines were opened not alone in coman, IkJms- 
Xe\-ada, where the Comstock Lode and otlier mines \-ielded tri^ Hist^ 
immense fortunes, but in the Black Hills of Dakota and at ^'^^^^' 



453 



American History 



[1865- 



Manu- 
facturing. 



Wright, Indus- 
trial Evolution, 
159-188. 



Foreign com- 
merce. 



Leadville, Colorado, to which thousands flocked in search 
of weahh. Iron and copper were mined much more ex- 
tensively, particularly in the upper Michigan peninsula, and 
the coal output of the United States increased five hundred 
per cent. Especially in northwestern Pennsylvania the pro- 
duction of petroleum drew throngs which sought fortunes 

in the oil fields. 
When this crude oil 
was refined, it was 
found to be a very 
fine illuminant and 
was sold extensively 
in the United States 
and in Europe. 

Conditions were 
especially favorable 
for manufacturing. 
The increasing sup- 
ply of raw materials, 
the demand for 
greater conveniences 
and more luxuries 
than before the war, 
the extension of the railways and the cheapening of trans- 
portation, aided in this movement. More than anything else 
the high protective duties, preventing keen competition from 
abroad, made manufacturing investments desirable. From 
i860 to 1880 the value of manufactured articles increased 
from less than $2,000,000,000 to nearly $5,500,000,000. 

Foreign commerce revived very rapidly after the wan 
In 1865 our total exports and imports amounted to but 
$465,000,000. Eight years later they were nearly three 
times that figure, and, although the depression from 1873 
to 1878 reduced the amount of our foreign trade, it never 
again fell below $1,000,000,000 a vear. 

393. Agriculture and the West. — During the period from 
1865 to 1880, which was one of distinctively national growth, 



BILLIONS OF DOLLARS 
























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1870 18S0 1890 1900 1905 

DEVELOPNIENT OF THE UNITED STATES 

(1870- 1905) 

Manufactured products 

Agricultural products 

Foreign Commerce 



i88o] Financial and Industrial Readjustment 459 

the United States was fortunate enough to avoid one of the Agriculture in 
great dangers which are likely to accompany rapid industrial *^^ ^°^^^^ ^^^ 
and commercial development, namely, the loss of a sturdy, 
middle class of farmers. In 1880 there was just twice the 
number of farms in this country that there were in i860, ^^south 
a truly remarkable change. This can be accounted for in 17-28. 
several ways. First, in the South, agriculture was emanci- 
pated from the former system of large plantations exclusively, 
with crude labor, and, although numerous large cotton and 
tobacco plantations remained, there were now very many 
small farms devoted to various crops and supporting one 
family rather than a colony. This was fortunate for the 
South, as the people did not recover easily from the losses 
and hardships of the war and reconstruction. Second, 
in the East more attention was being paid to intensive 
farming, as it was found difficult to compete with the cheap 
western lands in the growing of cereals. Near the cities 
small truck farms conducted on scientific principles were 
found exceedingly profitable. 

Third. Into the West poured hundreds of thousands who Agriculture in 
were attracted to the rougher life of the frontier, or were ^"^^ ^^^^• 
drawn on by the offers of cheap land made by the govern- 
ment or the railways. In 1862 Congress had passed the Coman, Indus- 

. . , . . trial Hist., 

Homestead Act, permittmg any one who was a citizen or 279-282. 
intended to become a citizen to acquire 160 acres of land by 
remaining on it five yeirs, the money payment being purely 
nominal. Last, when hard times after 1873 reduced the 
demand for labor in industry and commerce, many thousands 
turned their attention to agriculture, which suffered less from 
the panic than any other occupation. 

Aside from the social advantages derived from the in- Agricultural 
creasing tendency to become a nation of small farmers, development 
the agricultural changes of this period are noteworthy. 
The quantity which was grown doubled during the fifteen 
years following the war, and in the case of wheat, the 
increase was even greater. With the opening of large grain 
farms in the western part of the Mississippi valley and the 



46o 



American History 



[1865- 



Railways after 
the Civil War. 



Haynes, Rail- 
way Legisla- 
tion, 82-96. 



Johnson, Rail- 
way Transpor- 
tation, 27-28, 
311-316. 



First trans- 
continental 
railway. 

Coman, 
Industrial 
Hist., 282-286. 



construction of railways in that region, we began to export 
large quantities of flour and other bread stuffs to Europe, the 
real beginning of our most important modern export trade. 

Transportation Problems (186 5- 188 7) 

394. Development of the West by Means of Railways. — 

We have already noted the care taken by the state govern- 
ments, particularly in the West, to develop railway com- 
munication within their territory (§ 284). In 1850 the 
United States began to take part in this movement by making 
grants of land to the states to be used as a bonus for rail- 
way lines. Much had been done in this .way before i860, 
w^hen the United States possessed 30,000 miles of railway. 
During the war the need of moving troops or provisions, 
and after the war the increased demands of the exporters 
in the coast cities, the eastern manufacturers, the farmers, 
and the western miners, emphasized the need of better 
means of communication. This led to an era of railway 
construction that in eight years (1866-18 74) more than 
doubled the mileage of the country. New sections wxre 
thus offered to settlement, inducements being made by 
the railways which oft'ered to carry settlers and their families 
at very low rates. Lands were granted almost without cost 
not only by the government under the Homestead Act, but 
by railways, which advertised widely the advantages of the 
farms they had for sale. These lands had been given to 
the railways as a bonus for building a line through a region 
that could not possibly support a railway until it was densely 
populated. The result was, of course, greatly improved 
means of communication in the Northwest, accompanied 
by the rapid settlement of the western prairies and an agri- 
cultural advance that was marvelous. 

The most important railway enterprise of this period was 
the construction of a transcontinental railway from the 
Missouri River to the Pacific coast. This was authorized 
by Congress in 1862, the national government making 
Hberal land grants and loaning a large sum of money to the 



i88o] Transportation Problems 461 

railway companies.^ The completion of the road in 1869 Dillon, s., in 

was an event of ejreat importance from the political as well ^cribners, 

4-u ■ ^ ^ A • ^ XII (1892), 

as the commercial standpomt. _' 

395. Railway Abuses. — In the eastern and central states 
many of the. railways built after the war were unnecessary. Two kinds of 
(i) Their efforts to secure business led to cut-throat com- discrimination 
petition between cities which were on more than one line, 
so that goods were often transported between two points at Johnson, Raii- 
an actual loss. To make good this deficit, the railways «'«^ Transpor- 
charged an extra amount on local traffic. If a shipper '^ ^^'^' ^^^-227. 
wished to send goods from Chicago to a point in New York Haynes, 
or Pennsylvania, it was often cheaper to ship the goods to Railway 
New York and then reship them back over the same line to ^^s^'^'^^'''''' 
the intermediate point. " (2) This discrimination between 
different places was less serious than a second railway Rogers, Devt. 
abuse ; namely, the discrimination between shippers, which ^-^ ^orth, 
became quite common after 1870. By granting special 
rates to favored shippers the railways did much to develop 
the great monopolies which were often able to destroy the 
business of their smaller competitors, because of the cheaper 
transportation secured by them. For example, the Stand- 
ard Oil Company, of Cleveland, Ohio, succeeded in gaining 
control of most of the refineries in that city and in the 
oil-producing district of Pennsylvania, partly because it 
obtained lower freight rates and was able therefore to sell 
oil for less than its competitors. 

By combining, the railways sought to protect themselves Pools, 
from cut-throat competition and to keep the trusts from 
forcing them into giving large rebates. The object of these Hadiey, 
combinations was to maintain a uniform system of high J^^^^^ . 
rates on all of the railways in the country. But the ordinary 74-76, 91-^7. 



^ The amount loaned was $16,000 per mile across the prairies, $32,000 on 
the mountainous plateaus, and $48,000 per mile across the mountain 
ranges. The total sum of over $61,000,000 was loaned at six per cent for 
thirty years to the main Hne or branches. This was secured by first mort- 
gage on the railways. Between 1896 and 1899 all of the principal was re- 
paid and in most cases interest was paid also. 



462 



American History 



[1870 



Johnson, Rail- combinations failed to do this because some railway was 
way Transpor- ^^gj-^ain to cut ratcs in order to secure more business. Later 
a plan was devised to arrange beforehand the percentage of 
the profits to be received by each of the railways in the com- 
bination, or pool, as it was called, so that there would be no 
temptation to cut rates. 

396. The Granger Movement and Railway Legislation. — 
In the West the situation was even more serious. As there 
was less competition, there was less need of combinations to 
maintain rates. The railways, having sold most of their 



tation, 228-243. 



Abuses in the 
West. 



. - 


1807 '70 '75 '80 '85 '90 '95 19!oO 




90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
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80 
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_ 











DECREASE IN RAILWAY RATES (1867 - 1900) 



Granger 
legislation. 



Wilson, Am. 

People, 

V, 124-128. 



desirable lands by attracting settlers with low rates, began to 
charge '' all the tariff that the traffic would bear." It is 
probable that most of them could not have paid expenses 
even by the use of exorbitant rates, but these facts were lost 
sight of by the shippers who were obliged to find a market 
for their products. Throughout the West spread a demand 
for government relief. 

The cry for control of the railways was taken up by the 
Farmers' Alliance, which had been originally a non-poHtical 
body. Hundreds of thousands joined the Alliance in all 
parts of the country, and in several state elections during the 
seventies the question of railway regulation was the principal 
issue. The chief aim of the Grangers, as the members of 
the Alliance were called, was to secure lower rates. Largely 
through their influence state railway commissions were 



1887] Transportation Problems 463 

appointed which had the right to fix maximum rates and Johnson, Rail- 
dictate the pohcy of the railways in other respects.^ At first ^^^ Transpor- 
the attempt was made to have all rates as low as those be- 
tween two places which enjoyed keen, unrestricted competi- 
tion ; but as it was found that this only injured the railways 
and indirectly hurt the shippers, the commissions later used 
their powers more carefully. 

397. The Interstate Commerce Commission (1887). — Precedent 
As the larger part of the freight transported on the railways ^^^^*^- 
of the United States is carried between places in different 
states, legislation by the states did not afford the relief ex- Jo^"^^"' ^«^'^- 
pected even with the drastic methods used. But Congress tation, 367-370. 
was slow to take action. In 1878 a bill for the regulation of 
interstate trade passed the House of Representatives but 
not the Senate. Nothing was done until, several years 
later, the Illinois commission tried to apply its laws to 
certain trade that was carried on between Illinois and the 
neighboring states. The Supreme Court of the United 
States declared that the Illinois commission had no right 
to regulate interstate commerce, as Congress alone had that 
power. 

So widespread a demand had arisen for action by Con- interstate 

gress that in 1887 the Interstate Commerce Act was passed, Commerce 
. . . . ^ •> Act (1887). 

creating a commission of five members which had the power 

to investigate existing rates and declare them unreasonable. 

The avowed purposes of the act were to prevent pools affect- ^^ay^Transpor- 

ing interstate commerce by declaring them illegal, to pre- tation, 370-385. 

vent high rates or rates that were discriminating because one 

person was charged more than another for similar services. Adams, H.C. 

or because a greater charge was made for a short haul than i" Atlantic, 

for along one.^ Fear that the commission might treat the '^ 9 J. 

railways as the earlier state commissions had done led the 

railways to change their methods radically for a time, not 

always to the advantage of the public ; but the powers of 

1 Many former state commissions did not enjoy the right to fix maximum 
rates. Most of them now have this power. 

2 In a case of this kind, the short haul was always a part of the longer one. 



464 



American History 



[1877 



EfectHmof 



Andrews, Oitr 

OmmTtmtf, 

3P7-3I9' 



Stanvood. 



Gufiekland 
Conkling. 

Andrews. Ckr 
Oam Timu, 
319-330. 



the commission were so limited that it accomplished com- 
pa^ati^-ely Uttle,* 

Political Changes axi^ Repokms (1877-1886) 

398. Garfield and Arthur. — Not only was business re- 
established on a normal Ixisis after 1S77, but the poUtical 
pKirties began to interest themselves in present-day questions. 

This was apparent in all of 
the elections after 1S7S. In- 
terest in the election of iSSo 
centers in the Republican con- 
ve"::.-n in Chicago rather 
in the campaign. The 
v^irant were anxious 
. -.: -ic ^-lc.ald be nominated, 
:?r he and they thought that 
:he so-called " third-term tni- 
iition " was a foolish custom 
rot sanctioned by the nation. 
Guided by Roscoe Conkling, 
.\ Xew York senator, o\-er 
three hundred delegates voted 
on e\-ery ballot for their champion. His chief opponent 
was Blaine, whose forces, after thirty-fi\-e futile ballots, 
joined the ranks of those that supponed James A. Gaifidd 
of Ohio. Chester A. Arthur of Xew York was named for 
the vice presidency to represent the Conkling wing of the 
pany. Grant's followers rallied to the support of the ticket 
and in Xo\-ember Garfield was elected by a \-ote of 214 to 15 5 
over the Democratic nominee. General Wlnfield S. Hancock. 
After the election the breach between the Conkling and 
Blaine factions was widened. Blaine was selected by Gar- 
field for the state portfoHo and was influential in determin- 
ing the policy of the administration. When the Presideni 
nominated for the chief office in the state of Xew York a man 
who for partisan reasons was obnoxious to Conkling, the 

' On the later histoij of nihray legobtioa, see $§ 466, 471. 




James A. Gakfulld 



1 884] 



Political CJuifigL'S and Rcforuis 



465 



latter resigned from the Senate and persuaded his col- 
league to do the same. It had been the custom, and is still 
to some extent, for the senators to name the appointees for 
federal positions in their states, so that Garfield's action was a 
blow to Conkling's power as well as his pride. The senators 
expected of course to be triumphantly reelected and were 
sadly disappointed when others were selected. The incident 
aroused public sentiment to the evils and dangers of the 
spoils system. This feeling reached fever heat wlien on 
July 2, iSSi, Garfield was 
shot by a disappointed office 
seeker. The lingering illness 
of this second " martyr presi- 
dent " created a demand for 
reform in the civil service that 
found embodiment in law 
soon after (§ 401). 

Arthur had been looked 
upon as a politician of no 
great ability, but he proved 
a wise and reliable executive. 
Few of the measures of his 
term were partisan acts, so slight was the cohesion in the 
political parties. The old issues had been dropped, but 
party lines were not drawn as yet on new political ques- 
tions. 

399. The Election of Cleveland (1884). — The campaign 
of 18S4 was the most interesting that had been held up to 
that time since the Civil War. The dissensions in the Repub- 
lican ranks, the lack of any clear-cut Democratic policy, and 
the rise into prominence of the Prohibition party compli- 
cated the situation. So far as any political issues attained 
prominence, the main question that seemed to be at stake 
was that of reform, although the politicians of both parties 
sought to make the tarift* the important issue. In reality, it 
was more a personal campaign between the two candidates. 

The Republicans nominated the most distinguished 



Stanwood, 

Blaine, 

224-239. 




Chester A. Arthur 



.Arthur. 



Political 
situation. 



466 



American History 



[1884 



Candidates 

and election. 



Wilson, 
Am. Pecfle, 
\, 169-176. 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
427-449- 



Cleveland's 
policy. 

Peck, Tzi'crit:/ 
Yiars, 49—60, 
66-So. 



member of their party, James G. Blaine of Maine, a man of 
magnetic personality who aroused in his followers a greater 
enthusiasm than any other leader since the days of Henry 
Clay. Blaine had unfortunately been connected, while 
speaker of the House of Representatives, with a transfer of 
railway stock which his opponents claimed was a bribe. 
Blaine had answered the charge boldly, but had never 
satisfied some of the reformers in his party of his innocence. 

This transaction, in fact, clouded 

the most brilliant poUtical career 
of recent times. The reformers 
refused to support the Repub- 
lican ticket and worked for the 
Democratic nominee. This 
faction of '"Mugwumps," as it 
was called sneeringly, was, in 
fact, sufficiently large to decide 
the election. Grover Cleveland, 
•vho represented the Democratic 
party, had become prominent 
as governor of Xew York, be- 
cause of the immense pluraHtv- 
by which he had been elected ia 
1 88 2 and by the fearless use of the veto to reduce expendi- 
tures. He was haUed as the chief reformer then prominent in 
poHtics. The campaign was contested hotly and was marred 
unfortunately by the bitterness of the personal accusations 
against the two candidates. The election was decided by 
the vote of Xew York, in which both the Prohibitionists and 
Mugwumps were numerous. For several days after the 
election the vote of Xew York was in doubt, but the official 
count showed that the state had gone Democratic. 

As Cleveland was the first Democratic president for a 
quarter of a centur}- the party looked fon\-ard eagerly to the 
return to power. The reformers, on the other hand, ex- 
pected him to overlook partisanship in making removals 
and appoiatments. In consequence his position was one of 




James G. Blaim 



I87I] 



Political Changes and Reforms 



467 



great difficulty, and, as is usual in such cases, Cleveland 
did too little to satisfy the one party and too much to please 
the other. He left conditions better than he found them and 
at all times exhibited a firmness that brought results. His 
administration is noteworthy for the numerous important 
changes that were made in the law of the nation. 

400. The Spoils System and Reform. — For a period of 
fifty years the majority of the offices connected with the 
national government had been 
filled by party workers who 
had been appointed in return 
for services rendered to the 
party during the election cam- 
paign. Frequently extensive 
changes had been made every 
four years even when the same 
party remained in power. 
Thousands of persons were 
employed whose services had 
never been engaged according 
to law. This resulted in a 
serious demoralization of the 
civil service which was in- 
creased by the practice of requiring officeholders to con- 
tribute to campaign funds and work for their chiefs. Often 
the entire influence of an administration and its supporters 
would be devoted to the carrying of primaries,, the election 
of delegates to nominating conventions and the carrying of 
doubtful states or districts. Pernicious political activity of 
this kind was even more disgraceful than inefficiency in 
office. 

Even before the Civil War, there had been some demand 
for the reorganization of the public service on business 
principles. Nothing of importance was done until, in 187 1, 
a civil service commission of first-class men was appointed 
by President Grant. The commission was empowered to 
investigate the character and fitness of a few employees and 




Grover Cleveland 



Character of 
the spoils 
system. 



Lodge, Hist, 
and Pol. Es- 
says. 

Hart, Actual 
Govt, \ 132. 



Civil service 
under Grant 
and Hayes. 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
I, 476-477. 



468 



American History 



[1875 



Lodge, 

Essays, 



Civil Service 
Commission 

MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No. 109. 

Hart, Actual 
Govt, § 134. 

Extension of 
commission's 
work. 

Larned (ed.), 
Keadv Rff., 
VI. 145-148. 



Special 
improvements. 



misfht srive examinations of an elementary character. After 
four years Congress refused to vote appropriations for 
carrying on the work, and, as the resuhs were not par- 
ticularly gratifying, the commission ceased to exist. Presi- 
dent Hayes did much more for the national civil service by 
insisting on good appointments. 

In 1SS3 Congress passed by a large majority in both 
houses a bill for the reform of the. national civil service. 
This had been drafted by the Civil Service League and 
introduced by Senator Pendleton of Ohio. It provided for 
a commission of three members with power to make rules 
for the examination of candidates for numerous offices of a 
clerical nature. These offices were arranged in classes, 
hence the term "• classified " service. 

401. Progress of Civil Service Reform since 1883. — As 
the president was permitted to increase the number of posi- 
tions to which appointments might be made by the com- 
mission, the attitude of the chief executive was a matter of 
the first importance. All of the presidents since 1SS3 have 
extended the scope of the commission's work. Until 1894, 
however, most of the additions were made after the suc- 
cessor of the executive in office had been chosen. During 
his second term President Cleveland gave the commission 
control of large numbers of offices in the treasury, war, navy, 
and interior departments. During that administration the 
number of offices in the classified service was more than 
doubled. Afterward it was claimed that the men ap- 
pointed by the commission to some positions requiring skill 
were not fitted for their work, and nearly eight thousand 
offices were taken from the commission. During the first 
four years that Roosevelt was president the number again 
increased nearly one hundred per cent, the offices opened 
to examination being in many cases of a higher t}-pe 
than those formerly filled by the commission. 

Numerous executive orders have modified the civil senice 
rules. Originally persons in the classified service might be 
removed bv those under whom thev served. After con- 



188;] Political Changes and Refonns 469 

siderable agitation President McKinley in 1897 declared that 
none should be removed but for cause which was stated 
specifically. Changes have also been made for the pro- 
motion of officials according to proved abiUty. Some of the 
presidents, Roosevelt particularly, have applied this prin- 
ciple to very many offices not controlled by the commission. 
In general it may be said that, although the method of ap- 
pointment used by the commission is not ideal, and although 
there is danger of retaining under the system officials and 
employees who have outlived their usefulness, it has per- 
formed a work of inestimable service to the nation. 

The experience of the state and city governments in regard Municipal and 
to the spoils system and reform has been somewhat similar state reform. 
to that of the central governmenl. In our largest cities 
particularlv the abuses of the old system have been more ^^'"*> 

' , , /^- -1 '• • • Actual Gov't, 

serious than elsewhere. Civil service commissions were xx -j g. 
appointed in a few states and cities during the nineteenth 
century. Civil service reform has made more progress since 
the beginning of the t^ventieth century, especially in those 
cities that have adopted the commission form of govern- 
ment. Much still remains to be done. 

402. Reform of Elections. — Following close upon the Former eleo 
reform in the methods of appointing public officials came *^°^ ^ "^^^' 
a demand for improvement in the methods of election. 
There had never been any system of providing ballots or any 
order in polling votes. Each party printed its own tickets, 
and the parties, by neglecting to provide ballots, might pre- 
vent an election. Party workers were allowed to accompany 
any voter from the time he entered the polling place until he 
deposited his ballot. There was no secrecy, but every chance 
for bribery or intimidation. Organized gangs of the roughest 
element frequently controlled the election. " Stuffing " the 
ballot box was by no means uncommon. Occasionally those 
who had the right to count the ballots took the boxes with 
them to one of their homes. In short, there was every op- 
portunity to defeat the will of the people. 

In 1887 agitation for reform began in earnest. England Reform ballots. 



4/0 



American History 



[1SS9 



Short Biillot. 



Primary 
Reform. 



Presidential 
Succession 
Act (18S61. 

MacDonald. 
Statutes, 
No. III. 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
450-452. 



had adopted recently a form of ballot based on that in use in 
Australia. The reformers urged the selection of this, and in 
1889 Massachusetts adopted with modifications the so-called 
Australian ballot. The movement spread with amazing 
rapidity, and although no state had used the reform ballot in 
the presidential election of 18S8 more than thirty did so 
four years later, and all but three had abandoned the older 
system in 1906. These reform ballots are printed by the 
government. Names of all candidates for all offices are 
printed on a single sheet. Official ballots are not distrib- 
uted to the voters until they have registered on election day, 
and the ballot is marked in secret. 

On account of the large number of names on the old ballots 
there has been a recent movement to decrease the number 
of elective offices using a short ballot. ^ 

In the old primaries were elected the delegates to nomi- 
nating conventions. ^lost of our present primaries are direct 
primaries which choose candidates directly.^ 

403. Changes affecting the Presidency. — One of the most 
significant series of lav.s passed during Cleveland's first term 
affected the presidency. In 18S5 Vice President Hendricks 
died. According to the law of that time, in case of the death 
or disabiUty of both the president and the vice president, the 
office was to be filled, first by the president pro tempore of the 
Senate, second, by the speaker of the House. As the Senate 
was Republican at this time, the accession of its presiding 
officer to the presidency would have led to a complete 
reversal of the administration's policy. A new Presiden- 
tial Succession Act was passed, therefore, providing that, 
if both the president and the vice president died, the office 
should be filled by the members of the cabinet in the order 
of the creation of the departments, beginning with the sec- 
retaries of state, treasury, and war. 

President Cleveland had an interesting tilt with the Senate 
in 1886 over his right to remove officials without the consent 



1 See § 456. 



188;] Political Changes and Refonns 471 



of the Senate. It will be remembered that the Tenure of Dispute over 

Office Act in 1867 had restricted the president's right of po^^'^^^f 

removal. This was replaced by a much milder act in 1869 

when Grant took the oath of office, but the Senate had been 

in the habit of askinp; for reasons of removal. Cleveland ^^^' f "'^ 

*-" Govt, J 131. 

refused to do this, claiming that the law did not give the 

Senate a share in makino; removals. A long debate closed ^, , . 

^ ^ Cleveland, 

with the yielding of the Senate. This action is typical of a Pres. Prob- 
number of others by which Cleveland did much in his re- ^^'^". 39-76. 
lations with Congress to restore the dignity and power of 
the presidency to the position it had occupied before recon- 
struction days. 

The third change affecting the presidency was the enact- Electoral 
ment (1887) of an Electoral Count Bill. In spite of the Count Bill, 
difficulties in 1877 i^^ counting the electoral votes. Congress MacDonaid, 
had done nothing to supplement the omissions of the Con- J^^ ' 
stitution in this important respect. The law of 1887 left 
the decision regarding what votes should be counted to the Presideticy, 
states, and if the states neglected the matter. Congress could 397-400, 
reach a decision only by the agreement of both houses. 452-45 • 

404. Summary. — The years following the war brought industrial 
to the national government several problems besides that problems of 

r • rT^^ ' 111 government 

of reconstruction. I here was an immense war debt to be and people 
refunded and paid. Congress was obliged to decide whether (1865-1886). 
the paper money of the war should be retained, when specie 
payments might be resumed, and what should be done about 
silver. By 1880 we were again on a specie basis, although 
a great amount of paper was in circulation and there was no 
longer free coinage of silver. The nation meanwhile had 
passed through a period of extreme business activity followed 
by the great depression in the years after 1873. One of the 
prominent characteristics of the time was the rapid expan- 
sion of railways. In the East the railways cut rates between 
competitive points, making good the losses at the expense 
of intermediate stations. Cut-throat competition led to 
the formation of pools. In the East, first, and later in 
the West, state railway commissions sought to restrain the 



472 American History [1865- 

railways, the granger legislation of the prairie states being so 

drastic as to injure the railways. Legislation for interstate 

railways was delayed until 1887. 

Political parties The election of Hayes put an end to the political confusion 

and problems q£ ^]^g reconstruction period, and with the election of 1880 new 
(1877-1886). ^ 

issues were discussed. Some of these were industrial, as was 

the case with the tariff, which became prominent during the 

close of this period. From 1882 to 1886 more attention was 

paid to the reform of party politics. The first attack was 

made on the spoils system, but later the reform of elections 

and the primaries was demanded. 



TOPICS 

1. Constitutionality of the Greenbacks: Bancroft, "Plea 
for the Constitution"; Knox, "United States Notes," pp. 156-166, 
193-229; Hart, "Salmon P. Chase," pp. 389-414; Thayer, "Cases 
in Constitutional Law," II, pp. 2222-2273. 

2. National Control of Railways: Lord, J. W., in North 
American Review, 183 (1905), pp. 754-766; Haynes, "Restrictive 
Railway Legislation," pp. 220-233, 243-292; Johnson, "American 
Railway Transportation," pp. 367-407, 420-427; Meyer, "Govern- 
ment Regulation of Railway Rates," pp. 319-439. 



STUDIES 

1. John Sherman and Resumption. (Sherman, "Recollections 
of Forty Years," II, pp. 629-660.) 

2. Oil craze in Pennsylvania. (Tarbell, "History of Standard 
Oil," I, Chapter I.) 

3. Destruction of Custer's force. (Andrews, "United States 
in Our Own Time," pp. 186-193.) 

4. Building the first transcontinental line. (Warman, "Story 
of the Railroad," pp. 31-65.) 

5. Transportation in the South. (Bruce, "Rise of New South," 
pp. 281-306.) 

6. Government grants of land to railways. (Hart, "Practical 
Essays," No. 10.) 

7. Conkling's attempt to nominate Grant. (Dawes, H. L., in 
Century, 47 (1894), pp. 341-344.) 

8. The Plumed Knight and his joust. (Andrews, "United States 
in Our Own Time," pp. 452-480.) 



1 886] Internal Development 473 

9. History of removal from national offices. (Cleveland, G., in 
Atlantic Monthly, 85 (1900), pp. 721-732; 86 (1900), pp. 1-14.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Look up the income taxes and taxes on production during 
the Civil War. Why was there opposition to these taxes? Should 
they have been retained after the war? If not, should the tariffs 
have been lowered to correspond to the reduction on the internal 
taxes ? 

2. What is meant by "legal tender"? Should Congress be pro- 
hibited from issuing a legal tender paper money? What has been 
the importance of the greenbacks, in supplying the government with 
revenue ? in increasing government expenditures by affecting the 
price of bonds (§ 389) and by requiring a gold reserve (§ 412) in 
relation to business ? 

3. Give a summary of the laws regarding gold and silver money 
from 1792 to 1900. Compare the Bland-Allison Act and the Sher- 
man Act ; the law of 1873 and the law of 1900. 

4. How does our federal system, of government complicate the 
problem of railway control ? Has government interference with the 
railway business protected the shippers? protected the public? 
affected the railways? 

5. Show how the year 1877 marks a return to normal conditions, 
in the South; in the national government; in political parties; in 
business. 

6. What is meant by the "third-term tradition"? Is it ever 
likely to be set aside? What change occurred between 1876 and 
1885 in the composition of the parties and their policies? 

7. What were the chief abuses existing in 1880 in the selection of 
public officials ? Summarize the progress that has been made toward 
more satisfactory methods of appointment and election. 



CHAPTER XX 
THE END OF THE ERA (1886-1897) 

Presidents 

Grover Cleveland (1885-1889) Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893) 
Grover Cleveland (1893-1897) 



General 
changes of the 
period. 



Tariff of 1883. 
Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§ 180. 
Taussig, 
Tarif Hist., 
230-237- 



Tariff discus- 
sion (1884- 



Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist. 
(rev. ed.), 313- 
314- 



The Tariff 

405. Proposed Reform of the Tariff (1882 1888). — The 

period from 1886 to 1897 was a period of social unrest ^ and 
industrial change.^ It was the end of the era of isolation in 
foreign affairs, for after 1897 the United States occupied a 
new position as a world power. During the period there 
were interesting foreign complications, and sharp internal 
political controversies, first over the tariff and later over free 
silver. 

The commercial and industrial changes which took place 
during the administrations of Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur 
made advisable a revision of the tariff, which was in 1882 
substantially the same as at the close of the Civil War. A 
commission of business men appointed by President Arthur 
recommended a reduction in rates, but Congress passed in 
1883 a tariff which raised many of the protective rates. 

The tariff was discussed somewhat in connection with the 
election of 1884 and occupied the attention of Congress 
during several sessions. In general the Republicans favored 
the existing rates and the Democrats sought to obtain a re- 
duction, but a fair minority of Democrats, led by Samuel J. 
Randall of Pennsylvania, were protectionists. Party lines 

1 On Chinese legislation see §476, note i. On the Mormons, §477, 
note 2. 

2 On industrial changes see also §§467-469, 473-476. 

474 



1 888] 



Social and Indiistrial Conditions 



47S 



were not drawn strictly on this issue until after December, 
1887, when President Cleveland devoted his entire message to 
a plea for tariff reform. In this document he used the oft- 
quoted statement, " It is a condition which confronts us, not a 
theory." During the following spring (1888) the Demo- 
cratic House passed the Mills Bill, providing a tariff for 
revenue only, but the Senate favored a tariff even higher 
than that in use. 

406. The Election of 1888. — In the presidential election 
of 1888 all other questions were subordinated to that of the 
tariff. Cleveland was renom- 
inated by the Democrats, but 
failed to draw as large a part 
of the independent vote as 
in 1884. Benjamin Harrison 
of Indiana was elected by a 
comparatively close vote on 
a distinctively protectionist 
platform.^ Harrison, a con- 
scientious man, who had been 
long in public life, was the 
grandson of President William 
Henry Harrison. Although 
he had few peers in making short addresses to public 
audiences, he possessed little tact and magnetism in deal- 
ing with individuals. His most prominent cabinet official 
was James G. Blaine, who conducted important negotia- 
tions with Great Britain and Italy and took a prominent 
part in Pan-American affairs (§§ 416-418). 

The Fifty-first Congress, elected in 1888, was one of the 
most memorable in our history. It possessed a Republican 
majority in both houses — the first time that any party had 
been in power since 1876 — but the majorities in both houses 
were very small. The House selected Thomas B. Reed of 
Maine as speaker. Since some Republicans were always 

'The electoral vote was 233 to 168, but Cleveland's plurality on the pop- 
ular vote was 98,017. 




Benjamin Harrison 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§181. 



Taussig, 
Tariff Hist., 
251-255- 



Election of 
Harrison. 



Peck, Twenty 
Years, 155-165. 

Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter 
XXIX. 

New House 
rules. 

Follett, Speaker 
of the H. o/R., 
190-216. 



476 



American History 



[1889 



Protection and 
reciprocity. 

Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
301-302. 

Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§187. 



Larned (ed.), 
Ready Re/., 
IV, 3085-3089. 



Election of 
1892. 



Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
491-518. 



absent the Democrats sought to " filibuster " and prevent 
the transaction of business by failing to respond to their 
names when the roll was called. In order to obtain a 
quorum Reed ruled that any member who was in the Hall 
of Representatives should be counted as present whether he 
responded to his name or not. This and other acts destined 
to destroy the " rights of the minority " were received with 
protests so loud that the title " Czar " Reed was thereafter 
applied to the big man from Maine. 

407. The McKinley Tariff (1890). — This Congress 
enacted three laws which were of particular importance. 
One of these was a silver act (§ 412), another the so-called 
Sherman Anti-Trust law (§ 450). The third was the Mc- 
Kinley tariff reported in the House by the chairman of the 
Ways and Means committee, William McKinley. In its final 
form it was the most distinctively protective act ever passed 
by Congress. The rates were especially high on manufactures 
of wool and cotton. As there had been a large surplus of rev- 
enues over expenditures for several years, the free list was 
enlarged greatly, sugar being the most important commod- 
ity admitted free for the first time. To protect the growers of 
sugar in the United States a bounty of two cents a pound 
was to be paid on all sugar produced in this country. The 
tariff also provided for reciprocity by permitting the presi- 
dent to increase the duties on certain articles imported prin- 
cipally from Latin America, if any country discriminated 
against our exports.^ The tariff was not approved by 
many moderate Republicans and was one cause of the de- 
cided reaction against that party in the following election. 

In the election of 1892 the Republicans indorsed their 
policy of protection and the Democrats came out emphati- 
cally for a revenue tariff. Cleveland and Harrison were 
again the candidates. The campaign was unusually quiet, 
but it was found when the votes were counted that, as in 
1890, the Democrats had carried a large number of nor- 
mally Republican states. 

^ These articles were sugar, molasses, tea, cofifee, and hides. 



^^95] Social and Industrial Conditions 477 

408. The Gorman-Wilson Tariff; the Income Tax Gorman- wil- 
(1894). — The Democratic platform in 1892 had contained son tariff. 
an unequivocal declaration for a revenue tariff. To redeem 
this pledge a tariff bill was introduced in the House by l^ewey, Finan- 
William L. Wilson, chairman of the Committee on Ways r 
and Means. Rates on protected articles were much lower 
than in the McKinley Act, although still high ; while many 
articles, such as raw wool, coal, and iron ore were placed on Ready Re/., 
the free list. In the Senate the Wilson Bill was altered by the iv, 3087-3089. 
committee under Senator Gorman so that most of the revenue 
features were removed and high protective rates were re- 
established on many manufactured articles. As the Demo- 
cratic majority was not united, a combination of members 
from both parties passed "the bill in this form and finally 
compelled the House to adopt practically the same measure, 
on the promise that the Senate would consider bills to place 
coal, wool, and other articles on the free list. President 
Cleveland was unwilling to sign so un-Democratic a measure, 
but,, beheving it to be better than the McKinley tariff, 
allowed it to become a law without his signature. 

The most interesting provision of this act was an income income tax 
tax of two per cent levied on all incomes in excess of $4000. and its consti- 
This measure was desired by the South and West, which 
feared and distrusted the capitalists of the East. It was Dewey, Finan- 
denounced as a class measure aimed at persons of wealth, "^^ ^^■^^•' 
but the exemption of incomes below $4000 was justified on 
the ground that capitaHsts paid less in proportion to their 
ability than other members of society. The law was set Lamed (ed.), 
aside by the Supreme Court because it held that all income 55^4-^57. 
taxes were direct taxes which must be levied according to 
population.^ Nearly twenty years later the Constitution was 
amended for the first time in forty years to permit the levying 
of income taxes (§ 464). The loss of revenue, estimated at . 
$40,000,000 a year, seriously hampered the national govern- 
ment at a time when the ordinary revenues were reduced 

1 Constitution, Art. I, § 9, cl. 4. 



478 



Amrrican History 



[1S97 



Dingey tariff 
(1S97). 



Lamed (ed."), 
Rfody Rf/.. 
VI. 5>i-5S-. 



Taussig. 
TarifHist., 
324-32S, 54^ 
360. 



greatly, and there was a constant demand on the gold in the 
treasuT}' in exchange for paper money.^ 

409. Recent Tariffs. — As the Republicans were suc- 
cessful in the election of iSqO i^^ 412) and desired to re- 
vise the tarini at the first opportunity, a special session of 
Congress was called in March. iSqj. In July a tariff was 
adopted which marked a return to many of the rates used 
in the McKinley tariff of iSgo, although some of the nues 
represented a compromise between the rates adopted in 
iSqo and those of the Gorman- \Mlson tariff. This Dingley 
tariff p^o^-ided for tvvo forms of reciprocity : (i) The presi- 
dent was authorized to levy duties on certain imports that 
otherwise would come in free from semi-tropical countries 
which discriminated against American exjx>rts. (^^^ By 
reciprocity treaties the president and Senate, vdih the ap- 
proval of Congress, might reviuce by twenty per cent the 
rates on a few articles in return for concessions made to our 
trade by foreign powers. Xumerv>us treaties were negotiated 
under this clause, but only rvvo of these were ratihed. As 
the Republican party remained in power for several years 
after 1S07, no change was made in the tariff until the adop- 
tion of the Payn«^Aldrich tariff in 1Q09 (^§ 463). Recent 
changes in the tariff are treated later as part of the move- 
ment of the times. 



Ccaiditions at 
Cleveland's 
inaugtiratioa 
US93\ 



The Silver Contro\'ersy (i $93-1807) 

410. Repeal of the Sherman Silver Act. — Cleveland 

began his second term under unfavorable circumstances. 

The finances of the national government were in an im- 

satisfactory condition, foreign affairs were sdll complicated, 

business was unsettled, the people were uneasy, and the 

* The ejDcess of eipenditxures oviar revenue fee the year 18013-1894 was 
se\-«ity millions and for the last three year? ctf Cleveland's administration 
about eighty-five milBons, To meet this deficit and suppl\- gv4d fear the gold 
reserve, bonds were se4vi aggregating in \"alue $ ^6^.000.000. One issue of 
sdxtA-two milfions was sold secretlx- to a "" bc«id s>-ndicate '* which agreed to 
impcart gvJd and to prevent gold from being withdrawn from the treasur\- for 
a period. This sale was pn>babb" the meet criticised of the manj- unxisual 
acts of this administration. 



1893] TJie Silver Controversy 479 

willingness and ability of the government to redeem its Peck, Twenty 
obligations in gold were questioned. Cleveland selected as J''^'-f. 300-3-S 
his Secretary of State Walter Q. Gresham, a former Re- 
publican, without experience in diplomatic affairs. ]Most 
of the other members of his cabinet were unknown men, 
although events proved their ability. 

In 1S90 the Bland-Allison Act (§ 301) had been replaced Silver law of 
by a new silver law which was passed by Congress as a ^^90. 
substitute for a free silver measure desired in the West. 
This law, called the Sherman Silver Act, authorized the ^^^'f^' ^"t"" 
treasury department to purchase 4,500,000 ounces of sil- 




INAUGUKATION OF CLEVELAND (,1893) 

ver a month, paying for it in certificates which were full 

legal tender and which were redeemable in either gold or 

silver at the option of the department. 

The passage of this act, coupled with business changes Difficulty in 

durinsf the vears 1800-1802, had a decided influence on the "i^^i^taining 
* • y ^ ' ... the gold 

gold reserve of the treasury. Since the resumption of specie reserve. 

pa}-ments (1879) (§390), it had been the custom to keep at 

least Sioo,ooo,ooo in gold always on hand for the redemp- 33^^^^^, Finan- 

tion of notes issued on the credit of the United States, dai Hist., 

Comparatively few of these had been presented prior to ^^ ^^^> ^^9- 

1890, but after 1890 the amount of the gold reserve declined 

steadilv. President Cleveland believed that this unfortunate ^""y^^' ^'''^ 

'- V . 11 • 1 1 • Yfarso/Am. 

State ot anairs and the uneasmess caused among busmess pi„^nce, 
men by the low state of the revenue was due chiefly to the 153-173- 
purchase of silver required under the Sherman Act. He did 
21 



48o 



American History 



[1893 



Causes. 

Peck, Twenty 
Years, 448-453. 



Development 
of the silver 
movement. 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., \ 194. 



Peck, Twenty 
Years, 453-464. 



not call a special session of Congress, however, until more 
than a month after the commercial unrest had brought on a 
panic in May, 1893 (§ 454)? until, in fact India closed her 
mints to the free coinage of silver. The House voted 
for repeal without delay, but the silver men in the Senate 
held out over two months before they would permit the 
Sherman Act to be repealed. 

411. The Free Silver Movement in the West. ^ — During 
the years preceding 1893 there were numerous indications 
of a serious movement throughout the West against the 
commercial interests of the East and against the financial 
policy of the national government. In 1890 and in 1892 
several states had been carried by voters known as " pop- 
ulists," who favored a change. With the hard times that 
began in 1893 ^^^ lasted for several years, the movement 
became more aggressive and almost universal throughout the 
states from the Missouri River to the Pacific coast. From 
all parts of the West arose a demand for government relief 
from the financial ills that oppressed the people. At first 
the demand was for the redemption of all paper money at 
Washington in silver as well as gold; but later, especially 
after the Sherman Silver Act had been repealed, the cry 
arose for " free silver." In fact, many of the westerners 
urged the issuance of paper money on an extensive scale. 

Thousands of editors, politicians, and public speakers 
discussed this question until even the children felt that the 
wrong done to the West by the administration and Wall 
Street could be righted only by the free coinage of silver at 
the ratio of sixteen to one. Most of the western farmers 
were deeply in debt, but had struggled along cheerfully in 
spite of high rates of interest, heavy charges for transport- 
ing their grain to an eastern market, and the manipula- 
tion of the market by speculators to the great loss of the grain 
grower. But natural as was their anger against capital 
and the administration, it was unfortunate that they should 
have selected " free silver " as the sole remedy for the con- 
ditions existing in that sectiour 



896] 



The Silver Controversy 



481 



412. Election of 1896. — So formidable had this free Party conven- 
silver movement become that it dominated the poUtical *^°"^- 
situation in 1896. The most ardent advocates of free silver 
were the "Populists," ^ who were preeminently a cheap money Andrews, Our 
party, advocating the free coinage of silver at a legal ratio ^'^ g ^^^' 
of sixteen to one and the issuance by the government, with- 
out intervention of the banks, of paper money in large 
quantities. The Republicans, who held their convention 
earliest, sought to subordinate 
the question of money to that 
of protection. They declared 
their opposition to the free 
coinage of silver except by in- 
ternational agreement -with 
the leading nations of the 
world. William McKinley of 
Ohio was their nominee for the 
presidency. The Democrats 
met at Chicago, the silver and 
the anti-silver men striving 
for control. The silver men 
outnumbered their opponents 
easily and succeeded in adopt- 
ing a free-silver plank for their platform. During the 
course of the debate on silver a speech of remarkable 
power was given by William J. Bryan of Nebraska.^ 
Bryan was nominated subsequently not only by the 
Democratic convention, but by that of the People's party 
and by the silver Republicans who '' bolted " the Re- 
publican ticket. The Democrats and the Populists, how- 
ever, nominated different candidates for the vice presi- 
dency. Many gold Democrats supported the Republican 




William J. Bryan 



^ This name was given commonly to members of the People's party. 

2 The most dramatic passage in this historic oration was that in which he 
declared, " We answer the demand for the gold standard by saying, ' You 
shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You 
shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.' " 

2 I 



482 



American History 



[1896 



ticket, but others held a convention at Indianapolis and 

selected nominees of their own. 
Campaign and The campaign was one of great vigor and intense interest, 
election. Bryan visited almost every state in the Union, making 

speeches everywhere along the route. The Republicans 
Dewey, Finan- ^.^^-^^ ^^ ^ u campaign of education," but both sides scat- 

cial Hist., ^ ° 



§ 194. 



tered cartoons and documents broadcast. Each party 



^^^^^ 







r 



ELECTION OF 1896 

McKinky [^^ 271 
Bryan ^^^ 176 




McKinley's 
policy. 



claimed to favor the only form of " sound money." The 
returns show^ed that party lines had been abandoned every- 
where and that the sections had voted solidly for the candi- 
date that seemed to champion their interests. McKinley 
carried the North as far west as the Missouri and obtained 
the electoral votes of Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, 
and two Pacific states in addition, a total of 271. Bryan had 
large majorities in all the mountain, western prairie, or dis- 
tinctively southern states, 176 electoral votes in all. The 
total popular vote polled was larger than that in either 1900 
or 1904. 

413. Republican Policies. — The tidal wave of 1896 gave 
the Republicans control of all branches of the national 
government — a control which they maintained and 



iTQOO] 



The Silver Controversy 



483 



strengthened for many years owing to the dissensions in the 
Democratic ranks. McKinley, who was by temperament 
fair-minded and conservative, surrounded himself with a 
cabinet which contained during the first part of his ad- 
ministration men Hke John Sherman and WiUiam R. Day, 
and later included those exceedingly able statesmen, 
John Hay and Elihu Root. 
McKinley sought to conciliate 
the different interests at home 
and to prevent unnecessary 
complications abroad. The 
v^hief event of his administra- 
tion was the conflict with 
Spain which changed -many 
national policies (§§ 428-431.) 
No change was made in the 
iinancial system of the United 
States until in 1900 a law was 
passed revising part of the 
system. Gold was declared to 
be the money standard, and 
all forms of money are to be maintained at a parity with gold. 
The national paper currency was reduced in amount and 
reissued only in exchange for gold. The old bonds bearing 
three, four, or five per cent interest which had almost 
reached maturity might be exchanged for new thirty-year 
two per cent bonds. National banks might be organized 
more easily and might issue notes on more liberal terms. 




William McKinley 



Financial law 
of 1900. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, No. 172. 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 
VI, 639-641. 

Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
\\ 198-201. 



Foreign Affairs (1865-1895) 

414. Disputes with England. — During the first adminis- Fisheries 

tration of Cleveland most of our foreign disputes were with disputes. 

Great Britain. The more acute of these dealt with the ^ ^ ., 

Lambndge 

northeastern fisheries and was settled at this time ; the others Mod. Hist., 

were concerned with fur sealing in Bering Sea and with the VII, 657-659. 

Alaskan boundary. It will be recalled (§ 170) that at 

the close of the Revolution the New England states desired 



484 



American History 



[1886 



Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Rej., II, 
1121-1122. 

Andrews, Our 
Own Time, 
508-515- 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, No. 173- 

McGrath, 

P. T., in New 

England Mag., 
ii (1906), 625- 
630. 



Seals in Bering 
Sea. 

Larned (ed.). 
Ready Re/., V, 
3581-3582, 

VI, 51-53. 

Dewey, Nat. 

Problems, 

208-213. 

The Alaskan 
boundary. 



a continuance of the profitable fisheries off Newfoundland. 
The liberal privileges granted to the United States in the 
treaty of 1783 were declared to be forfeited when war broke 
out in 181 2, and in 18 18, when the matter was readjusted, 
the United States was obHged to surrender her claim to most 
of the *' inshore " fisheries. There was continued dispute 
over the interpretation of the convention of 181 8 and several 
attempts were made to gain further rights, notably in the 
important treaty of Washington^ (187 1), by which the United 
States gave a free market to all Canadian fish and gained the 
right to fish off the coasts of the British colonies for ten years, 
on payment of $5,000,000.^ When these privileges lapsed, 
peaceful relations were disturbed by the seizure of American 
fishing vessels which trespassed on forbidden ground. After 
much hard feeUng the matter was settled by giving special 
privileges to those American fishermen who took out licenses 
in Canada. For some years fishing was permitted by special 
agreements with Newfoundland, but in 1908 the whole 
question was submitted to the Hague Court (§ 443). A1-. 
though the decisions of the Court in 19 10 gave Great 
Britain control of bays less than ten miles wide, it freed 
American fishermen from petty regulations and annoy- 
ances. 

The Bering Sea seal fisheries were threatened with de- 
struction because of raids by irresponsible parties. After 
protracted controversy, it was decided that Canadian sealers 
should not take furs within a distance of sixty miles of the 
most important seal islands. In 191 1 an agreement was 
made by the United States, Great Britain, Japan, and Russia 
for the permanent protection of the seal herds. 

The invasion of Alaska by gold seekers after 1898 (§ 437) 
brought into prominence the boundary between Alaska and 



I 



1 This treaty of Washington not only settled the controversy over the 
fisheries, but arranged for the arbitration of the claims due to losses caused 
by the Alabama and other cruisers (§ 361, note) and for the arbitration of the 
boundary line in Puget Sound. 

2 This award was made at Halifax in 1877. 



1 891] Foreign Affairs 485 

Canada.^ Both sides wished to control the most valuable Lamed (ed.), 
mines and the bays leading to the interior where the mines ^^'^^^ ^^•^•' ^^' 
were. By submitting the question to arbitration the 
United States gained most of her contentions, so that she Latane, Am. as 
controls practically all of the coast of the " panhandle " ^^3-202 
of Alaska. 

415. Samoa. — ■ Harrison's administration is notable not Our first joint 
alone for the interest we were beginning to take in our protectorate, 
southern neighbors, but because in the south Pacific we were Cambridge 
engaging with other nations in a method of political control ^ 66*-fi'6 
hitherto foreign to our policy. This was done in the estab- 
lishment of a joint protectorate over the group of SamOan Lamed (ed.), 
Islands. In 1878 we had obtained Pago Pago harbor as a R^'^^y Rej.,vi, 
coaHng station, but our commerce with the islands was not 
large, and it was not until 1889 that the attempt of Germany Foster, Am. 
to control the king of the island forced the United States into Diplomacy 
a joint protectorate for Samoa with Germany and Great 386-398. 
Britain. This did not work well, and by 1898 a situation had 
developed that was httle better than civil war. By common 
consent (1899) the joint protectorate was dissolved, Tutuila 
Island with Pago Pago harbor being given to the United 
States and the rest of the islands going to Germany, which 
compensated Great Britain for her share. 

1 The relations of Canada and the United States have at all times been 
very intimate. In 1776 attempts were made to have Canada join the 
United States, in the invasion of Arnold (§ 142) and in the Declaration of 
Independence. In 1783 part of Canada was ceded by Great Britain to the 
United States (§171). In 181 2 one important cause of the war was a design 
on the part of the West to annex Canada (§ 245). Later boundary disputes 
(§§ 280, 303), reciprocity for 12 years (1854-1866), fisheries questions, re- 
newed talk of annexation, and finally in ipii renewed consideration of reci- 
procity (§ 458), formed other links in the chain of international relations. So 
many Canadians have come to the border states during the last half century 
and so many Americans have gone to the Canadian northwest in the last 
decade that the boundary line between the two countries is not so important 
socially as it was. Since Canada became practically self-governing and in 
1867 formed a federation, called the Dominion of Canada, there is Httle 
difference pohtically between the two. As we export to Canada more 
than to any other country except Great Britain, and as we need Canadian 
raw materials, the commercial relations ought to be still closer than they 
are. 



486 



American History 



[1893 



United States 
and Hawaii 
before 1893. 
Andrews, Our 
Own Time, 
700-704. 
Foster, Am. 
Diplomacy 
in Orient, 
370-378. 

Revolution of 
1893. 

Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 
VII, 667-668. 



United States 
and Hawaii 
(i 893-1 898). 

Peck, Twenty 
Years, 243- 
248, 331-335- 

Foster, Am. 
Diplomacy 
in Orient, 
378-385. 



.vi^\ 



PAG 



Longitude Wei 



o^'^ 












\^Td> 



416. — Hawaii. — Americans have been interested in the 
Hawaiian Islands since the first part of the nineteenth cen- 
tury. After the Civil War there was a growing sentiment 
in the United States that the islands must never be con- 
trolled by any European power. On account of a desire 
for free trade with Hawaii, a reciprocity treaty was signed 
in 1876, but we did not interfere with the government of the 
islands, which had become more liberal because of the de- 
mands of white residents. 

Early in 1893 there occurred in the Hawaiian Islands a 
revolution which drove from the throne the reigning queen, 

Liliuokalani, who 
wished to restore 
arbitrary govern- 
ment. During 
the confusion ac- 
companying this 
change, the Amer- 
ican minister 
authorized the 
landing of marines 
and raised the 
American flag. A treaty was drawn up without delay pro- 
viding for the annexation of Hawaii to the United States and 
was submitted by President Harrison to the Senate during 
the closing days of his term. 

Before action had been taken in the Senate, the treaty 
was withdrawn by President Cleveland, and a special 
commissioner, James H. Blount, was sent to investigate the 
revolution. By Blount's orders the flag of the United 
States was hauled down, and, on his recommendations, plans 
were made for the restoration of the queen. These failed 
because the new government refused to relinquish its author- 
ity and because the queen desired the death of all engaged 
in the revolt against her. The President's policy was not 
popular, and in 1894 he recognized the newly organized 
republic of Hawaii. In 1897 another treaty providing for 



THE 
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 

SCALE OF MILES 
20 40 SO leO 



VHualalii ^^'t.^ 




1906] Foreign Affairs 487 

annexation was signed, but it failed of ratification. Not 
until the events leading to the Spanish- American War forced 
us to abandon our old policy of semi-isolation from affairs 
of world-wide importance did Hawaii become part of the 
United States (1898) through joint resolution of the houses 
of Congress. 

417. Pan-American Congresses. — In a sense our most Panama Con- 
important foreign relations and policies have been those ^''^^^ (1826). 
with our southern neighbors. The Monroe Doctrine grew Foster, Am. 
out of attempts to protect them and our interests in Latin Diplomacy, 
America. Beginning with James G. Blaine, several states- ^ ^ ^^^' 
men have attempted to increase our trade with Latin Amer- Burgess, 

ica and establish a better feeling between the United States ^"^'^^^ ^^'''"^' 

147-155- 
and countries south of us. The first Pan-American congress 

was held at Panama in 1826 for the purpose of forming an al- 
liance of the Latin-American states in their contest with 
Spain. The United States was asked to send delegates, 
although it was expected that we should have no share in the 
alliance ; but many Americans objected to sending commis- 
sioners. The proposed alliance came to naught. Later 
congresses of Latin-American states were held, without im- 
portant results. 

The United States did not take part in the work of any Pan-American 
congresses until 1889. Delegates from the republics in the ^^o^^^'^^^'^J! 
new world met in conference at Washington in October, 
1889, and selected as chairman Secretary Blaine, who had Andrews, Our 

tried to secure a Pan-American conference in 1881. This ^^ ^^^' 

566-574. 

conference was followed in 1900 by one held in the city of 

Mexico. The third Pan-American conference met at Rio Casasus, J. D., 

Janeiro in 1006, and the fourth in Buenos Ayres in 10 10. ^^ Annals oj 

i,, , r I • , , . , , , ^w. Acad. Pol. 

The results of the meetmgs have been important, although ^^ g^p ^^^ 
the delegates have made no laws and the different countries (1906), 5-13. 
have not always acted on the suggestions offered. Because 
of these conferences a better understanding exists among the 
nations of the new world. Commerce has been promoted, 
especially by the establishment of a bureau of the American 
republics which collects and pubHshes information regarding 



488 



American History 



[i86s 



Two applica- 
tions of the 
Monroe 
Doctrine. 



The French in 
jNIexico (iS66). 

Foster, Am. 

Diplomacy, 

401-403. 

Lothrop, 
Srivard, 387- 
395- 



trade.^ ^lost of the countries have agreed to use every 
effort to preserve peace and the most important nations have 
given their consent to a plan for the compulsory arbitration of 
debts owed bv any government to citizens of another country. 

418. The Monroe Doctrine and Mexico after the Civil 
War. — During the last half century there have been two con- 
spicuous instances of European interference ^^'ith the affairs 
of the Latin- American repubHcs to which we have objected. 
The first of these occurred in ^lexico during the C\\\\ War, 
the second grew out of the boundary dispute in Venezuela. 

During the Civil War Xapoleon III of France, under 
pretext of collecting certain debts, forced upon the Mexicans 
an Austrian prince named Maximilian, who was main- 
tained as Emperor of Mexico by the use of the French army. 
Being fully occupied with the prosecution of the war, and 
anxious to avoid difficulty with France, the government at 
Washington felt it um\-ise to do more than refuse to recognize 
Maximihan's government and mildly protest against Na- 
poleon's course. After Appomattox the case was different. 
An armv of observation under Sheridan was dispatched to 
the Rio Grande, and disapproval of French actions was 
clearlv expressed. Finally, on December 10, 1S65, Secretary 
Seward sent to France a peremptory note, stating that the 
poHcv of friendship for France would " be brought into im- 
mediate jeopardy, unless France could deem it consistent with 
her interest and honor to desist from the prosecution of armed 
intervention in ^lexico to overthrow the domestic repubhcan' 
government existing there, and to estabhsh upon its ruins the 
foreign monarchy which has been attempted to be inaugu- 
rated in the capital of that country." .After a Httle hesitation 
Napoleon agreed to withdraw his troops ; and when that was 
done, the Mexican Empire came to an end, MaximiHan being 
put to death. 

419. Dispute over the Boundary of Venezuela (1895). — 
Since the early part of the nineteenth century, there had been 

1 It has a building at Washington built chiefly with money donated by 
Mr. Carnegie. 



[895] 



Foreign Affairs 



489 




Richard Olney 



a dispute over the location of the boundary line between 
British Guiana and Venezuela. This had never been located, 
although repeated attempts had been made, especially after 
1 84 1, to reach some agreement. The disputed territory in- 
cluded a large area in the interior, in which gold had been 
discovered, and a strip along 
the mouth of the great Orinoco 
River. Venezuela proposed 
arbitration, but the British 
government refused at first 
such a settlement of the ques- 
tion, and later agreed to that 
method only on condition 
that Venezuela should admit 
the validity of most of Eng- 
land's claims before submis- 
sion to arbitrators. 

The disparity in strength between Great Britain and 
Venezuela, the danger that Venezuela might be forced to 
surrender some of her territory to Great Britain, as well as 
the interest of the United States in the controversy, seemed to 
President Cleveland and Secretary of State Olney sufficient 
ground for interference. Secretary Olney accordingly wrote 
to Lord Salisbury (1895), explaining at length the nature of 
the Monroe Doctrine and asserting our right to protect 
Venezuela from the forcible seizure of the territory in dis- 
pute. Lord Salisbury answered that the Monroe Doctrine 
was simply a policy of the United States, that it was not a part 
of the law of nations, and that, in any case, it was not a suffi- 
cient reason for American interference. 

420. Settlement of the Venezuela Controversy. — Soon 
after receiving this reply. President Cleveland sent a special 
message to Congress (December 17). He stated that since 
Great Britain had been unwilling to submit the dispute to 
impartial arbitration, it was now the duty of the United 
States to determine the location of the true boundary line. 
He recommended a commission appointed by the executive 



Venezuelan 
boundary dis- 
pute before 
1895. 

Cambridge 
Mod. Hist., 
VII, 670-671, 



Correspond- 
ence over 
Venezuela. 

Hart, Contem- 
poraries, 
IV, No. 179. 

Latane, U. S. 
and Sp. Am., 

272-277. 

Dewey, Nai. 

Problems, 

304-307. 



Cleveland's 
message. 

Dewey, Nai. 

Problems, 

307-312. 



490 



Anuricaji History 



[189: 



Cleveland. 
Pr€S. Problems, 
209-273. 



Decision 
regarding 
Venezuela 
boundary. 

Cleveland, 
Pres. Problems, 
273-2S1. 

Larned (.ed.), 
Ready Ret.. 
VI. 690-O93. 



Debt collec- 
tion in Vene- 
zuela and 
Santo 
Domingo. 

Lamed (ed.). 
Ready Re/., 
Vn, 5S2-5S5, 
0S4-6S5. 

Latane. Am. 
as a World 
Power, 271- 
2S4. 

The dilemma 
of the Monroe 
Doctrine. 

Bingham, H., 
in Atlafific Mo., 
Ill (1913), 
721-734- 



to investigate the question and render a report. '* When 
such report is made and accepted it will, in my opinion, be 
the duty of the United States to resist, by every means in its 
power, as a ^^-illful aggression upon its rights and interests, 
the appropriation of any lands or the exercise of governmen- 
tal jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation 
we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela." 

This forceful language aroused great enthusiasm in Amer- 
ica, but for a few days there was considerable excitement 
because of the belief that war u-ith Great Britain might fol- 
low. .\fter the commission was appointed, Great Britain 
agreed to arbitrate the dispute, on condition that each country 
could have the lands which its citizens had occupied for 
lifty years. This gave a large part oi the inland territory 
in dispute to Great Britain without further controversy. The 
tribunal which tixed the line decided, however, that Venezuela 
should control the territory on both sides of the Orinoco. 

421. The Monroe Doctrine since 1895. — The Venezuela 
dispute emphasized the fact that the Monroe Doctrine 
is not simply the doctrine announced by ^Monroe in 1S23. 
Since 1S95 the doctrine has been changed still further. In 
1902 Germany, Great Britain, and Italy tried to collect from 
Venezuela by '* peaceful blockade " debts due to citizens of 
those countries. \Mien the United States insisted that a 
peaceful blockade was contrary to the Monroe Doctrine, 
the powers declared a war blockade. The question was 
settled by submission to the Hague Court, which gave pref- 
erence to the three powers over other creditor countries. 
Later, in Santo Domingo, President Roosevelt took charge of 
the customs of that country in oreier to protect American 
interests and to avoid European interference. 

As the ^lonroe Doctrine is the policy of the President of 
the United States, it varies with each executive. President 
Roosevelt favored a very great extension of the doctrine. 
Other chief executives would restrict it. Continued mis- 
government in a Latin- American republic, coupled \s\t\). inter- 
ference with foreigners and foreign property rights, certainly 
calls for superWsion by the United States, as Roosevelt 



1895] 



Foreign Affairs 



491 



insisted, or interference by European powers, if American 
diplomacy and moral suasion fail. But the more progres- 
sive Latin-American countries fear Uncle Sam's interference 
rather than that of Europe. The Monroe Doctrine arouses 
the hostility of these people and interferes with their friend- 
ship for us and their trade with us. We must expand the 
doctrine, or we must limit it to unwarranted interference by 
Europe, or we must abandon it. 

In spite of this indefiniteness the Monroe Doctrine may 
be said to include the following principles. No European 
power can colonize any American territory, with or without 
the consent of the American republic whose territory is taken. 
No great European power shall decide territory controversies 
with the weaker American states to its owm advantage. We 
. do not permit one of the great nations to occupy or retain 
the territory of a republic of this continent to guarantee the 
payment of debts owed in Europe. On the other hand, we 
do not object to the use of force if necessary to collect debts 
that a Spanish-American state may refuse to pay, nor do we 
interfere in ordinary disputes between the nations of the old 
world and the new, although we always offer our services 
in the settlement of the controversy. 

422. Summary. — ^The decade which closed with 1897 is 
noteworthy as a transition period. It was the end of an 
era of growth mainly national. It was a time of change in 
politics, in business, and in society. People were dissatisfied 
with their political parties and their government's methods 
in dealing with internal and foreign questions. 

Politically the period may be divided into two parts, 
(i) The dominant issue from 1886 to 1894 was the tariff. 
In 1890 a high protective tariff was adopted. (2) From 
1894 to 1896 the free-silver movement obscured every other. 

The foreign questions of the period were more important 
than at almost any other time since 1815. Most of our 
ordinary disputes were settled without great difficulty. Two 
questions, those of Samoa and Venezuela, showed a desire 
on the part of the officials and people to take an active part 
in world affairs from which we had heretofore held aloof. 



Blakeslee, 
G. n.,mNo. 
Am. Rev., 198 
(I9I3),779- 
789. 



Principles of 
the Monroe 
Doctrine. 

No. Am. Rev., 
180 (1905), 
5S6-601 . 



General. 



Political issues 



Foreign affairs. 



492 American History [1909 

TOPICS 

1. The Silver Act of 1890: White, "Money and Banking"; 
Noyes, " Thirty Years of American Finance," pp. i58-(i8i) ; Taussig, 
"The Silver Situation," pp. 48-71; Sherman, "Recollections of 
Forty Years," pp. 1061-1071, 1175-1200. 

2. The Venezuela Controversy: Peck, "Twenty Years of the 
Republic," pp. 412-436; Larned (ed.), " History for Ready Refer- 
ence," VI, pp. 6S4-693, 557-560; Cleveland, "Presidential Problems," 

PP- 173-273- 

3. Election of 1896: Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," 
Chapter XXXI; Peck, "Twenty Years of the Republic," pp. 465- 
517; Larned (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," VI, pp. 563-574. 

STUDIES 

1. Kearney and the sand lot riots. (Andrews, "The United States 
in Our Own Time," pp. 360-381.) 

2. Thomas B. Reed. (Knight, E., vcvNew England Magazine, 30 
(1904), pp. 215-224.) 

3. Populist platform (1892). (Stanwood, "History of the Presi- 
dency," pp. 509-513.) 

4. Government sales of bonds. (Cleveland, "Presidential Prob- 
lems," pp. 1 21-17 2.) 

5. Bryan's "Cross of Gold" speech. ("Masterpieces of Elo- 
quence," Vol. 25, pp. 10735-10745.) . 

QUESTIONS 

1. Make a table showing the changes in the tariff since the Civil 
War. Would it be better if business men rather than politicians 
decided tariff rates ? What are the chief objections to a highly pro- 
tective tariff ? to one exclusively for revenue ? 

2. What was the purpose of the Panama Congress (1826) ? How 
has the object of the later congresses been different ? To what 
extent do the American countries trade with one another? To what 
extent have they a community of political interests? 

3. What European countries have income taxes? Was the tax 
of 1894 a class measure ? Should not some of our taxes be progres- 
sive, i.e. with a higher rate for those whose iissessment is large ? 

4. What is the chief cause of agitation for cheap money ? To what 
extent was the free-silver movement in 1894 similar to the greenback 
movement of 1877 ? What was the result of the movement in each 
case? 

5. Place in the notebook a complete summary of each of the 
following topics, showing the sections of the test in which details 
may be obtained ; the tariff, laws relating to money, Monroe Doctrine. 



CHAPTER XXI 
EXPANSION (1897-1904) 

Presidents 
William McKinley ( 1 897-1 901) Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909) 

423. Fundamental Changes in the United States after Readiness for 
1897.— The years 1897 and 1898 marked the transition from ''^^"se (1897) 
the old era to the new. The old nation, which had emerged 
triumphant from the long struggle with state sovereignty 
twenty years earlier, had completed the task of destroying 
slavery and most of the other dangers which threatened the 
development and continuance of a true nation. It had 
attacked and in many cases had solved temporarily press- 
ing political problems, such as the tariff, silver, and civil 
service difficulties. New industrial and commercial methods 
were coming into use. The nation, instinct with life and 
energy, needed new outlets for its products, sought new 
fields of activity, political and commercial, demanded new 
policies that were based on recognition of our real position 
as a nation and not on precedent. For several years there 
had been evidence of a readiness to abandon our former 
position of semi-isolation from the affairs of the world powers. 
The opportunity to adopt a new international policy came 
when we felt impelled not alone for self- protection but in 
the interests of humanity to intervene in Cuba. 

The war which followed gave the new American spirit New imperial 
a chance to express itself in many ways. We annexed new Policy, 
territories which were densely populated by people of races 
alien to our own, by people who were inexperienced in the 
art of self-government. A new colonial policy was formu- 
lated to meet the needs of these dependencies, although this 
policy involved on a large scale imperial principles which 
2K 493 



494 



American History 



[1868 



Industrial 
consolidation. 



Importance of 
Cuba to the 
United States, 



Cf. Mahan, 
America in 
Sea Power, 
271-314. 



The Ten 
Years' War 
(1868-1879). 



we had considered odious hitherto and which we had used 
reluctantly. The establishment of this colonial policy 
involved a new construction of the Constitution which will 
react inevitably on the government of the United States 
proper by increasing centralization and by decreasing the 
right of the states and of individuals. 

The new imperial policy of the United States was of 
scarcely greater importance than the industrial changes 
which took place at this time. With the great consolidation 
of capital engaged in industry or commerce in the form of 
great trusts or railway combinations, the country began a 
new period marked by limited competition, extensive pro- 
duction, and wider markets. To protect the public from the 
exorbitant changes or unjust methods of these combinations 
has been and is now one of the chief problems of our national 
government and of the governments in many of our states. 

The Spanish-American War 

424. Our Relations with Cuba before 1895. — The 

location of Cuba has made that island of the first importance 
in the history of the United States, since we acquired ter- 
ritory in the Mississippi basin and along the Gulf of Mexico. 
Standing at the entrance to those two inland seas, the Gulf 
and the Caribbean, both of which become of infinitely greater 
value to us with the construction of an isthmian canal, 
Cuba has interests inseparable from those of the United 
States. We could permit Cuba to remain a Spanish colony 
because Spain was no longer a factor in the world's affairs, 
but we could not and cannot permit Cuba to become the 
dependency of any of the great European nations. To 
many people the annexation of Cuba by the United States 
has been considered the only safe solution of this vexed 
problem. 

Among the colonizing nations of the world Spain has been 
notorious for the wretched government of its provinces. 
Cuba suffered most of the abuses borne by Spanish colonies, 
due to harsh laws, arbitrary administration, failure of justice, 



1896] The SpanisJi American War 495 

official greed, and universal corruption. Many revolts had Titherington, 

occurred in order to gain greater liberty and lower taxes. ^P--^^^^- ^'^^> 

The greatest of the revolts before 1895 was the so-called ^ '^°' 

"Ten Years' War," an insurrection that started in 1868, 

but was confined almost exclusively to the eastern part of ^^/L' ^^^^^^ 

the island. When the United States protested against the 136-174. 

fruitless struggle, Spain's captain-general in Cuba, Campos, 

agreed to grant autonomy. But after the insurgents had laid 

down their arms, the Spanish government refused to carry 

out the promises of Campos. During this struggle war was 

averted narrowly when the Virginius was captured on her 

way to Cuba, and Cuban officials shot many of her crew who 

were Americans. 

425. United States and Cuban Insurrection ( 1 895-1 896). — insurrection 
In February, 1895, insurrection again broke out. This time ° ^^^^' 
all Cuba was affected arid the cry of Cuba Libre was echoed 
from every part of the island, for few longer put faith Lamed (ed.), 
m the promises of the Spaniards. Spain sent large numbers yj^ 171-175. 
of troops who could accomplish little against the guerrilla 
bands of the Cubans, although they outnumbered the in- titherington 
surgents regularly in the field at least four to one. The sp.-Am. War, 
difficulty was to find an enemy whom they could strike. 43-56. 
In despair General Weyler sought to crush the rebellion by 
ordering (1896) the concentration of all non-combatants in 
camps near the larger cities. Through this '' reconcentrada" 
policy ihe insurgents were crippled somewhat, but the suffer- 
ing of the innocent women and children, huddled together 
without means of earning enough for food, defeated not only 
the immediate purpose of Weyler, but was the signal for the 
overthrow of Spanish rule in America. In the interest of 
humanity the United States was compelled to assert herself. 

From the beginning of this insurrection there was a Cleveland 
pronounced sentiment among many Americans in favor of ^^^ Cuba, 
recognizing the belligerency of the Cubans if not the independ- 
ence of the Cuban republic. This sentiment was reflected Lodge, War 

in Congress, both houses of which desired to have President ^^ ^ ^"^^^^ 

13-23. 

Cleveland use his good offices for the recognition of both 



496 



America7i History 



[1896 



McKinley 
and Cuba. 



belligerency and independence. The President did not see 
fit to take any action and when (December, 1896) Congress 
was on the point of declaring that Cuba was independent, 
Cleveland and Olney made it clear that they should disregard 
any resolution passed in Congress to that effect. In his 
last message to Congress, however, the President stated that 
a prolongation of the war might require our intervention in 
Cuba. 

426. Dangers to American Interests in Cuba (1897- 
1898). — President McKinley took nearly the same view of 



•-.« 




-""^ ^"' ' "TT^ 


. -^ 


\M 




- ^ — 




^^j 



The Maine ENTERING Ha\ ana liARBOK 



Lodge. War 
ivith Spain, 
23-28. 



Destruction of 
the Maine. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 

VI. 583-585- 



the Cuban question as his predecessor, although his efforts 
in behalf of American prisoners afforded better protection 
to those w^ho had business in Cuba. During 1897 the 
Spanish prime minister was assassinated and a Liberal 
ministry was formed under Sagasta, which recalled Weyler 
and endeavored to pacify the island by offering home rule to 
the Cubans. This offer was spurned, and by the middle of 
January, 1898, the disorder in and around Havana had 
increased to such an extent that the battleship Maine was 
sent to Havana harbor in order to protect American interests. 
On the morning of February 16 the world was shocked 
to learn that the Maine had been blown up at ten o'clock 
the preceding evening, 266 of her officers and crew being 
dead. For five weeks, with rare self-control, the nation 
waited. On March 21 a committee of inquiry reported to 
the President that the disaster had been caused by the 



1898] 



The Spanish- American War 



497 



explosion of a mine outside the vessel. Although the 
Spanish officials must have known that they had stationed 
the Maine over a mine, no blame was attached to the 
Spanish government. Even then the people waited for the 
government to decide when and in what way it would act. 
Pressure was brought to bear upon Spain to make repara- 
tion for this outrage, without result of course. 




By courtesy of Judge. Copyrighted. 



Be Careful" 



427. The Situation during the Spring of 1898. — Mean- 
while active preparations were made for the war which 
was to be the last resort. On March 9 Congress had 
voted $50,000,000 for the national defense, to be expended 
at the discretion of the President. When it became evident 
that Spain would do nothing, the patience of the people was 
exhausted. President McKinley sought to prevent hostili- 
ties, but, on April 11, he was forced by public sentiment 
to send to Congress his " war message " asserting that " the 
war in Cuba must stop." After a few days' debate on the 
exact form of intervention, Congress, on the historic 19th 
of April, adopted four resolutions: (i) that the people of 
2 E 



Preparations 
for war. 



Titherington, 
Sp.-Am. War, 
70-95- 



498 



American History 



[1898 



Attitude of 

European 

powers. 



Peck, Twenty 
Years, 545-554- 



Comparison 
of the 
combatants. 



Titherington, 
Sp.-Am. War, 
96-114. 



Cuba were and of right ought to be free and independent; 
(2) that Spain must withdraw from Cuba; (3) that the Pres- 
ident might use force to free Cuba ; and (4) that the United 
States was freeing the island for the Cubans and not for 
herself. Spain at once severed diplomatic relations with 
the United States and war actually began April 21, al- 
though it was several days before Congress declared that a 
state of war existed between Spain and the United States. 
The attitude of the United States toward Cuba had been 
watched carefully by the European 
powers, who had tried to prevent 
armed conflict between Spain and 
America. Most European states- 
men believed that the United States 
was interfering in Cuba in order 
to advance American interests. 
They thought therefore that our 
interference was not justified. On 
the continent it was expected that 
Spain would have no difficulty in 
overpowering our navy, and the 
attitude of many w^as distinctly 
hostile to the United States, until repeated victories silenced 
opposition. England, however, gave proof of her goodwill 
from the beginning and used her influence in winning 
friends for us on the continent. 

428. The Beginning of War. — On paper the advantage 
at the beginning lay with Spain rather than the United States, 
but the x\mericans of necessity assumed the offensive. 
Spain had large numbers of seasoned troops under arms in 
Cuba, whereas the regular army of the United States con- 
sisted of but 25,000 men, many of whom could not be spared 
for foreign service. Spain's navy consisted of several 
armored cruisers of high speed and modern equipment, 
although the navy as a whole was inferior to that of the 
United States, which included several large battleships. 
After the destruction of the Maine, the navy was pre- 




WlLLlAM T. SAMr^ON 



1898] 



The Spanish- American War 



499 



pared for possible war. Two fleets were gathered in the Preparing the 
north Atlantic, One of these, with most of the battleships ^^^^^• 
and monitors, was commanded by Admiral William T. Samp- 
son; the other, composed of faster cruisers and called the ^^'"*' Contem- 



" flying squadron," by Admiral Winfield S. Schley.^ All 
vessels in the Pacific were ordered to Hong Kong, where 
Admiral Dewey made preparations to capture the fleet at 
Manila in case of war. 



poraries, 
IV, No. 183. 




Copyright (1898) by Wm. H. Rau. 

The Battleship Oregon 



After war was declared Dewey was obliged to leave Manila. 
the British port at Hong Kong, as he could not remain in 

the harbor of a nation that had declared itself neutral. Lamed (ed.), 

He proceeded at once to the Philippines and advanced early ^^'^^^ ^^Z' 

on the morning of May i against the Spanish fleet. The 6i7_62o. 
Spanish were not well prepared for an attack, although 

their vessels were more numerous than ours and were pro- -pjtj^grin ton 

tected by the batteries located at Cavite and along the sp.-Am. War, 

shore. A few hours sufficed for the complete destruction of 364-378. 



* The battleship Oregon was ordered from San Francisco to join the 
Atlantic fleet and made a remarkable voyage around Cape Horn, the ship 
covering fourteen thousand miles in sixty-seven days, and reporting for 
duty without delay, since it arrived in perfect condition. 



500 



A rnerica n History 



[1898 



Lodge, War 
luith Spain, 
48-67. 



Cuba. 



Lodge, If"<7/- 
w/f/i S/>ai//, 
Chapters VI- 
VIIL 



all the enemy's vessels, but no attempt was made at this 
time to capture Manila, since Dewey could not spare the 
marines necessary for holding the city. Later in ^lay the 

first transports left San Fran- 
cisco with troops for the 
Philippines, but ^lanila was 
not besieged until late in July 
after fresh reenforcements 
had arrived. A combined 
land and naval attack under 
General ^Merritt and Dewey 
led to the surrender of the 
city August 13, one day after 
peace articles had been signed 
at Washington. As the Span- 
ish had controlled a very 
small part of the islands, 
their rule in the East was practically over. 

429. War on the Atlantic, — At the beginning of the war 
a blockade of most of the important ports of Cuba was 
established, in the hope of starving Havana into submission. 
A sharp lookout was kept for the fleet under Cervera which, 
it was feared, might at- 




George Dewev 




Ctrl'* 7* 



K\":^i< 



tack one of our unpro- 
tected coast cities. The 
fleet was discovered later 
at Santiago de Cuba, the 
harbor of which is deep 
and narrow, with a bottle- 
like entrance which the 
blockading fleet sought 
unsuccessfully to close by 
sinking a collier, the Mer- 
rimac, in the entrance. The American fleet now waited 
outside the harbor until the army threatened the capture 
of the city. Owing to the difficulties in organizing and 
transporting the troops, only a few thousand were ready 



OPEKaTIOXS AKOIWU SANTIAGO UE CLBA 



1898] 



TJie Spanish-American War 



501 



to sail from Florida at this time. After some delays and 
considerable suffering through lack of proper food and 
shelter, the regulars and Roosevelt's " rough riders " cap- 
tured the enemy's strongholds at El Caney and San Juan 
Hill. Cervera then left the harbor about nine o'clock on 
the morning of July 3. One after another his vessels 
were forced ashore and destroyed by the accurate fire 







iisiyi-i 






Signing the Peace Protocol 

of the Americans. Again, practically without loss, an 
American fleet had destroyed its Spanish opponent.^ Soon 
after, the city was surrendered with all of the troops in 
eastern Cuba, on condition that they should be transferred 
free to Spain. 

Later in July an American force under General Nelson Porto Rican 
A. Miles proceeded against Porto Rico. By a well-planned campaign, 
and brilliantly executed campaign the subjugation of Porto L^rned (ed/ 
Rico was nearly completed when preliminaries of peace were Ready Re/., 
signed and hostilities ceased. ^^' ^^7- 

^ The sole remaining fleet of Spain, which had passed through the Suez 
canal on its way to the East, now turned back to Spain, 



502 



American Histoy 



[1898 



Preliminaries 
of peace. 



Lodge, War 

with Spain, 
222-226. 



Loans and 
new taxes. 



Dewey, Finan- 
cial Hist., 
k 197- 



West, M., in 
Rez<. of Rev., 
18 (1898), 
48-52. 



IneflFiciency 
of the war 
department. 



The decisive naval victories of the Americans at ^laniia 
and Santiago, followed by preparations for active campaigns 
against Porto Rico and the city of Manila, convinced the 
Spanish government that further prosecution of the war was 
unwise. On July 26 the French ambassador at Washing- 
ton was requested to ask for terms of peace and on August 
12 a peace protocol was signed. Spain relinquished all 
claim to Cuba, ceded Porto Rico and her other West Indian 
islands to the United States, and gave us one island in the 
Ladrone group in the Pacific. The United States was to 
hold the city and harbor of Manila pending the final dis- 
position of the Phihppines. 

430. War Finance. — To meet the extraordinary expenses 
of the war. Congress raised large sums of money. Imme- 
diate needs were satisfied by a loan of $200,000,000 at three 
per cent interest. So patriotic was the response to the 
government's request for money that more than 300.000 
persons subscribed to the loan, oft'ering a total sum of 
$1,400,000,000. Profiting by the lesson of the Civil War, 
the irovernment wiselv sousjht to pav most of the militarv 

o .01:. 

and naval expenses through taxation. The old rates on 
tobacco and fermented liquors were increased one hundred 
per cent. Xew schedules were created by placing a stamp 
tax on patent medicines, chewing gum, and other articles. 
Stamps were to be placed on all checks, drafts, deeds, notes, 
and many other papers involving business transactions. 
Several lines of business were obliged to pay business taxes, 
the total revenue from the new excise and business taxes 
amounting to about $71,000,000 a year. A new kind of 
national tax was levied on legacies, the rate varying from less 
than one per cent for direct heirs to fifteen per cent for those 
unrelated to the deceased who inherited large sums. 

As the increase of the army and navy expenses was not 
limited to the four months of the war,^ most of these war 

^ The militari- and naval expenses for iSoS-iooi inclusive were $514.- 
000,000 more than for the preceding four years, an increase of more than 
one hundred and lifty per cent. 



1898] 



The Spanish- Ame7'ican War 



503 



taxes 'were retained for several years. Both the stamp Lamed (ed.) 

taxes and the inheritance tax were repealed durino; 1002. ^'^<^^y ^^^f" 

^ ^ ^ \l, 631-634. 

431 . Army Administration and Reform. ■ — Even before the 

war began the serious condition of the war department became 
painfully evident. Not only was the department unpre- 
pared for war, but so defective were its methods that it could 
not do satisfactorily even a small part of the work assigned 
to it. Troops 
were furnished 
with the wrong 
kind of materials 
for tropical cam- 
paigns; there 
were few modern 
rifles obtainable 
and smokeless 
powder was pro- 
vided only on 
rare occasions. 
The volunteers 
were huddled 
in unsanitary 
camps. If sent 

to the front, they were delayed at every point by lack 
of transports or other facilities. Six weeks after war was 
declared, a time sufficient in 1866 for the complete humili- 
ation of Austria by Prussia, the new army was still dis- 
organized. The department failed most completely in 
providing food for the troops. Serious sickness and death 
were caused by this scarcity or by the inferior quality of the 
supplies. Contracts were made by the department under 
which " embalmed " beef that was unfit for food was fur- 
nished in large quantities. An investigation in 1899 ex- 
onerated Alger, the secretary of war, but the public was not 
satisfied that the defects of the system were understood or the 
proper officials blamed for neglect of duty. 
As the preservation of order in the new colonies required 




Elihu Root 



504 



American History 



[1898 



a larger standing army than that existing before 1898, 
a new law was passed by Congress in 1901 enlarging the army 
to a total of not less than 57,000 nor more than ioc,ooo. 
Under the guidance of that able and energetic administrator, 
Secretary of War Root, the entire system was modernized 
and reorganized, and a general staff created to take charge 
of army affairs. Since we had decided to keep the outlying 
islands which came into our possession in 1898 and con- 
struct an isthmian canal, plans were made and have been 
carried out partially to enlarge and strengthen the navy, 
which will be of especial value in protecting our interests in 
all parts of the globe. 

The Care of Wider American Interests 

432. The Problem of the Pacific. — During the three 
months following the conclusion of hostilities the adminis- 
tration was obliged to decide definitely what its policy 
should be in regard to the annexation of distant lands in the 
Pacific. There was no doubt that the nation was willing to 
follow a new policy that would open to us new ports in the 
far East and permit us to use our political influence in the 
Pacific to greater advantage. During the war Hawaii had 
been annexed to the United States by joint resolution of 
both houses of Congress. Although many arguments in 
favor of Hawaiian annexation could not be used of islands 
near Asia — the nearness of the Hawaiian group, their com- 
mercial dependence on the United States, the comparatively 
large white population of Hawaii, the danger to us from their 
acquisition by a European nation — nevertheless the pos- 
session of Hawaii was a reason for going a step farther and 
acquiring islands which would give us commercial advan- 
tages in the great struggle that had already begun for su- 
premacy in the west Pacific and in eastern Asia. 

At first President McKinley authorized the peace com- 
missioners to acquire the island of Luzon only, with trade 
concessions in other parts of the Philippines. Later, how- 
ever, the President reached the conclusion that " the cession 



1899] Care of Wider American Interests 505 

must be of the whole archipelago or none. The latter is Lodge, War 

wholly inadmissible and the former must therefore be ^'^^ ^^'^^^' 

226-230. 
required." As Secretary Hay telegraphed to the peace com- 
missioners, '' The sentiment in the United States is almost 
universal that the people of the Philippines, whatever else ^^^,^ ^f^^ 
is done, must be liberated from Spanish dominion. In this Vll, 682-686. 
sentiment the President fully concurs. Nor can we permit 
Spain to transfer any of the islands to another power. Nor 
can we invite another power or powers to join the United 
States in sovereignty over them. We must either hold them 
or turn them back to Spain. Consequently grave as are the 
responsibilities and unforeseen as are the difficulties which 
are before us, the President can see but one plain path of 
duty — the acceptance of the archipelago." 

433. The Treaty of Paris ( 1 898-1 899). — While the admin- Negotiation 
istration was deciding what should be done in reference to the ^^^ provisions, 
Philippines, negotiations for a peace treaty w^ere begun at 
Paris, October, 1898. The United States was represented by "art, Content- 
five able commissioners ^ who succeeded in gaining all of the jy T^^' g 
concessions we desired. The chief discussions wxre caused 
by Spain's desire to make us responsible for Cuba and the 
Cuban debt and to retain the Philippines for herself. On statutes, 
both points Spain yielded finally. According to the com- No. 131. 
pleted treaty Spain relinquished her sovereignty over Cuba, 
ceded to us Porto Rico and her other West India possessions 
and the Island of Guam, and transferred her rights in the 
Philippines for a sum of $20,000,000 paid to her for public 
works and improvements which belonged to the Spanish 
government. 

Although most of the people of the United States approved Debate over 
the acquisition of the Philippines, an active minority opposed ratification, 
it. Anti-imperialist leagues were formed which sought to 
arouse public sentiment, especially by harping on the word Lamed (ed.), 
" imperialism." They called attention to the great change yj^/ f g 
which we should make if we abandoned our traditional 

^ The commissioners were William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, Wil- 
liam P. Frye, George Gray, and Whitelaw Reid. 



5o6 



AnitHcatt History 



[1899 



policy. They maintained that the acquisition was not onh- 
contrary to the principles of the Declaration of Independence 
and the Constitution, but was unjust to the Filipinos and 
dangerous to the perpetuation of our democratic institutions. 
Many of the advocates of annexation did not desire to hold 
the Philippines permanently, but believed any other course 
to be unwise. Probably the majority of the American people, 
even at this time, favored not onlv the retention of the islands 




By courtesy of Z. .•■.<■.'.•'.-■ "j- Weekly. Copyrig':i:ed. 

A Republican Appeal to Voters (^1900) 

but the adoption of an imperialist policy involving tropical 
colonies. The treaty was submitted to the Senate early in 
January, iSoQ. After a month of discussion it was adopted 
by a very narrow margin, the vote being 57 to 2S, only one 
more than the constitutional tvvo thirds. 

434. The Philippine Insurrection and the Election of 
1900. — The problem of controlling the Philippines was 
complicated because of an insurrection against the authority 
Andrews. Our ^£ ^^^ American government. For several years before the 
Spanish-American War there had been armed opposition in 
the islands to the rule of Spain. After the transfer of the 
Philippines in the treaty of peace these forces which had 
rebelled, led by Aguinaldo, attacked the American troops, 



Aguinaldo's 
insurrection. 



Oicn Time, 
S42-S5 



1902] Ctu\' of Wider America) I lute rests 507 

and it was more than two years l)cforo the disorder was Lamed (od.), 

tinally suppressed by the capture of Aguinaldo and the ^''*^'^3' ^'Z-' 

suppression 01 muior rel)ellions \\\ the smaller islands ot the ,3- ,3^ 

grouj). 

In the presidential election of iqoo interest in the free- Election of 

silver discussion of i8q6 was revived because of the unwill- ^^°°- 

ingness of the Democratic candidate, William J. Bryan, Andrews, Owr 

to run on anv other platform than that of tlie free coinaoje of ^^''" ^''"'^' 

' . . . 865-878. 

silver at a legal ratio of 16 to i. The Democratic platform, 

however, stated that imperialism was " the paramount issue Lamed (ed.), 

of the campaiirn." The Republican convention endorsed ^^'^^y^^j-^ 
. ,. . . ... . VL 046-660. 

the attitude of the McKinley administration in its dealings 

with our de[)endencies and renewed its " allegiance to the Latane, 

principle of the gold standard." William McKInley was '^>>'''^^'^ <^^ <^ 
. . World Power, 

renominated for President and Theodore Roosevelt of New 1,0-132. 

York was selected for \'ice President in response to popular 

demand. Although many eastern states gave McKinley 

much smaller pluralities than during the abnormal campaign 

of 1896, his total popular plurality was much larger than in 

1896, and he carried five states more than in his lirst election. 

435. The Development of a Colonial Policy. — The Republican 
T^ , ,• . . -11 1 1 policy before 

Republican victory in 1900 might be construed as an endorse- igo2. 

ment of the colonial plans of that party. That policy fol- 
lowed the usual methods for controlling new territory, that 
is, to appoint military governors until it was possible to or- 
ganize a civil government. Provisional civil government was 
changed into permanent civil government, in Porto Rico 
in 1900, and in the Philippines in 1902. This permanent 
government was not like that of our '' organized territories," 
however, since Congress and the President did not believe 
that " the Constitution follows the flag." They held on the 
contrary that Porto Rico and the Philippines were colonies, 
that Congress might decide how they should be governed, 
and that Congress might levy taxes on the colonies, in spite 
of the provision of the Constitution that " all duties, imports 
and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." rpj^^ insular 
In the earlier '' Insular cases " (1901) the Supreme Court cases. 



5o8 



America7i Histojy 



[1900 



Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 
VI, 669-674, 
682-683. 
Burgess, J. W., 
in Pol. Sc. 
Qiiar., 16 
(1901), 486- 
504- 

Rowe, L. S., in 
Annals Am. 
Acad., 18 
(1901), 226- 
250. 

Porto Rico. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Hist, for Ready 
Ref., VII, 501- 
503- 

Abbott, L., in 
Outlook, 92 
(1909), 451- 
462. 

Liberty and 
government. 



Taft, W. H., 
in Outlook, 71 
(1902), 305 
et seq. 

Jenks, J. W., 
in Rev. of Revs., 
26 (1902), 
580-588. 

Willoughby, 

Territories, 

184-201. 

Larned (ed.). 
Ready Ref., 
VII, 492-498. 



decided that, since the colonies were neither foreign soil nor 
integral parts of the United States, Congress might levy such 
tariffs as it pleased. Later decisions (1904) denied the right 
of trial by jury and the right to bear arms within the Philip- 
pine Islands, even to former citizens of the United States. 
These decisions gave Congress absolute control of the 
colonies, since Congress might rule them as it wished until it 
limited its own power by extending constitutional rights and 
privileges to inhabitants of the colonies. 

Porto Rico was allowed to have complete civil govern- 
ment earlier than the Philippines, and the powers granted to 
the people were greater. Universal suffrage was given in 
the act of 1900, and the Porto Ricans had a legislature from 
the first. Porto Rico was subject to a special tariff for a 
short time only. The United States (1909), however, as- 
serted its right to make appropriations if the Porto Rican 
legislature failed to do so. The most important agitation 
among the islanders during recent years has been the demand 
for United States citizenship. 

436. The Philippines since 1900. — The Philippine 
Islands were at first under a military governor who was the 
commander of the army in the Philippines. In 1900 a civil 
government was established, a commission of five being 
appointed by the President to control the islands under the 
laws of Congress. This commission was replaced in 1902 by 
a complete government, consisting of a governor, four com- 
missioners, and other colonial officials selected by the Presi- 
dent and Senate, of an upper legislative house composed of 
the Philippine commission with several Filipinos, and of a 
lower house of from fifty to one hundred members chosen 
by voters who own property or can speak, read, and write 
Spanish or English.^ In local government the people were 
allowed a greater share than in the tropical colonies of any 
European power. Congress did not deem it wise to grant to 
the inhabitants of the islands all of the civil rights exercised 
by citizens of the United States, but it did give them all the 

1 The first assembly did not meet until 1907. 



I 




(The different Scales used shoui 




nigo-Pago Ha 
AMO AN ISLANDS 1899 

(Aiuericati Posessioris) Wwi from Orwfiwich 



be noted with particular care.) 



19^3] Care of Wider American hiterests 509 

rights enumerated in the amendments of the Constitution 
except the right of trial by jury and the right to bear arms. 

In many ways the United States has been able to settle Social and 
difficulties which prevented the development of the islands, industrial 
Among these have been the problems of schools, which have ^"^^ ^"^^' 
been opened everywhere on the islands ; that of roads, which ^^'^' ^- ^•' ^"^ 

, , 1 •! 11 • • 1 r • • 1 ^0. Am. Rev., 

nave been bujlt near the large cities ; those of sanitation and ^g^ (1007) 
public improvements; and, most trying of all, that of the 510-524. 
friars lands, which was settled through the help of the pope, Ireland, A., in 
by the purchase of the friars' lands and by depriving the Atlantic, 94 
friars of much of their previous political control. Ap- ^'^^°^'' ^^'^"' 
parently the islands have made good progress under Ameri- 
can control, but many of the inhabitants and others desire Forbes, W. C. 
Philippine independence, and consider the work which has '^ri Atlantic, 103 

been done by the Americans to be of comparatively little ^^^°^^' 
•' ^ ^ ■' 200-209. 

value. Before 1909 imports to the United States from the 

islands paid a duty equal to seventy-five per cent of our willis, H. P., 

regular tariff, but since that date there has been practically i" Phil. People. 

free trade between the islands and the United States for the 

products of either. 

437. Alaska. — The last American territory to have a Relations with 

government of its own was Alaska, which until 1012 had no ^^^ssia before 

1868 
law-making body. However, Alaska was the first territory 

that we acquired which was not contiguous to the United Foster, Am. 

States proper. It had been held by Russia which had sought ^'P^'^'^^^^^y' 

. 404—410. 

about 1820 to acquire possessions farther south than Sitka 

in order to keep the British from the Pacific. This threat- 
ened aggression by the largest country of the old world was 
an immediate cause of the proclamation of the Monroe 
Doctrine in 1823 (§ 262). In 1824 Russia agreed to remain 
north of 54° 40'. After the United States gained undisputed 
possession of southern Oregon in 1846 (§ 303) offers were 
made to Russia for Alaska. These seem to have been 
considered favorably because of Russia's hatred and fear of 
England, particularly in the years following the Crimean War 
(1854). During the Civil War Russia gave proof of her 
friendship by sending a fleet to New York. In 1S67, whei> 



510 



A f}U'i iciifi His ton' 



[1S9S 



Development 
and problems 
of Alaska. 

Lamed ^ed.). 
Ready Rcf.. 
VI. O-io. 

(1908). ()g3- 
702. 40 (I cool. 
40-02. 

Halbert.W.D.. 
ill Outlook, 00 
Uoii). 
051-902. 

Weems, C. in 
World's Work, 

2:-, i,I0I2\ 

422-430. 

Early 
attempts. 

Taylor. B., in 
yimUinth 
CetUury, 47 

(IQOO). 
507-500. 

Latan^, ('. 5. 
and Spanish 
America, 
iSo-220. 
Necessiiry pre- 
liminary steps 
for construc- 
tion of an 
American 
canal. 



the suggestion was made that Russia should cede us Alaska, 
terms were agreed upon and the treaty ratitied within 
twenty-four hours. Russia had gained such great areas in 
Asia that she feared Great Britain and wished our friendship, 
as Xapoleon had sixty years earlier (§ 232). 

There was little opposition to the acquisition of this vast 
territory, but few people appreciated the richness of the 
resources in that region. In fact it was not until the dis- 
cover}- of large quantities of gold near the Yukon River in 
iSqS that much interest was taken in .\laska. The location 
of valuable mines near the boundary line and the use that 
was made by the gold-seekers of bays and roads which were 
claimed by both the United States and Great Britain caused 
the settlement in igo^ of the boundary dispute between 
Alaska and Canada. Alaska is well supplied not only with 
gold but with coal and other minerals. The attempt of cor- 
porations and speculators to seize coal lands and harbor 
frontage in igoo caused severe criticism of President Taft's 
Secretary of the Interior, Richard Ballinger i,.^ 45S). Later 
Alaska's resources were tied up until, after lou, the govern- 
ment at Washington proposed a government railway, pro- 
vided some self-government for the territory, and permitted 
further development of Alaska's resources. 

438. Attempts to secure an Isthmian Canal before 1902. 
— With American possessions in the Pacilic, a canal across 
Central America became a necessity. Plans were proposed 
three centuries ago to connect the Atlantic and the Pacitic. 
When the United States gained California, this discussion was 
revived, and. in order to secure the cooperation of Great 
Britain, which possessed capital and controlled the best 
canal route, the United States agreed to the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty in 1S50. 

In order to construct a canal under American auspices, 
it was necessary to complete four preliminary steps, (i") We 
must secure the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty 
which requireci the cooperation of Great Britain in the con- 
struction of a canal; (2) Congress was obliged to select a 



1902] Care of Wider A})icrica)i hit crests 511 

route and authorize the construction of a canal by that 
route; (3) the President and Senate must agree with the 
country in which the canal was to be located on the terms 
under which we should dig the canal ; and (4) if the Panama 
route were selected, we must purchase the rights and property 
of the French company that had done considerable excava- 
tion for a canal at Panama. 

The United States and Great Britain finally agreed (1901) Hay- 
on the Hav-Pauncefote convention, w^iich superseded the P'^""^^efote 
,^, ^\ ^ - , , , TT • 1 Convention 

Llayton-Bulwer treaty. It expressly stated that the United (igoi). 

States might construct a canal, directly or indirectly, and Lamed (ed.), 

gave us the exclusive ris^ht of providing for the regulation Htst. for Ready 

1 - , , r^, , , , ^^/v VII, 466- 

and management ot the canal. The canal was to be neutral Latane, Am. as 

on the same conditions as the Suez canal, giving the United a World Poivcr, 

States the right to police the district traversed, but not allow- ^04-207. 

^ ,, , , , , . P Dunnell, M.B., 

mg any nation to blockade the canal or commit an act of jj^ ^^^ 4,„ 

war in it. Rev., 171 

439. Securing a Satisfactory Route for the Canal. — (100°). 

The Nicaragua route was favored by most of the engineer- 
ing commissions that examined this subject, and by the isthmian 
House of Representatives. The last commission (1901) re- Canal Act 
ported in favor of Panama. The Senate favored Panama, 
but authorized the President to choose the other route if no Latan6, Am. as 
terms could be made with Colombia or the French company. '' 'J^"''^^ Power, 
This was accepted by the House, and the Isthmian Canal 
Act of June 28, 1902, contained that provision.^ 

Without great difficulty Colombia was persuaded to make Purchase of a 

a treaty giving us the use of a strip ten miles wide as a canal ^'^^^^1 z^^'^e 

zone. Compensation was fixed at $10,000,000, but the Latane, yim.a^ 

Colombian Congress desired a larger sum, $25,000,000, and a World Power, 

refused to ratify the treaty. Panama then took matters into 213-220. 

, r 1 1 • TT • 1 J Roosevelt, T.. 

her own hands and seceded from Colombia. Her independ- j^ Outlook, 99 

ence was recognized at once by President Roosevelt, an act (191 1), 

314-318. 

1 The Canal Act also stated that the President might expend ^4^0,000,000 
for the franchises and property of the French company, and might appoint 
an isthmian canal commission which would have charge of the construction 
of the canal. The sum of ^135,000,000 was authorized for the completion 
of the work. 



512 



American History 



[1902 



Bishop, J. B., 
in Interna- 
tional, 9 (1904), 
247-260. 
Mahan, A. T., 
vaN O.Am. Rev., 
ig6 (1912), 
549-568 ~ 



Work 

accomplished. 
Taft, W. H., in 
Present Day 
Problems, 
95-122. 

Authier, G. T., 
in Rev. of Revs., 
43 (1911), 
49-61. 



which caused considerable comment, and the new RepubHc 
of Panama agreed to give us perpetual rights in a canal zone 
and the right to construct a canal for the amount originally 
accepted by Colombia. As the French Company had 
already accepted our ofifer of $40,000,000, the way was 







Ife^ 


iifii^'^' -M^^^^^^^^^^^^^^l 




" ■ -^ 


^|^^_ 


n^^^^^l^^^HI 






^^^.,^^' ^-« 




^^Wig^ 






'"^■1 


^^^^n 


B^aa^BaJMB 


^^^^1 


^^^g 



CuLEBRA Cut, Panama Canal 

(Work done by French Companies.) 

cleared for actual construction by the national govern- 
ment. 

440. Construction of the Canal. — When we came to 
examine the property that we had purchased, we found that 
only a small part of the work of necessary excavation had 
been completed, much of this being rendered valueless by 
the refdling of the cuts. Most of the old machinery was 
w^orthless. It was not until 1906 that the President of the 
United States and Congress decided that a lock canal would 
be better than one at sea level. ^ This decision was reached 

1 The construction of the locks presented a very serious engineering prob- 
lem, which was solved satisfactorily. One grave defect of the lock system 
arises from the fact that already our great ocean liners are almost too large 
for the canal locks. 



1 91 2] Care of Wider'- American Interests 513 

because of the smaller original cost of a lock canal, the World's Work, 
shorter time required for its construction, and the saving of ^4 (1912), 
time for vessels.^ The canal was completed at a cost of 




more than twice that of the original estimates, but it is much 
larger and better than the canal that was planned originally. 
The success of this great undertaking is largely a personal 
triumph for the chief engineer. Colonel G. W. Goethals. 

The work accomplished by the Department of Sanitation 
was of first importance, since the canal zone was originally 
very unsanitary. By draining swamps, cleaning up the 
cities, using screens and other preventive measures against 



Scientific Am., 
107 (1912), 
385-399- 
Scribner's, 54 
(1913), 7-36- 

Sanitation and 
fortification. 

Scientific Am., 
107 (1912), 
385, 392-393. 



ATLANTIC 

OCEAN 
OCEAN LEVEL , 



EAN^VEL,, 




CANAL BOTTOM 



o^ PACIFIC 
o OCEAN 

OCEAN LEVEl 



Excavated by French companies 
Excavation to be completed, 1902 



PEOFILE OP THE PANAMA CANAL 



yellow fever and malaria, the zone has been made as healthy Bishop, J. B 
as the average American city. An entirely different kind of 
protection has been that afforded against foreign enemies, 
for it was decided in 1911 to fortify the canal. 

In 191 2 Congress passed an act providing for the govern- 
ment of the canal zone after the completion of the canal. 

1 This is due to the greater width of the canal between locks. 
2 L 



in Scribner's, 
53 (1913), 
234-251- 
Stimson, H. L., 
in Scribner's, 54 
(1913), 1-6. 



514 



American History 



[1910 



Question of 

tolls. 

Root, E., in 

Independent, 
74 (1913), 
285-289. 

Military and 

naval 

importance. 

Mahan, A. T., 

in Century, 82, 

(1911), 

240-248. 



Commercial 
benefits of the 
canal. 

Ballard, G. A, 
in Contempo- 
rary, 94 (1908), 
731-742. 

WorWs Work, 
24 (i9i2),403- 
414, 418-433- 

Johnson, E. R., 
in Annals Am. 
Acad., 19 
(1902), 1-23, 
and in Scrib- 
ners, 54 (1913), 
37-43. 



This act provided that tolls should be charged on all traffic 
except American vessels engaged in the coastwise trade, 
which are to be exempt. Great Britain protested this act on 
the ground that it violated the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, and 
the question of tolls was reconsidered. 

441. Importance of the Canal. — ^The canal is not only 
notable as a great engineering feat. It is important from 
both the naval and the commercial points of view in binding 
the East to the West. The military importance is so great, 
in the opinion of Colonel Goethals, that the entire cost of the 
canal should be considered as an item in our military ex- 
penses, the running expenses of maintaining the canal alone 
being paid by the traffic through the canal. In these days 
of brief wars, time is an important element, and the canal 
has almost doubled our naval strength by permitting our 
naval vessels to proceed quickly from one ocean to the other. 

The importance of the canal in binding the East to the West 
commercially will be very great. At the present time the 
cost of transporting freight by rail over the Rocky mountains 
and the great distance around Cape Horn hamper the 
development of this trade. Since transportation by water 
is cheaper than that by rail, the shortening of the water route 
from the Atlantic ports to those of the Pacific will give an 
immense impetus to the industries of the Pacific coast, the 
products of which can now be sold profitably only in the 
local market. Of equal advantage will be the opportunities 
given to the eastern cities to trade with the Orient, and with 
the South American countries on the Pacific coast. At 
present they cannot compete with the European merchants 
who enjoy a shorter water route. Our trade with western 
South America should be developed by the opening of the 
canal. The products of the Mississippi valley and the Gulf 
states will be benefited particularly, because of the great 
decrease in the cost at which they can be marketed, es- 
pecially if a ship canal is built from the Gulf of Mexico 
to Lake Michigan, and the branches of the Mississippi are 
improved. 



9oo] Our New Position among Nations 515 



Our New Position among the Nations 

442. The United States as a World Power. — The General 
position of the United States as a world power has long been position, 
suggested by her preeminence in the western hemisphere. Colquhoun, 
It has become more conspicuous with the changes in foreign Greater Amer- 
relations during the last two decades, not only in more clearly 

defining our headship among the republics of the New World, Reinsch, 
but in the acquisition of scattered colonial possessions, in ^ ^^ ^ 
new and important activities in the Far East, and in partici- 
pation with other great powers in affairs of world-wide sig- 
nificance. More than. all else it has been shown by our com- 
mercial and diplomatic position as a power second to no 
other. 

Our place as a world power has come naturally and in- The United 
evitably, as the Pacific Ocean has become more and more States m the 
the sphere of world action, because we are the only great 
nation touching both the Atlantic and the Pacific. It was Latane, /iw. a^ 

■L 1.1 • X. £ • ' i. 4. J. i. <^ World Power, 

observable m our acceptance of a lomt protectorate over 

. . . 100-119. 

Samoa, 1889, and in our joint action with other great powers 

in the movement on Peking during the Boxer revolt in 1900. 

Usually our policy has been marked by moderation so far as 

our own demands are concerned, and by a disinterested, but 

sincere, determination to protect the territory, revenues, and 

rights of the non-Caucasian countries that have been unable 

to withstand the aggressions of the '' civilized world." 

443. American Influence on World Peace. — ^ From the Efforts made to 
beginning of its history the United States exerted its influence protect 

to secure the rights of neutrals against the aggressions of 
belligerents. The proclamation of neutrality, issued by Foster, Century 
Washington (170^), furnished not only an example of firm ^^ ^^- ^^' 

, V /v.)/? ^ J f plotnacy,g3, 

and moderate action under trymg circumstances, but was a 154-157, 
model copied by older nations that wished to declare their 347-349- 
neutrality. 

The United States has long been an advocate of arbitra- International 
tion as a means of solving international difficulties, having ^^ ^ ^^ ^°^' 
used that method repeatedly since the adoption of the Con- 



5i6 



American History 



[1897 



Moore, J. B., 
in Harper'' s 
Magazine, no 

(1905), 
610-619. 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Ref., VI, 
577-580, VII, 
708-711. 

Taft, W. H., 
in Century, 
83 (1912), 
459-466. 

Living Age, 
277 (1913), 
"688-690. 



America and 
the future of 
world peace. 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 

VII, 715-725- 



Military 

government 

(1898-1902). 



stitution, especially in the settlement of disputes with Great 
Britain. In the recent movement for arbitration, however, 
the government of the United States acted rather tardily. 
This was due not to lack of interest in the subject but almost 
entirely to the complicated machinery, chief executive and 
Senate, through which our foreign affairs are managed. A 
general arbitration treaty with Great Britain in 1897 was 
defeated by the Senate's failure to cooperate with the Presi- 
dent. When the Hague Peace Conference in 1899 made 
provision for a permanent court of arbitration, proposing a 
form of treaty under which disputes should be submitted, 
the United States found it impossible to join the other nations 
in this great movement until, in 1908, several treaties were 
ratified. In 191 1, through the influence of President Taft, 
much more general arbitration treaties with Great Britain 
and France were ratified. Still later Secretary of State 
Bryan distinguished himself for his attempt to procure 
treaties with all countries, by which even questions involving 
national honor were to be submitted to arbitration if they 
were not settled by diplomacy. 

Americans have been very active in the promotion of 
peace,^ holding national conferences, seeking to keep peace 
in the western hemisphere, and securing a second Peace 
Conference at the Hague in 1907, but they have not always 
been unselfish enough to arbitrate. As the only great power 
with direct access to both the Atlantic and the Pacific ; as 
the most disinterested spectator of European political ma- 
neuvers, and of contests in the Orient for territorial, polidcal, 
or commercial advantage, — the United States will un- 
doubtedly have in the future a still greater share in the 
maintenance of the world's peace. 

444. Relations with Cuba since 1898. — The question of 
Cuba after the war with Spain was one of great delicacy and 
difficulty. At the beginning of the war we had justified 
interference on the grounds that Cuba deserved to be free 

1 The Nobel peace prize has been awarded to two Americans, Theodore 
Roosevelt and Elihu Root. 



1903] Our New Position among Nations 517 

and that Spain's methods of control were morally wrong and Lamed (ed.), 

Injurious to American interests. We were pledged prac- ^^^^^ ^cf-, 
tically to establishing in Cuba a government that would be 

not only independent, but would reestablish order in the Latane, Am. as 

island and maintain satisfactory relations with other nations. ^ ^Vorld Power, 

The fulfillment of this pledge required the military occupa- i8i_i83' 
tion of the island for more than two years, during which the 
American commanders did much toward improving munic- 
ipal government in Cuba and aiding in the reestablishment 
of business prosperity. 

In 1 90 1 a constitutional convention completed a consti- Permanent 

tution providing a complete government for the Republic of "shts m Cuba. 

Cuba and embodying several articles regarding the inde- Lamed (ed.), 

pendence of Cuba and' the relations to exist between Cuba ^^^^y ^^f' 

and the United States.^ On the basis of this amendment we yjj 1 74-178 
took charge of the Cuban republic in 1906, when insurgents 

prevented President Palma from executing the laws. Conant, C. A., 

Palma's resignation forced the United States to govern the ^^^^0. Am. Rev. 

island until 1909, when the Cuban republic was again left 141-146. 
in charge, but in 191 2 President Taft was obliged to warn the 
Cuban government that affairs must be managed better. 

As soon as the Cuban republic was established, the United Reciprocity 

States was asked to aid the Cuban planters by giving them ^''^ ^"^^• 
especially low rates on goods imported from Cuba. Free \y^^uJ^,'^^ 

trade between the two countries was advocated by a few, 183-190. 

but was not considered seriously. After numerous delays, Willis, H. P., 

largely due to the opposition of the beet-sugar interests of ^^ Annals Am. 

the United States, the Senate ratified (1903) a reciprocity (1^03)^ J29- 

treaty with Cuba. 147- 

445. Relations with Mexico. — Our relations with Mexico 

1 In the most important of these articles Cuba agreed to maintain her 
independence, financial and political, to accept the work done during the 
mihtary occupation by the United States, and if necessary to permit inter- 
ference by the United States for the purpose of preserving the independence 
of Cuba and fulfilling the obligations which we assumed for Cuba in the treaty 
of Paris. The United States was allowed to have coaling stations in the 
island, which we agreed never to use for the purpose of dominating Cuban 
affairs. 



5i8 



American History 



[1910 



Mexico under 
Diaz. 

Lummis, C. F., 
in Outlook, 6g 
(1901), 536- 
545- 

Martin, P. F., 
in Quar. Rev., 
211, 526-549. 



Lyle. E. P., Jr. 
in World's 
Work, 14 

(1907), 
9179-9196. 



Rule of Madero 
and Huerta, 
1911-1914. 

Welliver, J. C, 
in Tech. World, 
18 (1912), 



376-387. 



Uncle Sam's 

Mexican 

problem. 



have been very interesting and are likely to be as important 
as those with Cuba. In 1867 Maximilian was overthrown 
in Mexico by Benito Juarez (§418). A few years later 
Juarez was succeeded in the presidency of Mexico by Porfirio 
Diaz, who ruled the republic until 191 1. During that period 
of forty years of benevolent despotism, Mexico developed rap- 
idly, building railways, opening mines, constructing buildings, 
and developing agriculture. Diaz encouraged the invest- 
ment of foreign capital, so that, at the close of his " reign," 
a billion dollars of x\merican capital was invested in the 
country. Although he looked after the material interests 
of Mexico by promoting peace and prosperity, Diaz did not 
give the Mexicans political freedom, and he often sacrificed 
individual rights and liberty to national progress. He was 
denounced as a tyrant w^ho oppressed the people and denied 
the right of free elections. 

In 1 9 10 Diaz defeated Francesco Madero for the presi- 
dency, but soon after Diaz was forced to resign and leave 
Mexico. As president, Madero was not strong enough to 
maintain order, several insurrections being started in the 
states of northern Mexico. In 191 3 Madero's government 
was overthrown. Madero was forced to resign and was shot, 
after he had surrendered to acting President Huerta. Insur- 
rections followed in the northern states, but Huerta main- 
tained himself a dictator. The United States did not 
recognize Huerta's government in Mexico. 

For several years United States troops have been main- 
tained along the Mexican border in order to protect residents 
of that territory and to maintain the neutrality laws. On 
several occasions intervention seemed probable, but was 
avoided. In 1913 President Wilson sent John Lind as his 
personal representative to Mexico to study the situation and 
work for peace and order. In accordance with Lind's 
suggestions, the Wilson administration followed a waiting 
policy. American citizens in Mexico were urged to leave the 
country and attempts were made to force Huerta's resigna- 
tion by preventing him from getting money. This policy 



1900] Our New Position among Nations 519 

was supported by most of the powers. As Mexico has great 
natural resources which attract foreign investors, as the 
Mexican people are incapable of true self-government, 
and as they have not yet developed a national consciousness, 
Mexico is likely to have troubles for some years to come. If 
Uncle Sam tries to act as either censor or guardian for 
unhappy Mexico, our relations with our turbulent southern 
neighbor are also likely to be unsettled for a similar period. 

446. Relations with China. ^ — In 1898 we added Hawaii Foreigners in 
and the Philippine Islands to Alaska as Pacific Ocean pos- China. The 
Sessions. These changes compelled us to interest ourselves 
in the Far East, particularly in China. For years the feeling Smith, A. H., 
in China against foreigners had been growing, especially at ^" Outlook, 
the invasion of graveyards and the acquisition Ijy foreign 721-728. ' 
governments of spheres of influence. Under the lead of a Latane, Am. as 
secret organization whose members were known as " Boxers," « World Power, 
foreigners were attacked everywhere in 1900.2 To protect ^°^"^- 
our minister and other Americans in China, the United Foster, Am. 
States joined the European powers in sending troops against Diplomacy m 

, „, . • 1 T-w 1 • mi /^i • ^^^ Orient, 

the Chmese capital, Pekmg. 1 he Chmese government was .09-433 
forced then to punish the leaders of the revolt, to give assur- 
ance that there would be no recurrence of the difficulty, and 
to simplify and improve its methods of dealing with foreign 
nations. The Chinese government was forced to pay the 
allies an indemnity equal to more than $350,000,000, but 
the United States effectually prevented any further partition 
of the empire or the possibility of any nation's seizing terri- 
tories in lieu of the amounts due to it. 

The influence of the United States at this time and later 
was exerted very effectually by the Secretary of State, John 

1 Our early relations with China were cordial, partly through the personal 
influence of Caleb Cushing and Anson Burlingame, ministers to China. 
Even the drastic Chinese exclusion laws (§ 476, note i) did not destroy this 
friendship, which has been strengthened by the demand of the United States 
that there should be fair dealings with China among foreign powers. 

2 The German minister was killed and the other ministers were besieged 
in one of the legations. The Chinese government, which had been unable to 
preserve order for many years, sided with the Boxers. 



520 



American History 



[1904 



United States 
and the 
integrity of 
China. 



The Chinese 
Republic. 

Hart, A. B.. 
Obvious Orient, 
20S-220. 
Colquhoun, 
A. R., in 
Fortnightly 
Rev., 96 (191 1), 
1032-1043. 
Annals Am. 
Acad., 39 
(1912), 1-38. 
McCormick, 
F., in Scrib- 
ner's, 50 (igii), 
349-355- 



Changes in 
Japan after 
Perry's visit in 
1854. 

Coolidge, U. S. 
as World Poiver, 
341-344- 



Hay, to preserve the integrity of China and to remove unjust 
trade restrictions. Early in the Russo-Japanese War (1904) 
Secretary Hay secured the consent of the combatants and all 
European powers to the '' administrative entity " of China 
and a limitation of the field of hostilities. 

The danger of the partition of China among the great 
powers is by no means past, since China became a republic 

(191 1). The organization of 
the republic was the culmina- 
tion of numerous reforms, giv- 
ing China a western system 
of education, provisional con- 
gresses, and a national as- 
sembly. In 191 1 the reform 
movement became a revolution 
in which the ruling dynasty of 
the Manchus was driven out 
of China. A parliament was 
held in 1Q13 and Yuan Shi Kai 
was elected president, one of 
his acts of his first year in 
office being to abolish the 
parliament and rule China with the help of an administra- 
tive council. Whether China will be permanently a republic, 
and whether as a republic she will be able to resist \foreign 
aggressions remains to be seen.^ \ 

447. Relations with Japan. — In the immediate ftiture 
our relations with Japan are likely to be much more important 
than those with China, because China is still half-asleep, and 
the Japanese are wide-awake. Our relations with Japan 

1 As the Chinese government has needed money, it has borrowed from 
foreigners. In the "four-power" loan and later in the "six-power" loan 
conditions were imposed on China which would have threatened to deprive 
China of her independence. Because of this fact and because President 
Wilson was unwiUing to aid American capitalists in China and elsewhere by 
the use of our national authority, he withdrew (1913) the support of the 
American government from the "six-power" loan. Later the Chinese 
Republic was recognized. 




John Hay 



1 91 3] Our Neiv Position among Nations 521 

began with the visit of Commodore Perry to the islands in 
1854. Japan soon opened several ports to foreign com- 
merce, but these concessions to foreigners, like those in China 
nearly a half century later, caused a domestic revolution. 
Out of this domestic revolution eme'rged finally a modern. 
Japan, with a constitution and parliamentary government. 
J apan has adopted western methods in business, in education, 
and in war. As the Japanese are keen, ambitious, courteous, 
exceedingly industrious, and intensely patriotic, Japan has 
rapidly come to the front among the nations of the world. 

As Japan is small and her resources are limited, while her Japanese immi- 
population is one half that of the United States, she has gr^tion m 
required an outlet for her surplus population. This she treaty rights 
has found partly in Formosa, obtained from China in 1894.^ and state 
Another outlet is Korea, occupied after the successful war legislation, 
against Russia. Japanese laborers are found in large Yoshida, Y., in 
numbers in the Philippine Islands, in Hawaii, and in Latin Annals Am. 
America. So many began to come to the United States that (jgogj 
the people of the Pacific coast were alarmed, as they were 377-387. 
by the Chinese immigration nearly a half century earlier Coolidge, U. S. 
($ 476, note i). The Tapanese live on much less than <^^ World 
Americans can, and work many more hours a day. Amen- ^^^ 
cans therefore cannot compete with the Japanese on equal 
terms. For economic and racial reasons the San Francisco 
school board (1906) and the California legislature (1907, 
1913) legislated against the Japanese. Japan protested 
against these acts as violations of treaty agreements. The 
earlier problems were settled by a compromise which per- 
mitted the Japanese to attend regular schools, and the Japan- 
ese government restricted the immigration of laborers to this 
country. These Japanese questions and trouble with Italy 
in 1 89 1 - illustrate the difficulty encountered by the na- 

1 In 1894, after her brilliant campaigns against China, Japan freed herself 
from the humiliating treaties which Caucasian nations had forced on her 
before. Since that time foreigners in Japan have been under Japanese law 
and not under treaties. 

2 A similar difficulty over the conflict between national and state authority 
occurred in 1891 when citizens of New Orleans lynched several citizens of 



522 



A nicrican History 



[1896 



Real and 

imaginary 
dangers of the 
future. 

Shaw, A., in 
Rev. of Revs., 
47 (1913), 
043-650. 



The war with 
Spain. 



Problems 
growing out 
of the war. 



tional government in negotiating with foreign countries 
concerning subjects left exclusively to the states. 

Japan's progressiveness and her aggressiveness have 
aroused fears that she wished to attack the United States. 
Friction due to incidents like those in California has pro- 
duced in the " yellow journals " and among the " jingoes " 
of both nations a great deal of " war talk." Japanese leaders 
and well-informed Americans do not share in this feeling, 
although it is well understood that there cannot be emigra- 
tion of Japanese laborers to America without race antago- 
nism, and that, in the future, Japan and the United States will 
be keen rivals in the Pacitic and may even come to blows. 

448. Summary. — When aifairs in Cuba became un- 
endurable in iSq6 and 1S07, the government of the United 
States indicated that it must interfere unless order was 
restored at once and American interests protected. The 
battleship Maific was sent to Havana harbor in January, 
i8qS, to insure this protection. Its destruction in February, 
and the report of the commission of intjuiry in ^larch that 
it was blown up from the outside, left no way open but 
complete submission by Spain, or war. As Spain refused 
to admit that she was in the wrong, war began on April 21, 
1S9S, after a specific statement by Congress that its purpose 
was not conquest but the freedom of the Cubans. The 
decisive victories at Manila Bay and at Santiago de Cuba 
showed that Spain could not hope for the least degree of suc- 
cess, and peace was made by Spain's relinquishing her sov- 
ereignty over Cuba, and by surrendering Porto Rico and the 
Philippines to us. 

The events of the war forced upon us recognition of the 
fact that we were one of the great powers of the Pacific, and 
must decide important problems, not only in connection with 
the 5?overnment of distant colonies, but in res:ard to our 



Italy who had terrorized that community. Italy demanded reparation 
Secretary Blaine stated that Louisiana had entire jurisdiction of the matter. 
Although the state did nothing, the matter was settled by the payment of 
indemnity by the United States. 



191 3] Our Nczv Position among Natiojis 523 

attitude in the East toward the other world powers. Colonial 
problems we solved, theoretically by asserting the authority 
of Congress to govern the colonies as it deemed best, prac- 
tically by leaving the people of our new possessions a fair 
share in their own government and training them for the 
assumption of a larger number of duties. By constructing 
an Isthmian ship canal, we have sought to link more tirmly 
the Atlantic slope with our Pacific states and possessions. 
Owing to her position between the Atlantic and the Pacific, The United 

to her headship among the nations of the new world, to the States as a 

, , . , , , , world power, 

great development ot her marvelous natural resources, and to 

her skillful and aggressive foreign policies, the United States _ 
has taken a position in recent years second to none of the great 
world powers. She has used this position to promote peace 
and sometimes extend international arbitration. She has 
taken a rather arbitrary attitude toward Cuba and other 
Latin- American states (§§ 424, 444). On the other hand she 
has submitted to many indignities rather than intervene 
in Mexico. As a rule, and especially in China, her leader- 
ship has been marked by disinterestedness and by considera- 
tion for weaker peoples. In her relations with aggressive 
Japan, she has found it necessary to follow a moderate 
course in order to avoid antagonism. 

TOPICS 

1. Cuba and the United States before 1898: The American 
Nation, XXI, 171-173; XXV, 3-28; Hart, "American Foreign 
Policy," pp. 113-132; Latane, "United States and Spanish America," 
pp. 89-175; Callahan, "Cuba and International Relations;" Chad- 
wick. 

2. Destruction of Cervera's Fleet : Nation, 69 (1899), p. 406 ; 
Warren, A., in Engineering Magazine, 16 (1899), pp. 533-548; Long, 
J., in Outlook, 74 (1902), 419-426, 603-620; Century Magazine, 58 
(1899), pp. 50-118. 

3. Controversy over Retention and Government of Phil- 
ippines: Latane, " Am. as a World Power," 69-81, 153-164; Lamed 
(ed.), "History for Ready Reference," YI, pp. 634-638, 641-645, 660- 
666 ; Vest, G. G., in North American Reinew, 168 (1899), pp. 11 2-1 20; 
Denley, C, in Forum, 29 (1900), pp. 401-408; Taft, W. H., in Out- 



524 AfKtrUiin Histofy 

Icci. 71 (locrl pr ;c5-3Ji ; 76 (1903), pp. 1.024-102- ; Cook, W. W 
^.arfcr/^, 16 (1901), pp. 6&-78. 



STUDIES 

1. Isolation of the United States before 1897. (Olney, R., in 
AOamtic MoiUUy, Si CiSoS), pp. 5;7-5SS,) 

2. Objections to assuming new international obligations. v^Vool- 
sey, ''American Fon?ign Policy."") 

3. Report of the JLTjiw*" inquiry commission. 

4. The problems of the Spanish fleet. (MahaiL, ''Lessons of the 
War with Spain/* III-V.) 

5. Importance of a navy to the United States. Aminals ^ Am. 
Acad, of Pol. and Sciemt^, 26 (1905), 123-136, 163-169. 

o. Go\-emment of Porto Rico. (W'illoughby, ** Territories and 
Dependencies <rf the United States," pp. 70-1 iS.) 

7. Municipal government in the PhiKppines. (Willoughby, 
"Territories and Dependencies of the United States,*' pp. 251— 2S9.) 

S. Character <rf the Panama route, (Burr, W. H., in Scribmer's 
Magasime^ 31 (1902), pp. 156-169.) 

9. The United Slates in relation to the Aiueiican Mediterranean. 
(Semple, "Americ^an History and its Geographic Conditions," 397- 

4i9>) 

10. The United States in the Pacific, (CooKdge, *' U. S. as a WorW 
Power." 313-326.) 

11. Treaty obUgatioiis and state rights. (Taft, W. H., in Imde- 
pemdffU (ioi4>.) 

12. The enfranchisanent of Japan from an iMftrur inter n a tion al 
position. (Foster, " ,\m. Diplomacy in the Orioit/* 344—364.) 



QUESTIONS 

I. In what respects had the United States beat a world power 
before 1SQ7 ? Trace the de\"elopment of American influence in worid 
afhdis since 1776. What impro\Temeni in our international position 
followed the war of 1S12? the Civil War? the Spanish-.\meikan 
War? 

a. Gi\Te a brief history of Cuba's struggle for independence. Name 
sex-eral examples of Spanish misrule. In what ways did the Cuban 
war imperil American interests? On what grounds did we ha\^ 
the right to interfere ? 

3. Make a full comparison of the armies, fle^s, financial condi- 
ti(»iS) arid resources of Spain and the United States. Wliat were the 
real causes of Sfwdn's poor showing in the war ? 



4. Compare iho acquisition of Vowo Rico auil the rhiliiipiiu-s \\\{\\ 
tliat of Louisiana, in regard to (i.i^ attitiulo of tlic [>ooplc l^>\var^^ ac- 
quisition. [lA national or international ditVicultics sctilcii h\ acquisi- 
tion. (^("^ prohloins of govcrnincnl in ihc new ieniioi\-. and yd') in- 
tluence of tlie acijuisition on the I'niied States .is a woiKJ power. 

5. W'liat liitVuulties were encountered in si^lecling .1 route for ihr 
Isthmian canal I' in deciding w hat kind oi kauA should \ic con- 
structed ? How should the c.m.d alTect the T.icitic co.ist ? the com 
mcrce of the Atlantic cities with South Americ.i and Asia ?" 

0. State with exactness our rights in t\ih.i after iSoS and our 
obligations toward C^ilxi. To wh.it extent did we protect Cuba's 
interests rather than our own in the milit.iry occupation i^ iSoS— 1002) ? 
by the Tlatt amendnuMU ? by commeici.d treaty? by interference in 
1005? Must we t"mall\- annex Cub.i ? 

7. To what extern has the I'nited States mone\- interests in Mexico ? 
Should we abaiidon the Monroe Poctrine. and allow European powiM's 
to protect tiieir iiuerests or stunild we intervene when a Latin American 
crisis occurs like that '\\\ Mexico. 1011-1014? 

S. What is the great problem of the l\icitic ? Is there a ''yellow 
peril," now from Japan, in future, from China ? Should wc restrict 
or prohibit .\siatic imi\iigratioii ? Why? Should we give Asiatics 
citi/.enship ? 



CHAPTER XXII 

RECENT CHANGES (1901-1914) 
Presidents 

Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909) William H. Taft (1909-1912) 
Woodrow Wilson (1912-) 

The Roosevelt Policies (1901-1909) 



Contrast be- 
tween the two 
men and their 
policies. 



449. McKinley and Roosevelt. — William McKinley was 
mortally wounded in Buffalo, September 6, 1901, by 

a Polish anarchist. 
With his death a few 
days later, Theodore 
Roosevelt became 
President.^ In gen- 
eral Roosevelt at- 
tempted at first to 
carry out the policies 
of McKinley, but 
they were men of 
different character, 
methods, and ideas. 
In spite of his fine 
personal character, 
McKinley had been 
the tool of " big 
business," '' the ad- 
vance agent of prosperity," in the words of the political 
managers. ^IcKinley was largely under the domination 

^ Roosevelt's first experience in politics was in the New York legislature 
in 1 881. He was later (1SS6) the RepubUcan candidate for mayor of New 
York, served (i 889-1 895) on the naticnal Civil SerN-ice Commission, was 

=526 




Copy] 



ight by Pach Brothers (1904). 

Theodore Roosevelt 



1901] TJie Roosevelt Policies 527 

of the Republican boss, Mark Hanna. Roosevelt was a white, Wm.. 

much more skillful politician than his predecessor, a man of i^ McClure, 

wider knowledge, and infinitely more aggressive. He un- 386-3^04 ' 
derstood better that the people would not permit capital 

and the great corporations to rule them indefinitely. Roose- (1909), 298- 

velt did not break at once with the party " machine," but 370, 430-434- 
Hanna's death in February, 1904, left him in control of the 
party. The changes in policy that followed McKinley's 
death will be understood from the following sections. 

450. Roosevelt's '' First Term." — Among the measures Land laws and 

that became law at this time largely through the personal ^^^'for^^s. 
support of the President was the law for the reclamation of ^"^ .^^^' ^^^' 

^ ^ . . servation of 

lands in the arid West by the building of huge dams for reser- ^va/. Resources, 

voirs. This was called the Irrigation Act (1902). In the 193-197- 

improvement of the civil service Roosevelt contributed Newell, F. H., 

greatly to the reform movement of the time. Postal frauds g ." ^^. ' 

in Cuba and elsewhere were investigated and several 933-941. 

*' grafters " were punished. More positions were placed Blanchard, 

under the Civil Service Commission by Roosevelt than had ^- J' ^"^ ^^'• 

been set aside by his predecessors during the twenty years (igio), 

since the commission had been created. 333-360. 

The Panama Canal had been opposed by the railways for The Panama 

years. With Roosevelt's support the Canal Act was passed Canal. 

in 1902 (§ 439). When negotiations failed to secure from Lamed (ed.), 

Ready Ref., 
Colombia a right of way across Panama, Roosevelt recog- ^ii, 467-470. 

nized the state of Panama as an independent Republic, and a 

canal zone was acquired from Panama. 

Had there been doubt about the popularity of Roosevelt The election of 

and his policies, there was no question after the election of ^^'^' 

1904. The Democratic party held an exciting convention. Lamed (ed.), 

which was controlled by the conservative Democrats, yjj 669-671 

police commissioner in New York City under a reform administration, and 
served as assistant secretary of the navy. When the Spanish-American War 
broke out, he resigned and helped organize the "Rough Riders." His 
popularity made him governor of New York and his aggressiveness made 
him an enemy of the New York boss, "Tom" Piatt. In 1900 Piatt, by ap- 
pealing to the people, forced Roosevelt to accept the vice presidency, in spite 
of the opposition of Mark Hanna and of Roosevelt himself. 



Presidency 

(iSg7-i9og^ 

77-140. 



IQOQ', 
350-35 7- 



528 American History [1903 

Bryan prevented the insertion in the platform of a plank 
favoring the gold standard, but the Democratic candidate, 
^'il^fri'"' "' Tud^e Alton B. Parker of Xew York, came out liadv for add. 
.^-4-^41. Ii^ ^'pite of this •" safe and sane " position of the Democrats, 

Stanwood. Parker stood no chance against Roosevelt, who carried all 

Hist, of the Qj ii^Q northern states and rv\-o of those in the "' Solid South," 
his popular plurality being about two and one half mil- 
lions. 

General. 451. Foreign Affairs under Roosevelt. — During most of 

Latane. .4w. j.^ Roosevelt's " iirst term " foreign an\iiis were conducted by 

J or c^icr. -^^^ui Hav, and durinir most of the second term bv Elihu 
164-160. ^15- • • ^ . . . „ . . . ' . 

2:0. 2:4-:::. Root. In the conduct of foreign attairs during this period, 

however, we usually notice the hand of Roosevelt and the 

Scott. J. B.. in •• big stick." This is true from the first. Xot only did the 

Outlook, gi recognition of Panama show Roosevelt's arbitrary method, 

but the forcing of reciprocity with Cuba through the Senate 

in special session (1903) (^§ 444) shows the same spirit. 

The end of ^^^len Roosevelt tendered the good offices of the United 

Russo- States in the settlement of the Russo-Japanese War (190^) he 

Japanese War . , , , , . * , , ,.,,", 

ugoO Santo P^rt^rmed a notable ser\ice lor the world, which brought 

Domingo. him the Xobel peace prize the next year. By intervention 

Outlook, 90 in Santo Domingo for the purpose of collecting debts due to 

U9oS\ American merchants (§ 421) Roosevelt prevented inter- 

100-104. vention bv European powers similar to that in X'enezuela 

Moore. J. B.. , ' ,. ^ 

;,.?..- ,/;?-- three vears earlier. 

in KtV. OJ Km., 

31 (1905^ 452. Internal Policies of Roosevelt's " Second Term." — 

2gs-2gS. -phe Congress which was elected in 1004 made a record for 

New restrictive restrictive and reform ledslation. The most important of 
legislation. ^ ^ . 

Rev ofRev^ measures was the Interstate Commerce Act (§ 471), which 

34 C1906), 139- gave the Interstate Commerce Commission the right to fix 
14^, 65-70; maximum rates and so changed the methods of regulating 
railways that the commission was able to protect shippers and 
the public. Among the measures was a pure food law against 
which the manufacturers of foods and drugs had fought suc- 
cessfully for several years, a law to proceed with the con- 
struction of the Panama Canal, and a law reforming the 
consular service. 



(i9o6\ 
560. 



[9o8] 



The Rule of the People 



529 



The legislation of this Congress included a law for the pres- Conservation 
ervation of Niagara Falls. This was one of the earliest P^'icy. 
of the special laws made for the conservation of our national 
resources. Already a large forest reserve had been estab- 
lished. Pending revaluation, President Roosevelt withdrew Van Hise, Con- 

from sale more than 70,000,000 acres of coal lands. As ^^^'"(^''^on of 
^, , .,.-,. , . , , Nat. Resources, 

there was no law providmg for this act, his successors placed 




Water Power, Niagara Falls 

them again on the market, but after the Ballinger-Pinchot 
controversy (§ 458), the lands were withdrawn legally. 
President Roosevelt aroused great interest in the conserva- 
tion of waterways by his trip down the Mississippi (1907) 
and by securing a conference of the state governors to 
consider the subject of conservation in Washington, in 1908. 

Anti-trust investigations which were made by the Bureau Roosevelt's 
of Corporations and suits which were brought by the govern- ' ^^'i-trust 
ment against trusts formed a very important part of the 
" Roosevelt policies." In his earlier messages President Hill, G. G., ir 
Roosevelt urged the need of better supervision of the rail- ^°- ^^- ^^^• 
ways and the trusts. Suits were begun against combinations y^g-^es. 
that were believed to be contrary to the Sherman anti-trust 
law (§ 468), although none of these important cases except 
that against the Northern Securities Company was decided 



530 



American History 



[1908 



Garfield, J. R. 
in Outlook, 
gi (1909), 
389-393- 



The panic of 

1907. 

Holt, B. W., in 

Rev. of Revs., 

36 (1907), 

672-677. 

Laughlin, J. L., 
in World To- 
day, 13 (1907), 
1220-1224. 
Noyes, Forty 
Years of A m . 
Finance, 355- 
380. 



The election of 
1908. 

Lamed (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 
VII, 674-678. 
International 
Year Book, 
1908, 
579-594- 
Stanwood, 
Hist, of the 
Presidency, 
( 1 897-1 909), 
141-213- 



General. 



during the first administration of Roosevelt. Later, in public 
addresses and in suits at law, Roosevelt attacked these great 
corporations. He decried " predatory wealth," and abused 
the " malefactors of great wealth " who exploited the people. 
The public was aroused against the great corporations and 
became interested also in Roosevelt's policy of conservation. 

453. Panic. The Election of 1908. — Many people at- 
tributed the business panic which occurred in October, 1907, 
to attacks made by Roosevelt on the trusts. Others saw an 
attempt by certain great capitalists to precipitate a panic so 
that the Roosevelt policies might be discredited and that the 
competitors of the capitalists might be injured by the de- 
pression which followed. These were undoubtedly minor 
causes, for, as in the case of previous panics, this panic was 
due to over-speculation and too much extravagance. It 
was due in part also to a national banking system that did 
not give an elastic currency and to the speculations of the 
trust (banking) companies. The depression which followed 
the panic was comparatively short-lived. It did not destroy 
the popularity of Roosevelt or the prestige of the Republican 
party. 

Roosevelt selected William H. Taft of Ohio to carry out 
the " Roosevelt policies." Taft and James S. Sherman 
were nominated by the Republican convention on a platform 
that called " unequivocally " for a revision of the tariff so 
that rates should equal the difference between the cost of pro- 
duction abroad and at home. The Democrats nominated 
William Jennings Bryan -with a platform that demanded 
tariff reform and the adequate control of trusts. Bryan 
polled a much larger popular vote than Parker in 1904, but 
was beaten in the electoral college by a vote of 326 for Taft 
to 157 for Bryan. 

The Rule of the People (i 906-1 91 3) 

454. The War against Political Misrule. — The move- 
ment against the domination of the political world by " big 
business " started first in the West, especially in the popnlist 



1908] The Rule of the People 531 

states and later in Wisconsin under Robert La P'ollette. It White, W. A., 

did not become a national movement until Theodore Roose- ^ (iqoq) ' 

velt moved into the White House. Another nation-wide 218-225. 

movement which has been characteristic of the last decade Adams, Theory 

is a reform and uplift movement, especially in our cities and ^/-^^"^^ ^^^- 

11 1-11 J 1 1 olutions, 1-35. 

our central and western states, which demands that the _,^ „ ^ . 

' ^ Steftens, L., in 

people should have a larger share in the government and American, 64 

that the activities of the government should promote the (1907), 489- 

welfare of the people. ^'^ ' ^^^~^'- 

In order that the people might rule, it was necessary that Difficulties in 

they be aroused to the corruption and graft that were prev- P^ishmg 

. • n 1 r 1 • • grafters. 

alent in our governments, especially those 01 the cities. 

This was not done easily. Gradually, however, people ^J^ ^^ '^^^'J^ 
began to realize that the "police of our cities frequently pro- ig (1904), 
tected vice and crime if they were paid enough by the law- 673-686. 
breakers. It was found that councilmen were bribed to give brooks, R. C, 
away valuable franchises. In many instances these gratters q^^j. ^ 24 
were brought to trial, and, in a few cases, they were con- (1909), 1-22. 
victed and sentenced to imprisonment. When graft cases 
came to trial, however, it was found that these officials were 
usually part of a great political system which would not en- 
dure having its members punished. It was found further Bingham, 

that the laws were not designed so much to protect the public ^- ^•' ^^ C««- 

. . tury, 78 (1909), 

as to look after favored interests. More and more insistent 725-728. 

became the demand that new means should be devised to give 

the people control of their own governments. 

455. The Insurgent Movement. — The movement against The national 

domination of the government by special interests may be insurgent 

^ , , , , • movement, 

called the insurgent movement, although that name is some- ^ 

° ° Arena, 35 

times used for a small part of this general movement. It (1906), 631- 

was not simply a protest against graft ; it was a demand that 640. 

the people should have a chance to elect their own repre- Steflfens, L., in 

. ,1 1 ..• lu i-u Everybody's, 18 

sentatives, and that these representatives should not be (j^gg), 723- 

hampered by precedent or by political machines. It sought 736. 

to introduce new methods which would give the people a Pinchot, A., in 

direct share in their government. Among the first results McClure 

. , . .1 ^u • <.u 35 (1910), 

of t le insurgent movement proper was the overthrow in the ^gi-sgo 



532 



American History 



[1910 



White. W. A., 
in American, 
71 (1910), 
170-174. 
Baker. R. S., 
in American, 
69 (1910), 
435-448. 
The "insur- 
gents" in the 
House of 
Representa- 
tives. 

Hinds, A. C, 
in McClure, 
35 (1910). 
195-202. 

Murdock, V., 
in No. Am. 
Rev., 191 
(1910). 
510-516. 
Hale. \V. B.. 
World's Work 
19 (1910), 
12805-12S12. 

The old-time 
primary and 
nominating 
convention. 
Hart, Actual 
Gov't, 457, 
46, 48. 
IMerriam, 
Primary Elec- 
tions, 18-39. 
Dallinger, 
Nominations 
for Elective 
Office, 95-126. 



national House of Representatives of the arbitrary rule by 
the Committee on Rules. Widespread and more important 
than these were the reform methods in the states known as 
the direct primary, the initiative and the referendum, and 
the recall. 

Before 1910 the work of the House of Representatives had 
been controlled by the " big three," that is, by the majority 
members of the Committee on Rules. The leader of these 
was the speaker of the House, who appointed the committees 
and decided who might speak before the House. Later 
speakers had been more dictatorial if not more arbitrary than 
" Czar " Reed (§ 406). By a union of Democrats and " in- 
surgent " Republicans the speaker lost his power to appoint 
committees and was removed from the Committee on Rules 
(19 10), the committee being composed thereafter of ten 
members, six from the majority and four from the minority. 
This committee controls the work of the House, but the Dem- 
ocrats in 191 1 and in 1913, fearing that it might gain too 
much power, allowed the Committee on Ways and Means to 
appoint the other committees. 

456. Reform of Political Party Methods. — A change 
that was of infinitely greater importance than the reform 
in the House of Representatives has been the gradual 
abolition of the political party convention and the substitu- 
tion of the direct primary as a means for the nomination of 
party candidates. Under the old, or convention, system, 
primaries were held to elect delegates to the conventions. 
These primaries were either mass meetings of voters in a 
small precinct who came together and elected delegates to a 
local convention, which in turn elected delegates to a larger 
convention ; or the primary was an election in which the 
voters of each party elected its delegates to the convention. 
In either case the delegates were usually selected by the politi- 
cal party '' organization " or " machine," and the candidates 
whom the convention chose were regularly machine men. 

In order that the candidates might be the choice of the 
people rather than the tools of the " machine," the direct 



1913] Movement toward Economic Reform 533 



primary has been introduced. During recent years it has 
spread to almost all of the states, "being used for the nomi- 
nation of local and state candidates, and, in several states, 
for the selection of the state's delegates to the national party 
convention, which nominates the party candidates for Presi- 
dent. The adoption of these methods has brought the choice 
of the candidates close to the people ; but now a campaign 
is necessary before the direct primary election, and some- 
times a bewildering number of names of prospective candi- 
dates is placed on the ballot. After all, then, with the direct 
primary, as in the case of the convention, we need some polit- 
ical party organization, and the '' organization " or " ma- 
chine " may have as much power as formerly. The old 
party bosses and machines are usually opposed to the direct 
primary, however.^ 

In order to reduce the number of names on both the 
primary ballot and the final election ballot, a reduction in 
the number of elective offices has been proposed, and in 
some states this change has been made. This is known as 
the " short ballot." 

State and national laws have forbidden contributions by 
the corporations to party campaign expenses. The people 
rather than the corporations therefore theoretically may con- 
trol both the parties and the elections. 

457. The Initiative, the Referendum, and the Recall. — 
For fear that these devices should not give the people ade- 
quate control of the governments, there has been wide- 
spread extension of the right of the people to propose and 
make their own laws. The means by which legislation is 
made direct are the initiative and the referendum. The 
*' initiative " is the right of the people to propose laws which 

1 The experience of New York shows this. In 1913 the struggle between 
Governor Sulzer and Tammany for real control of the state politics centered 
around the direct primary law. As the other party leaders and bosses op- 
posed Sulzer, he was impeached and removed from office. In the following 
municipal election in New York City in November Tammany Hall was over- 
whelmingly defeated. Popular pressure will in time give New York and other 
states the direct primary. 



The direct 
primary and 
boss rule. 

Shaw, W. B., 
in Outlook, 
90 (1908), 
383-389. 

Merriam, 
Primary Elec- 
tions, 68-89. 

Cleveland, 
Organized 
Democracy, 
228-242. 



Short ballot. 
Childs, R. S., 
in Am. Pol. Sc. 
Rev., 6 (1912), 
310-315. 

Prohibition of 
corporation 
contribution to 
party funds. 

Adoption of 
the state-wide 
initiative and 
referendum. 

Cleveland, 
Organized 
Democracy, 
335-340, 353- 
355. 



534 



A^nerican History 



[1913 



Munro, GovH 
oj Am. Cities, 
321-350. 



The recall. 
Beard, Am. 
City Gov't, 
68-75. 
Annals Am. 
Acad., 43 
(1912), 215- 
236. 

Munro (ed.), 
Initiative, Ref., 
and Recall, 
298-320. 



the lawmaking branch of the government must pass or must 
submit to the voters. The " referendum " is the right of 
ratifying laws. As lawmaking is naturally a subject that 
demands special knowledge and special training, the exten- 
sion of this privilege to the public shows that the people 
have come to distrust their governments very thoroughly. 
Direct legislation has been in use for local laws a great many 
years, but its scope has recently been so extended that, at the 
close of the year 1913, eighteen states had the " initiative " 
and the " referendum " for state laws as well.^ The " refer- 
endum " had been used generally for the ratification of state 
constitutions and for state constitutional amendments for 
about a century, but its use in connection with the initiative 
for the making of state laws has been the result of the recent 
demand that the people should rule. 

The recall is a further means of controlling public officials ; 
it is not a method of popular or direct legislation. Where 
the recall has been adopted,^ a certain percentage of the 
voters may demand that another election shall be held in 
order to ascertain whether an official whom the petitioners 
distrust shall be retained in office. If he polls a larger vote 
than any of his opponents, he is retained. 

The Movement toward Economic Reform (1909-19 14) 

458. The Beginning of the Taft Administration. — The 

new popular movement for a larger share in the government 



1 For a summary of recent changes in the status of popular government 
see the American Year Book (1914), table p. 69. This table will undoubt- 
edly be brought down to date in later issues. 

2 This method is used much less widely than the initiative and the referen- 
dum, being applied to judicial state officials in but three states in 1913. In 
fact, there is ver>^ great opposition among conservatives to the application of 
the recall to judges, whose decisions might then be influenced by fear of re- 
moval. When New IVIexico and Arizona were admitted to the Union in 
191 2, President Taft refused to sign the resolution admitting Arizona until 
Arizona eliminated the provision of the state constitution which permitted 
the recall of the judiciary. Ex-President Roosevelt advocated the recall of 
judicial decisions as a substitute, but it has been received with less favor 
than the recall. 



191 1] Movement toward Economic Reform 535 




William H. Taft 



and more benefits from the government for the common 
people had not made great headway when Taft was elected 
President (§ 453) in 1908. Taft was looked upon then as a 
progressive, but his tem- 
perament and his long 
experience on the bench 
made him quite conserva- 
tive.^ He made himself 
unpopular in the West 
the first year by indorsing 
the reactionary Payne- 
Aldrich tariff (§ 463) as 
the " best ever." His at- 
tempt to apply literally 
the law for the sale of 
coal lands caused Taft 
and Secretary Ballinger 
to offer coal lands for 
sale at the old ridiculously low prices.^ A popular protest, 
the so-called Ballinger-Pinchot controversy, led to the enact- 
ment of laws which permitted the withdrawal from sale of 
valuable coal, oil, and other mineral lands. 

President Taft earnestly desired to promote peace and 
international good will. He earnestly advocated a reci- 
procity agreement with Canada by which trade in grains and 
raw^ materials would be promoted between the two countries. 
For twelve years (1854-1866) the United States had tried 
reciprocity with Canada, but, although in 191 1 Congress 
voted in favor of reciprocity, Canada, at a general election, 

1 William H. Taft is a graduate of Yale, where he holds at present a pro- 
fessorship. From 1881 to 1892 he held several political positions, and in 1892 
was appointed judge of the United States Circuit Court. After 1900 he 
served as governor of the Philippine Islands, and (1904- 1908) as Secretary of 
War under Roosevelt. Because of his extended administrative experience 
Taft was exceptionally well prepared for the duties of chief executive. 

2 Roosevelt had withdrawn coal lands from sale, pending the revaluation 
of these lands, although no law permitted this action. Ballinger made prep- 
arations to give patents to lands in Alaska, which Pinchot thought con- 
trary to a wise policy of conservation. 



The conserva- 
tive position oi 
the Taft ad- 
ministration on 
tariff and 
conservation. 
Lowery, E. G , 
in No. Am. 
Rev., 191 
(1910), 289- 
301. 

Turner, G. K., 
in McClure, 35 
(1910), 



Reciprocity 
and inter- 
national 
arbitration. 
Rev. of Revs., 
43 (1911), 
278-283, 737- 
738. 



1 91 3] Movement toward Economic Reform 537 

decided overwhelmingly against it, evidently fearing absorp- Taft, W. H., 

tion by the United States. President Taft was more fortu- ^^ '^^•' '^"^ •^''"''• 

nate in securing very liberal arbitration treaties with France (l^^^\°^ ' ^^ 

and Great Britain (§ 443). 513-549- 

That action of Taft's administration which has been most Policy of Taft 

approved and will in future be of most importance was the toward the 

courts 

appointment of national judges made by President Taft. 

For the first time in fifty years a majority of the justices of the Baldwin, E. F., 

Supreme Court were appointed by one president. More '"^ ^"^^^^^' 

than forty per cent of the judges in the inferior national courts 156-164. ' 

were also selected by Taft. The work of these judges will 

constitute the chief contribution of Taft to the history of this 

period.^ 

459. Reform Legislation. — Because of the great popular Postal changes. 
movement described above (§§ 454-457) there was a great 
deal of reform legislation in state and nation during the 

Taft administration. In 1910 Congress established a postal Hitchcock, 

savings bank system, and in 191 2 a parcel post was author- ^- ■^•' ^^ ^^^^' 

ized. The postal savings bank is used in a majority of the (igi2)/ 

post offices, where depositors more than ten years of age can 136-138. 

deposit from $1 to $500. It reaches sections which before Klemmeres, 

had no banks and brings into circulation money that had ^- W-. in Pol. 

been hoarded. The parcel post gives opportunity to send (j^jj)^ 

good-sized packages at rates varying with weight and dis- 462-499. 

tance. It is hoped that the parcel post may facilitate the Outlook, 103 

marketing of products, and, by eliminating middlemen, may ^^^^^^ 

reduce the high cost of living (§ 465) • ^ _ Zirirmann. 

The period from 1908 to 19 13 was one of progressive legis- ^^ g^ ^^ 5^^. 

lation for the protection of labor. The national government tem, 23 ( 1913), 

established (1913) a separate Department of Labor and two 271-277, 374- 

years earlier created a Children's Bureau. Child-labor laws, ^^^^^ 

laws limiting the hours of labor for women, improved em- legislation, 
ployer's liability laws, industrial and compensation laws, and 
minimum wage measures are among the humanitarian meas- 
ures enacted by the states during that period. 

1 The attitude of the courts on the anti-trust law is considered below 
(§468). 



538 



American History 



[1912 



The Republi- 
can primary 
campaign. 
Woodbum, 
J. A., in Am. 
Year Book, 
1912, i-io. 
Dunn, A. W., 
in Rev. oj Revs., 

45 (1912), 
427-433- 
Blythe, S. G., 
in McClure, 
39 (1912), 
205-214. 

The Republi- 
can convention. 

Woodbum, 
J. A., in Am. 
Year Book, 
1Q12, 10-14. 
Rev. of Revs., 

46 (1914), 132- 
141, 191-195- 
Davis, R. H., 
in Scribner's, 
52 (1912), 
259-273- 
Democratic 
convention. 
Woodbum, 

J. A., in Am. 
Year Book, 
1912, 14-20. 
Outlook, loi 
(1912), 
557-561. 
The Progres- 
sive 

convention. 
Woodbum, 
J. A., in Am. 
Year Book, 
1912, 20-27. 



460. The Election of 1912. — ^ Reform movements and 
programs played a considerable part in the presidential elec- 
tion of 191 2. The election was opened by a spectacular 
primary campaign. Roosevelt had declared in 1904 that 
under no circumstances would he seek reelection after that 
date. He was so disappointed with the conservative policies 
of theTaft administration that in 1912 he came out openly as 
a candidate against President Taft, who was seeking renomi- 
nation. As several states provided by law for the election of 
delegates in the primaries, and, as several others actually 
chose their delegates in that way, a great deal of vigorous 
campaigning was done in order to win control of the Republi- 
can convention in Chicago. 

Because Taft controlled the regular Republican machinery 
and the delegates from the southern states, he was able to 
control the Chicago convention by a small majority. Roose- 
velt protested in vain against the '' steam-roller " methods 
which excluded his delegates, maintaining that the majority 
had been robbed. His followers remained silent while- the 
convention renominated Taft and Sherman, and adopted a 
platform which was liberal in many respects but which was 
conservative in others. 

The Democratic convention met in Baltimore, June 25. 
A struggle immediately began between the conservatives 
and the progressives, the latter winning through the unquali- 
fied support of William Jennings Bryan. The convention 
adopted a liberal platform with especial emphasis on a 
revenue tariff, an income tax, opposition to the trusts, and 
a single term for the President. Woodrow Wilson of New 
Jersey and Thomas R. Marshall of Indiana were nominated. 

The Republican Roosevelt delegates called a convention 
in Chicago, August 5, and organized the Progressive party. 
The primary purpose of the new party was to destroy boss 
rule, but its platform was an extended summary of social, 
political, and economic reforms. Roosevelt gave the con- 
vention his " confession of faith," concluding with the words : 
" We stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lord." 



540 



America 71 History 



[1908 



Abbott. E. H.. 
in Outlook, loi 
(1912), 
857-804. 

Menkel, \V.. 
in Rev. of Rtvs. 
46 (1Q12). 
310-017- 
Result of the 
election. 
Woodbum, 
J. A., in Am. 
Year Book, 
igi2, 27-44. 
World's Work, 
25 (1912), 
137-139- 



The Income 
Tax 

amendment. 



With Roosevelt was nominated Hiram W. Johnson of Cali- 
fornia. 

The result of the election was predetermined by the split 
in the Republican party, the campaign being comparatively 

dull.^ When the votes 
were counted, it was 
found that Wilson had 
carried forty-one states, 
including three states that 
had been very progressive 
before 1 9 1 2 . Roose velt 
had a plurality in five 
states and Taft in two. 
Wilson's popular vote 
was less than Bryan's in 
1 90S, and a million and a 
quarter less than the com- 
bined vote of Roosevelt 
and Taft in 191 2. The 
Socialist vote was nearly 
one million, being more 
than double the vote of 
that party in igoS, showing that many people demanded a 
much more radical reform of social and economic abuses 
tlian either the Progressive party or the Democratic party 
was likely to give.'- 

461. Constitutional Changes. — Twice in the year 1913 
was the Constitution of the United States amended in order 

^ In Milwaukee. October 14. a fanatic attempted to assassinate Roosevelt. 
Roosevelt's courage in addressing an audience immediately afterwards, al- 
though severely wounded, aroused nation-wide sympathy and enthusiasm. 

2 The Socialist party platform in 1 01 2 declared that " society is diWded into 
warring groups and classes, based upon material interest." It demanded 
that the rule of the capitalist class shall be replaced by that of the workers. 
It asked for collective ownership of railways and other means of social 
communication, of banks and of land held for speculation or exploitation. 
It demanded rehef for the unemployed, the better conservation of human 
resources and direct government by the people in the national as well as the 
state and local governments. 




Copyright by Harris and Ewinc 

WooDROw Wilson 



1913] Movement toivard Economic Reform 541 

to make it correspond more nearly with the wishes of the Uunuy Digest, 
people. These were the tirst changes in our written funda- -^^ (.i^^o), 
mental law in more than fortv years. The sixteenth amend- ■^^^~-''''^' 

. , c • ' ' , , , Brooks. S., in 

ment provides for an income tax, so that such a tax may be x,,. j,,,, f>^,.^, 
levied without being declared unconstitutional as was the iq7 (1913), 
tax of 1894 (§ 40S). An income tax was levied in 1Q13 542-555- 
(§ 464). 

The seventeenth amendment was the result of an even Direct election 
more determined demand of the people. Several times ^^ senators. 
Houses of Representatives had passed resolutions in favor Jones, /JraJj/jg^ 
of the direct election of senators, but the Senate always Elections, 
failed to concur. As some senators were considered too 125-146. 
conservative for the popular taste, many states had fol- 
lowed the Oregon plan, which provided that the people might 
advise the legislature of their choice for senator, at the same 
time that the voters elected legislators who agreed to abide 
by the people's wish. The result of the new amendment 
must be a decided change in the character of the Senate. 

In the states constitutional amendments have been as Constitutional 
common as the national amendments w^re rare. Among amendments m 
notable changes in the fundamental law^ of the states in 
recent years has been the admission of women to vote in 
live new states, making nine states in all (1913), the adop- 
tion of provisions for direct primaries, the initiative and 
referendum, those that provide for better taxation and con- 
trol of corporations, and those which take better care of 
men, women, and children who work with their hands. 

462. The Beginning of the Wilson Administration. — Character and 
The election of Woodrow Wilson to the presidency brought policies of 
to the chief magistracy a distinguished scholar and student 
of public affairs.^ Wilson showed from the first that he ^ in CfK/wr 
intended to be the leader of the party and the head of the 85 (1913), 
administration. He broke precedent after precedent. For 744-753- 

1 Distinguished as author, teacher, and college president, Wilson had 
served as governor of New Jersey, giving to that state a clean and progressive 
administration. He selected Brj^an as his Secretary of State, and filled his 
cabinet with progressives. 



542 



American History 



[1913 



Hale, W. B., 
in World's 
Work, 26 
(1913), 69-77. 
Low, A. M., in 
Living Age, 
278 (1913), 
17-22. 



Wilson, his 
party, and 
business 
policies. 

Harvey, G. B. 
McC, in No. 
Am. Rev., 198 
(1913), 
577-608. 



The maximum 
and minimum 
tariff (1909). 

Dewey, Finan. 
Hist, of U. S., 

483-487. 

Taussig, F. W., 
in Quar. Jour. 
Econ., 24 
(1909), 11-38. 



example, he read his first message as Washington and John 
Adams had done. He has not hesitated to go to the Capi- 
tol nor does he hesitate to advise congressmen freely. He 
refused to be bothered with office-seekers. He abandoned 
'' dollar-diplomacy," ^ in connection with the China loan 
(§ 446, note) and Latin- American affairs. In relation to 
Mexico he followed a waiting policy more censorious but 
not radically different from that of President Taft. 

The first year of the Wilson administration saw the enact- 
ment of a comparatively low tariff and an important bank- 
ing act. Against trusts and other combinations of capital, 
the administration enforced the Sherman anti-trust law more 
thoroughly than previous presidents had done. Combinations 
that controlled prices and interlocking directorates (§ 465) 
were especially the objects of law enforcement, but the 
attempt was made also to control the capitalization of great 
companies as well. Although the Democratic party had 
been noted for its factions from 1896 to 191 3, President Wil- 
son united the party and succeeded during his first year in 
carrying through a comprehensive program of reforms, 
designed to benefit the " common people." 

463. The Payne-Aldrich Tariff. — From 1897 to 1909 
there had been no real changes in the tariff. In 1909 a spe- 
cial session of Congress passed a protective tariff, the Payne- 
Aldrich, and in 191 3 another special session passed a 
revenue tariff. Demand for tariff reform before 1909 had 
come from those who wished lower prices, from those who 
believed that our tariff schedules were antiquated because 
of the great industrial changes of recent years, and from those 
who were opposed to protection. The Payne-Aldrich tariff 
in 1909 provided for a larger free list, reductions on some 
trust-made articles, and a rearrangement of schedules which 
left the rates nearly as high as before, the general principles 



^ Dollar diplomacy was the name given to the method, used especially by 
Secretary Knox in the Taft administration, to promote commerce through the 
diplomatic service and to let the extension of business, especially in Latin 
America, aid diplomacy in return. 



544 



Aviericaii History 



[1909 



The corpora- 
tion tax. 

Conant, C. A., 
in .Yo. Am. 
Rev., 190 
(iqoq), 
231-240. 

Proposed tariff 

bills (1911- 

IQI3)- 

Rev. of Revs., 

44 (1911), 

259-264. 

Am. Year 
Book, 1911, 
48-52. 



The Under- 
wood tariff 
(1913)- 
Wickware, 
T. G., in Am. 
Year Book, 
1914, 28-38. 



of the Dingley tariff (§ 409) and the Payne- Aldrich tariff being 
the same. The law provided for what is called a double tariff.^ 
It also provided for a special board of appraisers and a 
Custom Court of Appeal, before whom disputes about rates 
were settled finally, and a temporary tariff' board.^ 

After suggesting an inheritance tax and an income tax 
as supplementary to the tariff. Congress agreed (1909) on 
a corporation tax of one per cent on the net revenue of all 
corporations, every corporation being exempted from pay- 
ment on the first $5000 of its revenue. 

464. Democratic Tariff Measures. — The election of a 
Democratic House of Representatives in 1 910 gave that party 
a chance (191 1) to propose bills for reducing the tariff. 
With the aid of progressive Republicans in the Senate a 
wool bill and a cotton bill were passed in Congress, both of 
which reduced the existing rates. President Taft vetoed 
both bills, and they were not passed over his veto. In 1 913 a 
special session of Congress w^as called by President Wilson 
to enact a revenue tariff' and other financial measures. The 
House was overwhelmingly Democratic and that party 
had a slight majority in the Senate. The Underwood tariff 
was passed at this session. 

The Under\vood tariff provides for a substantial reduc- 
tion on all protective rates. It enlarges the free list by 
including free wool, and after three years, free sugar. It 
retains high rates and in some cases increases the rates 

1 The regular rates formed what was called the minimvim list, the minimum 
rates being granted to all countries which made the United States substan- 
tial trade concessions. If there were any others, they were obliged to pay 
the maximum rates, which were obtained by adding to the minimum rate 
twenty-five per cent of the cost of the imported articles. 

2 The tariff board was created for the purpose of studying the cost of 
producing similar commodities at home and abroad. Ha\-ing ascertained 
these differences, it was expected that the tariff rates would be changed so 
that the American manufacturers would be protected by rates just high 
enough to make the foreign costs equal to the costs at home. The board's 
reports show such varj^ing costs in America and abroad that no conclusion 
could be drawn, except this, perhaps, that x\merican manufacturers with old 
equipment and poor organization had been able to continue as producers 
because of the protective rates. 



191 3 Movement toward Economic Reform 545 

on luxuries, reducing the rates on those articles that are Stone, N. I., 
used most commonly by the public. Although it does not '^^ R^^- of Revs. 
abandon the principle of protection, it will seriously cripple, 43^-430 
if it does not destroy, those factories or industries which have Taussig, F. W. 
depended entirely upon protection in order to compete with in Quar. Jour. 
foreign producers. Theoretically it is a consumers' tariff, f'^'"*' ^^ 
just as practically all of the tariffs since the Civil War have 
been producers' tariffs. 

In order to secure sufficient revenue for the national Income tax 
government without adding further to the taxes already (^913). 
paid by consumers. Congress in 19 13 passed an income tax 
measure which provides rates from i to 7 per cent. The 
first $3000 of every income is exempt,^ thus freeing from the 
tax nine tenths of the heads of families. This has been 
attacked as class legislation. To any one who has observed 
that the national government has been supported in the 
past chiefly by those whose incomes have been small, this 
law seems fairer than any other national tax that we have. 

465. Other Financial Reform Measures. — The trusts The high cost 
and the railways have been blamed for part of the increased ^^ living, 
cost of living in recent years, and the public has tried to 
protect itself by laws that will restrict or regulate business. 
The tariff also was held responsible on the ground that it Fisher, I., in 
has fostered industry, — that is, the producer at the expense ^^- ^^"- ^^^•' 
of the consumer, — ■ and therefore made monopoly possible. 740-758 
Finally complaint has been made that all capitalists stand streightoff, 
together and amass wealth at the expense of the public. Standard of 
Prices have been going up ever since 1895. This is due ^^^"^' 44-68. 
chiefly without doubt to the increased production of gold,^ Annals Am. 

Acad., July, 

1 Married men are exempt to the amount of ^4000. 1913- 

2 The amount of gold produced each year after 19 10 was more than 
double the annual output of gold from 1890 to 1895. As the purchasing 
value of gold depends largely on the amount in existence, prices go up as the 
amount increases. Wages, of course, do the same in time, but changes in 
wages occur slowly. The high cost of living is not simply the result of high 
prices ; for, if wages increase at the same rate as prices, a man's income will 
go as far with high prices as with low prices. It has been said very truly 
that a fair part of the high cost of Uving is the cost of high Uving. At least 
it is due in part to an improvement in the standard of living. 

2 N 



46 (1913), i63 
166, 261-263 



546 American History [191 3 

to the expansions of our system of credit,^ and to the im- 
provements in the standard of living ; but it is due in part 
also to the special opportunity which the protected indus- 
tries have had of raising prices. 
Money trust Among the numerous investigations of combination of 

investigation, capital that were supposed to be responsible for high prices 
Literary Digest, and business monopoly was that of the head "trust" of 
all, tiie so-called " money trust." The investigation did 
not show the existence of any organization, but it showed 
that 180 men, each of whom held positions on a great many 
directorates (interlocking directorates), had great influence 
over corporations with resources amounting to about 
$25,000,000,000. Many of these corporations were engaged 
in banking. 
The national Fear that great capitalists would control still more the 

banking act of banking of the country and its business interests delayed the 
^^^■^' adoption of necessary banking reforms until 191 3. In 

Wickware, that year Congress amended the national banking act (§ 342) . 

T. G., in Am. The new act provides for a better concentration of banking 
reserves, a more elastic currency, and a better system of 
bank credit. National banking in reserve centers is no 
longer to cooperate chiefly with the stock market, but with 
business, domestic and foreign. Loans to farmers are made 
easier, a general plan of agricultural credit being worked 
out later. The bank act provides for a national reserve 
board which supervises reserve banks.^ This is selected 
by the president. There are from eight to twelve " regional 
reserve banks " controlled by bankers of that region, which 
can issue emergency currency and therefore furnish extra 
money when crops are to be moved or a money stringency 
occurs. It is hoped that this new banking plan will give a 
needed flexibility to our national banking system, will help 
to prevent panics, and will keep organized capital from 
dominating business. 

1 See Fisher, I., in American Econom^ic Review, 2 (191 2), 431-558. 

2 It is composed of seven members, two of whom are the Secretary' of the 
Treasury and the Controller of the Currency. 



Year Book 
1914, 38-53 



1913] Movement tozuard Economic Reform 547 

466. Summary. — In the later years of the nineteenth General, 
century large railway and industrial corporations had great 
influence over our governments. The protest of society 
against business domination in politics was expressed in the 
Roosevelt policies in national affairs, and in the demand that 
the people should rule in city, state, and national govern- 
ments. As a result of these two movements numerous 
changes occurred in the laws affecting labor, the currency, 
the tariff and others. 

Roosevelt followed McKinley's policies at first, especially The Roosevelt 
in foreign affairs, but urged more drastic action against the poli<^ies. 
trusts and favored conservation. After his election in 1904 
he came out more strongly for railway regulation, conserva- 
tion, and the punishment of " malefactors of great wealth." 
Even the panic of 1907 did not shake the faith of the Roose- 
velt supporters, and in 1908 William H. Taft was elected 
as his successor to carry out his policies. 

The same forces that were working to overthrow business The rule of 
domination of politics were working against corruption in ^^^ people, 
government and for popular control of all public affairs. 
In the House of Representatives, the insurgents overthrew 
vhe oligarchical sway of the Committee on Rules. In the 
states, especially in the West and South, were established the 
direct primary, the initiative, the referendum, and the recall 
by which the people were able to keep the politicians from 
managing politics against the wishes of the public. 

At the beginning of the Taft administration (1909- Movement 
1913) many valuable coal, oil, and mineral lands were with- toward eco- 
drawn from sale, no longer being offered at even low prices. 
Later postal savings banks and a parcel post system were 
established by Congress. The period was one of numerous 
changes in state laws for the benefit of labor. In the elec- 
tion of 1 91 2 there were sharp contests between the conser- 
vative and liberal factions of each of the old parties. The 
more conservative members controlled the Republican party, 
nominating Taft ; the liberal wing organizing as the Progres- 
sive party and nominating Roosevelt. The Democrats 



548 American History [191 3 

elected Woodrow Wilson on a liberal platform. Imme- 
diately following the election two liberal measures were 
incorporated in the United States Constitution as the six- 
teenth amendment (income tax) and the seventeenth (direct 
election of senators) . The Wilson administration was more 
liberal than was even expected. The conservative Payne- 
Aldrich tariff was replaced by lower protective tariff, a 
new banking act was passed to give greater elasticity to 
our currency and credit, and action was taken to break the 
control of " interlocking directorates " over business. 

TOPICS 

1. Conservation: Ashley, "Am. Federal State" (rev. ed.), ch. 
XXIX ; Coman, "Industrial History of the U. S." (rev. ed.), pp. 375- 
413; National Conservation Commission, "Summary of Report"; 
Annals of the Amer. Academy, t,7, (1909), 3-226; Van Hise, "Conser- 
vation of Natural Resources." 

2. Corruption and Reform, Municipal: Bliss (ed.), "New 
Encyclopedia of Social Reform," pp. 318-327; Larned (ed.), "His- 
tory of Ready Ref.," VII, pp. 431-442; Beard, "American City 
Gov't," pp. 192-217 ; Flint, "The World of Graft," pp. 9-88 ; Myers, 
"History of Tammany Hall," pp. 252-350; Steffens, "Shame of the 
Cities." 

3. Initiative and the Referendum: Munro (ed.), "The Ini- 
tiative, Referendum, and Recall," pp. 126-193; Wilcox, "Gov't by 
All the People," pp. 11-166, 229-312; Annals Amer. Academy, 43 
(1912), 3-31, 65-109, 203-215; Oberholtzer, "The Referendum in 
America" (rev. ed.), pp. 173-217, 368-453; Lov^^ell, "Public Opinion 
and Popular Gov't," pp. 169-235, 368-398. 

4. The Recall of Judges and Judicial Decisions : Roosevelt, 
in Outlook, 100 (1912), 618-626; loi, 855-857, 1004-1007; Wilcox, 
"Gov't by All the People," pp. 211-228; Cleveland, "Organized 
Democracy," pp. 426-437; Annals of Amer. Academy, 43 (1912), 
239-325; Acad, of Pol. Sc, Proceedings, January, 1913, 76-116. 

STUDIES 

1. Roosevelt and civil service reform. (Shaw, W. B., in Review 
of Reviews, 31 (1905), 317-324.) 

2. Campaign funds and campaign scandals. (Carr, J. F., in 
Outlook, 81 (1905), 545^554-) 

3. Conservation of Niagara Falls. (Spencer, J. W. W., in Popular 
Science Monthly, 73 (1908), 289-305.) 

4. Mismanagement of insurance companies before 1906. (Larned 
(ed.), "History for Ready Reference," VII, pp. 326-329.) 



Movement toward Economic Reform 549 

5. La Follette of Wisconsin. (Roe, G. E., in Independent, 64 (1908), 

717-725-) 

6. New York police force. (Roe, W. J., in Popular Science 
Monthly, 80 (191 2), 461—475.) 

7. Publicity of campaign funds. (Jones, "Readings on Parties 
and Elections," pp. 302—321.) 

8. Municipal research bureau. {Annals of Amer. Academy, 41 
(1912), 235-278.) 

9. Regulation of political campaigns. (Cleveland, "Organized 
Democracy," pp. 243-260.) 

10. The function of parties. (Lowell, "Public Opinion and Popu- 
lar Gov't," Part II.) 

11. Socialist party in election of 191 2. (Hoxie, R. F., in Jol. Pol. 
Econ., 20 (1912), 205-223.) 

12. The tariff board and tariffs. {Am. Economic Review, 2 (1912), 
March Sup., 19-41.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Place in your notebook a complete summary of the following 
topics, showing the sections of the text in which details may be ob- 
tained : Federalist party, old Republican party, Whig party, Demo- 
cratic party, Republican party. 

2. What were some of the favors received by the great corporations 
from our governments? Why did the trusts and the railways wish 
to control the governments ? What was the danger of capitalistic 
control? By what means and to what extent has capitalistic control 
been averted ? 

3. Compare the policies and methods of Roosevelt, Taft, and 
Wilson. To what extent did the personalities of these men enter into 
the work of their administrations ? Show how they represent three 
types of party leadership. 

4. Compare the foreign, anti-trust, and conservation policies of 
Roosevelt. Which features of these policies were original with him ? 
Are his permanent contributions to American history connected with 
these original features or the other features ? 

5. Show the relation between the revolt against capitalistic domina- 
tion and the revolt against boss rule. 

6. In what ways may the people control their governments that 
were not generally in use twenty years ago ? Show the advantages 
and disadvantages of each method of popular control. 

7. Show how the movement for popular rule affected the state and 
national legislation of the period from 1909 to 191 2. 

8. Compare the tariffs of 1909 and 1913 with those of 1890 and 
1894. Does a return to the principles of the tariff of 1909 seem prob- 
able in 191 7? 



CHAPTER XXIII 



PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS 

Commerce and Industry 



Causes and 
results of 
industrial 
combination. 

Jenks, l^riist 

Problem, 

21-55- 

Taussig, Prin- 
ciples of 
Economics, II, 
4ig-442. 

Haney, Bus. 
Organisation 
and Combina- 
tion, 128-144. 



467. Industrial Progress since 1880. — During the last 
third of a century the industrial advance of the United 
States has been very rapid. The capital invested in man- 
ufacturing and the value of manufactured products have 
increased fourfold. This development has been accom- 
panied by changes which we have already noted in part 
— the combination of companies engaged in the same line 
of industry, with a resulting loss of competition, and the 
combination also of employees engaged in similar occu- 
pations. The advantages of production and exchange on 
a large scale are evident. Improved machinery and pro- 
cesses may be employed, finer products may be secured 
by devoting the energies of an entire plant to a special form 
of manufacture, and immense sums are saved by preventing 
the unavoidable wastes of separate plants. By controlling 
most of the output in its line, a trust need ship into a particu- 
lar territory only the amount that can be sold easily. It 
can lower its prices in a district in which a rival is dangerous 
and drive its competitor from business. It can afford to 
develop new markets, domestic or foreign, which may be 
unprofitable at first, for the sake of the future. Whether 
these advantages from the industrial standpoint are sufficient 
compensation to the public for the loss of competition, which 
in the past has kept prices low, depends partly on the policy 
of the trust, partly on the attitude of our governments 
toward the trusts, and partly on the willingness or ability 
of the people to keep prices low. 

The advantages of combination were apparent long be- 
fore the Spanish- American War, and many trusts were 

550 



[SgS. 

Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
325-329. 



1902] Commerce and Industry 551 

organized during that period/ but the movement for indus- Formation of 
trial or commercial consolidation was far more conspicuous trusts after 
from 1898 to 1902 than at any earlier time.^ Several hun- 
dred trusts were organized, many of them powerful enough 
to be considered monopolies. The largest of these was the 
United States Steel corporation, with capital stock of Lamed (ed.), 
$1,100,000,000. Many of these were organized on a specu- Ready ReJ., 
lative basis and either collapsed or suffered from over-capi- , - 529-535, 

VII, 116-135. 

talization within a short time. The railways of the United 

States adopted similar methods, and most of the mileage is ^^^-^^ ^'r ^ ^' 

controlled now by a few corporations. In fact some of the 400-416. 

largest combinations control the mines or other sources of Marshall, 

raw material which they use, manage their manufacturing Wright, Field, 

plants, and own or control the railways by which the materials ^ V /^ "■''"' 

are brought to their plants or their products are shipped to Economics, 

market. 299-339- 

468. Anti-Trust Legislation in the States. — Under 
the present system of law in the United States these great 

companies do not receive charters from the national govern- Control of 

ment, but are chartered in some state, and then do business railways, 

in the other states under that charter. The other states, how- J^^^.^^^^'j;^'" 
ever, may limit the activities of the corporations within their 

own boundaries, and, in fact, may prohibit them from doing 349-366 

business in their state. The earliest form of state control, Dixon, F. H., 

as we have observed already (§396), was in connection v^ Pol. Sc 

with railways. Most of the early granger legislation was ^^^'"■^ ^° 

» The earliest and still one of the most notable trusts is the Standard Oil 612-624. 
Company, which, as early as 1880, controlled the output of over ninety-five 
per cent of the refined oil in the United States. 

- There have been in general four historical forms of combinations. 
(i) The earliest was the pool, in which earnings were pooled and then distrib- 
uted among the members of the pool according to agreement. (2) The 
second was the trustee form, from which we get the word " trust." The stock 
of the companies in the combination was held by trustees who managed 
the aflfairs of the combination. (3) The third form was the holding company. 
One company was organized which owned the majority of the stock in the 
subsidiary companies. The Standard Oil Co. was a trust of this kind until 
191 1. (4) The latest form of trust is the great corporation, the lesser com- 
panies being really absorbed by the single great company. The steel trust 
is the best example of this kind of corporation. 



Railway Trans- 
portation, 



552 



American History 



[1890 



Huebner, 
G. G., in 
Annals Am. 
Acad., 32 
(1908), 138- 
156. 



Industrial anti- 
trust laws. 

Savers, J. D., 
in Xo. Am. 
Rev., 169 
(1899), 
210-217. 

Clark, Control 
of Trusts, 
71-95- 
Outlook, 80 
(1905), 427- 
431 ; 91 (1909) 
320-322. 

Stimson, 
Popular Law 
Making, 
173-189- 



Provisions. 
The problem 
of national 
control. 

MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No. 120. 



repealed after a few years' experiment, but in almost all 
of the states, railway commissions are maintained to super- 
vise rates and the other business of railways. Most of these 
state commissions have the power to fix the maximum rates 
that shall be charged by the railways, a few still depend 
upon publicity, and some are public service commis- 
sions which supervise not only the steam railways, but 
electric railways, water and power plants, and other public 
utilities. 

About 1890 the organization of a large number of trusts 
led to the enactment of numerous state anti-trust laws; 
and the so-called Sherman Anti-Trust Act which w^as passed 
by Congress. In many of the states monopolies were for- 
bidden entirely ; in other states the laws were intended to 
restrict the trusts from charging excessive rates or otherwise 
injuring the public. More perfect laws were passed later 
by many states, that of Texas being a good example of the 
severe anti-monopoly law. It has not been easy to enforce 
these laws against the great corporations, but some success 
has attended the efforts of the states west of the Mississippi. 
In 1904 Kansas engaged in a war on the Standard Oil Com- 
pany by building a refinery of its own. Two years later 
Missouri forced the same company to admit that the lesser 
companies doing business in that state were nothing more 
than parts of the great monopoly. Texas as well as Mis- 
souri was rather successful in dealing with the Standard Oil 
monopoly before the Supreme Court of the United States 
declared that monopoly illegal. Both states levied heavy 
fines on the subsidiary companies of the Standard Oil 
Company. 

469. The Sherman Anti- Trust Law of 1890.^ — In 
response to a popular demand, Congress in* 1890 decided 
that " every contract, combination in the form of trust or 
otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce 
among the several states, or with foreign nations, is hereby 

1 In connection with this and succeeding sections the student should 
review §§ 394-397-. 



1894] Commerce and Industry 553 

declared to be illegal." This act was intended to supple- Dawes, C. G., 
ment the Interstate Commerce Act (§ 397) which had been ^" ^°- ^^• 
passed three years earlier. We should notice carefully / ^Jj^J ^g 
that the only provision of the United States Constitution 194. 
which deals with the power of the national government over 
commerce or industry within the United States is contained 
in the words, " Congress shall have power ... to regulate 
commerce . . . among the several states." ^ When the 
Constitution was adopted in 1787, even interstate com- 
merce was not particularly important. The fact that for 
one hundred years there was no real attempt to regulate this 
commerce from Washington is sufficient evidence of the 
recent development of interstate trade. But the expansion 
of large corporations, which have plants in several states 
and do business in many others, presents a problem of com- 
mercial and industrial control which cannot be solved by the 
separate state governments. The interest of the public there- 
fore must go unprotected or be secured by the national gov- 
ernment. For this reason the interpretation placed upon 
the Sherman Act by the courts is of the first importance. If 
this act has been construed narrowly, the power of Congress 
over commerce will be very limited. If it has been construed 
liberally, the national government may not only control indus- 
try under it, but Congress may pass supplementary legis- 
lation extending its powers still further. 

At first comparatively little attention was paid to the Application of 
law either by the government or the corporations. It was ^^^ Sherman 
invoked in 1894 (§ 474) to prevent labor organizations from ^^ ^' 

interfering with the movement of trains engaged in interstate „^^ ^J „ ,' 

° ^ ^ Trusts, Pools, 

commerce. Later the Supreme Court broke up several and Corpora- 

illegal combinations.^ The most interesting case until ^^'''«^» 263-272. 

recent years was that of the Northern Securities Company. Garner, J. W., 

This company was organized to hold the stock and manage ^^ ^'^"^^^ 

., 1 TVT 1 •/- 1 Amer. Acad., 

the mterests of several railways, the Northern Pacific, the 24 (1904), 

125-147. 

1 United States Constitution, Art. i, § 8, CI. 3. 

2 Trans-Missouri Freight Case (1897) and Joint Trafl&c Case (1898) 
especially. 



554 



American History 



[1904 



Bureau of 

corporations 

(1903). 

Reinsch (ed.), 
Readings in 
Am. Fed. Govt. 
529-538. 



Curbing of 
corporation 
powers. 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 
VII, 1 1 7-1 27. 

Annals of Am. 
Acad., 32 
(1908), 3-94, 
235-258; 42 
(1912), 219- 
269. 

Wickersham, 
G. W., in 
Century, 
83 (1912), 
616-622. 



Great Northern, and the Burlington lines. The Supreme 
Court prevented the Securities Company from carrying out 
this plan by deciding (1904) that its acts would be in re- 
straint of interstate trade. The court made clear its position 
that the restraint was not necessarily unreasonable in order 
to be illegal. 

470. Recent Anti-Trust Activity. — In 1903 Congress 
organized a new cabinet department known as the Depart- 
ment of Commerce and Labor, which was later (19 13) sepa- 
rated into a Department of Commerce and a Department of 
Labor. One of the bureaus created for the Department 
of Commerce was that of Corporations, the head of which 
was authorized to investigate " the organization, conduct, 
and management " of any company other than railways 
which was engaged in interstate commerce, reporting direct 
to the President. This bureau has issued valuable reports 
on combinations like the steel trust, the tobacco trust, and 
the monopoly of railway and steamship terminal sites. It 
may be made a powerful weapon for the supervision of great 
corporations, particularly if these corporations are compelled 
to take out national charters. It has been proposed that 
this bureau be superseded by an interstate trade commission. 

Many suits have been instituted against the trusts by the 
national government. In general, the results obtained in the 
courts have been favorable to the government, although these 
suits have not interfered particularly with the business 
operations of the large corporations. The right of Congress 
to control the actions of trusts engaged in interstate com- 
merce has been upheld by the courts fully. On the other 
hand, the right of a trust to defend itself by refusing to 
show its books or give evidence in court on the ground that 
it might incriminate itself has been denied corporations. 
The courts have held that private cars cannot be used by 
railways to injure the business of any person or section, and 
that a railway company cannot engage in any business like 
that of mining coal, in which it can haul its own coal cheaper 
than that of its competitors. Many of the important trusts 



191 1] Commerce and Industry 555 

have been compelled to abandon some of the most flagrant of 
the practices which they had used for controlling the market. 

The position of the courts toward the trusts was made The "rule of 
clear in the Standard Oil and Tobacco Trust cases (1911). reason" re- 
The court held that they were monopolies and were break- ^^^ 
ing the Sherman anti-trust law which forbade interference . ^^^]' ^ ' '' 

° in Pol. Sc. 

with interstate trade, and they were ordered to dissolve. Quar., 26 

The court held that a " rule of reason " should be applied (iQ^)' 

in order to determine whether any trust restrained interstate ^ ^ ^'^' 

trade to such an extent that the government should interfere ^^^l^f^^,^!: ^'' 

. . . . in World To- 

with the trust, or prohibit its business, if it were a monopoly, day, 21 (191 1), 

As it is impossible to return to the competition which existed 1429-1438. 

before the trusts were formed, the attitude of the state and No. Am. Rev., 

national governments toward big business will be one of J"^^' ^^^^' 

the most interesting questions of the future, as it has been 

of the past.^ 

471. Railway Rate Regulation. — ^ So closely connected Increasing 

are the industrial corporations and the railways that any ^^^^ °^ ^"^' 

, , , . , ,. . , , ernment reg- 

action taken by the government m dealing with one almost ulations. 
always involves the other. This has been true in most of ^^^^^^ j^^. 
the investigations mentioned in the preceding section, striaive Rail- 
Since the laws dealing with railways and with the powers way Legislation 
of government over railways are concerned almost exclu- 
sively with " common carriers," we should note how the 
railways have been kept from injuring the public either 
alone or in cooperation with the trusts. The importance 
of the railways in the development of industry and in the 
maintenance of those healthful business conditions under 
which alone prosperity is possible cannot be overestimated. 
Since almost all of the trunk lines in the United States have 
come into the control of a limited number of persons, who 

1 At this time Congress has under consideration several anti-trust meas- 
ures. One prohibits interlocking directorates (§ 465). Another proposes 
an interstate trade commission to look after industries that produce goods 
for interstate trade. A third seeks to define terms and powers of the 
Sherman anti-trust law. Others deal with irregular or undesirable practices 
in interstate trade and give the Interstate Commerce Commission control 
of the issues of stocks and bonds on interstate railways. 



556 



American History 



[1906 



Provisions of 
the present 
law. 

Ripley (ed.), 
Railway Prob- 
lems, 531-556. 

Smalley, H. S., 
in Annals Am. 
Acad., 2g 
(1907), 
292-309. 

Dixon, T. H.. 
in Quar. Jour. 
Econ., 24 
(1910), 
539-633- 
Great devel- 
opment of 
export trade. 

Whelpley, 
J. D., Trade of 
the World 
(last chapter). 

Waldron, G. 

B., in Chautau- 

quan, 

31 (1900), 

499-504. 



are more interested in other business than that of transpor- 
tation, the need of governmental control has increased. 

After years of agitation/ both houses of Congress agreed 
(1906) on a new Interstate Commerce Act (amended 
1 910), which replaced that of 1887. The new commission, 
composed of seven members appointed by the President 
and Senate, has the power not only to declare rates " unrea- 
sonable," but to fix the maximum rate that shall be charged 
for the transportation of freight or passengers on interstate 
lines. It brings under the supervision of the commission 
all interstate '' common carriers." ^ No railway may carry, 
except for its own use, articles of which it is the owner; 
nor, if a railway reduces rates to meet water competition, 
may it restore the old rates when the water competition 
has been removed. 

472. Commerce and Shipping. — The industrial and com- 
mercial development of the period following the war with 
Spain naturally affected our foreign trade very much. The 
increase in our exports from 1896 to 191 3 was almost 200 per 
cent, and the excess of exports over imports for each of these 
years was little less than five hundred million dollars. This 
great " balance of trade " in our favor was due principally 
to the great demand, particularly in Europe, for our agricul- 
tural products, such as cotton ^ or breadstuffs for our meat 
products ; and to the great exports of mineral products, 
especially refined petroleum,* and iron, steel or copper 

1 In 1903 the Elkins anti-rebate law supplemented the Interstate Com- 
merce Act of 1887 by defining the character of the punishment that should 
be meted out to the railways which give rebates, and by making shippers 
liable to fine for accepting rebates. This act furnished the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission a more effective means of preventing rebates. 

2 This term is defined to include railways, private refrigerator cars, Pull- 
man cars, express companies, and pipe Hnes (except for gas and water). 
In addition the Interstate Commerce -Commission supervises interstate 
telephone and telegraph companies. 

3 Our exports of raw cotton for the year ending June 30, 1913, were 
^547>3S7.i95 ; of live stock or meat products, 3139,271,542 ; and of grain and 
flour, 3184,214,756. 

4 The figures for petroleum for 1913 were 3137,237,762; for iron, steel, 
and copper manufactures, 3444,870,710. 



I9I3] 



Commerce and Industry 



557 



manufactures. The United States has in fact become an 
exporter of manufactured articles rather than an exporter 
of raw materials. Our market for machinery has expanded 
perhaps as rapidly as that of any of our other exports. In 
many cases machines have been sold abroad for much less 
than the price in the United States, in order to open the way 
for later sales. American locomotives have competed suc- 
cessfully with those of foreign make in distant Russia and 
Japan, and America now leads all other countries in its 
exports of automobiles. The trade with Cuba and Porto 
Rico has grown rapidly, and that of the Pacific coast is 
increasing constantly, but we still enjoy but a small propor- 
tion of the exports to South American countries, the Philip- 
pines, and eastern Asia. 

Although our favorable position commercially among 
the nations of the world is a matter of pride to us, the depend- 
ence of the United States upon other countries to carry our 
exports and imports is not pleasing. We have found other 
occupations more profitable than that of shipping, and, there- 
fore, have neglected to build ships for foreign trade. On 
this account large sums are paid annually to foreign shippers. 
Our merchant marine has declined so that less than one 
tenth of our foreign trade is carried in American vessels 
and our flag is seen comparatively little in the ports of the 
world. ^ To remedy this unfortunate though not serious 
state of affairs, to provide fleets of vessels that can be 
turned into transports or auxiliary cruisers at short notice 
in time of war, to build up again a large merchant marine, 
ship subsidies have been suggested. Several bills have 
been passed by one house of Congress during recent years, 
but have failed to receive the approval of the other house. 

1 The tonnage of American vessels is greater than ever before, about six 
and a half million tons ; but the tonnage of vessels engaged in foreign trade 
is less than one million tons. As our foreign shipping in 1856 represented 
two and one half miUion tons, the decline has caused very serious criticism. 



Digby, W. P., 
in Engineering 
Mag., 29 
(1905), 321- 
333, 508-518, * 
673-682. 

Root, F. D., in 

Independent, 
73 (1912), 
1457-1460; 
76 (1913). 

Annals Am. 
Acad., 37 
(1911), 
50-59, 70-84. 



Shipping and 
ship subsidies. 

Review of 
Reviews, 
21 (1900), 
319-328. 

Raymond, A., 
in Forum, 
49 (1913), 
447-456. 

Garner, J. W., 
in No. Am. 
Rev., 180 
(1905), 
360-374- 



558 



American History 



[1865 



Business and Labor 



Panic of 1873. 

Coman, Indus- 
trial Hist., 
286-289. 

Burton, Crises, 
286, 289. 

Larned (ed.), 
Ready Ref., 

V, 3574-3576. 



Panic of 1893. 

Burton, Crises, 
292-296. 

Noyes, Am. 

Finance, 

182-196. 

Lauck, Panic 
of 1893, 97- 
122. 



473. Prosperity and Panics since 1865. — Since the 
Civil War there have been successive waves of business 
prosperity and depression. The excessive expansion of 
business during the years from 1865 to 1873 caused one of 
the worst panics in our history in 1873. Speculation had 
been conspicuous in manufacturing, in railway .extension, 
in purchase of public lands, and in commerce. Collapse 
followed the manipulation of the stock market. The failure 
of Jay Cooke of Philadelphia started the panic, which affected 
every line of industry. There was no sale of property, and 
prices fell everywhere. The gravity of the situation in- 
creased as the years passed, for the number of failures in 
1877 and 1878 was much greater than in 1873. In 1879 
there was a return to normal business conditions, and times 
continued prosperous until 1885. After a slight depres- 
sion, business revived and continued very active until 1892. 

The immediate cause of the panic which occurred in 
1893 was undoubtedly the fear among business men that 
the government might not be able to redeem its notes in 
gold (§ 410).^ To this cause was added the doubt about 
possible changes in the tariff. The underlying cause was 
undoubtedly the abnormal inflation of values and the increase 
of speculation. The first serious failures occurred in May, 
1893. Banks, factories, and railways were affected. In 
many cases business houses were forced into bankruptcy 
simply because they were asked to pay their debts and could 
not collect from those who owed them money, their assets 
often being much greater than their liabilities.^ Factories 



1 If the government were obliged to use silver for this purpose, the business 
of the country would then be transacted on a silver basis. As the intrinsic 
value of the silver in a dollar was only about fifty cents, the loss to merchants 
who sold on time would be appalling. 

2 The total indebtedness of those that failed during 1893 reached the 
enormous total of nearly ^350,000,000. Receivers were appointed for rail- 
way companies that owned more than twenty-five thousand miles of railroad. 



1894] Business and Labor 559 

closed or reduced their output so that many hundreds of 
thousands were added to the ranks of the unemployed.^ 
This condition of affairs continued with comparatively little 
improvement for two years, and, as in the great panic twenty 
years earlier, normal conditions were not restored for four 
or five years, but, about the time of the war with Spain 
business became more active than at any preceding time. 

The years from 1897 to 1913 were exceedingly prosperous The panics of 
except for a slight stock panic in 1903, which was the result ^^^^ ^"^"^ ^^°^ 
of too much " high finance " in the organization of trusts, White, Money 
and the panic of 1907 (§ 453), which was far less disas- .^^-.^. 
trous than those of 1873 and 1893. There was a world- 
wide depression in 1913. 

474. Labor Unions and Strikes (1877-1894). — Periods Strikes of 
of marked industrial development or depression are usually ^^77- 
accompanied by conflicts between capital and labor. When Wright, indus- 

n ji-u 1 ui* ^1 trial Evolution, 

times are exceptionally good, the workers believe they are _ . 
not receiving a just share of the unusual profits. When 
hard times come, the employers feel that they cannot afford 
to pay as high wages as formerly. The hard times of the 
70's caused a reduction of wages which in time led in several 
cases to strikes. The greatest of these began on the Balti- 
more and Ohio Railway in July, 1877. Railway strikes 
occurred at the same time on the Pennsylvania Railway and 
other lines. Pittsburg was the center of the rioting and 
disorder, and the mobs in that city were dispersed only by 
the use of Gatling guns. A large amount of property was 
destroyed, order being restored finally when United States 
troops were ordered to Pittsburg. 

After 1877 more interest was taken by the workers in the Labor union 
formation of labor organizations. Many joined the Knights movement, 
of Labor, the largest of the unions, which in 1885 had a half Wright, Indus- 

million members. The American Federation of Labor was " „ ' 

273-282. 

1 The winter of 1 893-1 894 was very trying to the laboring classes. 
Hundreds of thousands had been thrown out of employment by the business 
depression, and the suffering of their families during the winter months was 
very great. 



,00 



American History 



[1881 



Stimson. Labor 
in Reliition to 
Lau\ i-i6. 



The Pullman 

strike. 

AndreWi-s, Our 
Chen Time, 

722-730. 

Wright. Indus- 
trial Hist., 

Cleveland, 
Pres. Problems, 
79-117. 



Individual 
bargaining or 
collective 
bargaining. 

Cariton, 
Or^aKised 
Labor, 116- 
119. 



organized in iSSi, and several other national labor organiza- 
tions have been formed since. The principal objects of these 
bodies have been to raise wages and reduce the hours of 
labor, through coc^peration, by strikes if necessary. More 
than one half of the strikes imdertaken by the unions have 
been won by the workers, although they have lost many of 
the larger strikes. Among the prominent strikes after 1S77 
were those occurring in 1SS6 on the Gould railways in the 
southwest, the one in Chicago in connection with which the 
Ha}Tnarket riot occmred.^ one at Homestead in Pennsyl- 
vania in 1892, strikes in the mining regions of the West, 
and those considered in the following paragraphs. 

In 1S94 there occiured perhaps the greatest strike in the 
history of the United States. A strike among the employees 
of the Pullman Car Company spread to all railways on which 
Pullman cars were used. For several weeks few trains were 
operated on the railways from Lake Erie to the Pacihc. 
Rioting occurred in Chicago and at other points, the local 
authorities in many cases being unable to preserve order or 
protect propeny. President Cleveland ordered United 
States troops to Chicago to prevent interference with the 
carrWng of the mails or with interstate commerce. Against 
this action Governor Altgeld of Illinois protested, as he main- 
tained that the national government had no right to send 
troops unless he called for them. He was unable to see that 
the troops were enforcing simply national law. The strike 
collapsed eventually ^nthout gaining any concessions from 
the employers. 

475. Recent Labor Problems. — In the period since 
iSq4 the organization of labor has not kept pace with the 
combinations of capital. The problem oi protecting labor 
is therefore a serious one, since no single employee can make 
successful terms with a corporation which employs tens of 
thousands of laborers ; and, natiurally, the government can- 
not dictate who shall be employed or what wages shall be 
paid. Wages have, nevertheless, increased during the last 

^ See -\ndrews, Tke United States in Our Osrn Time, pp. 5 '9-5o5- 



I9'3] 



Jw/si//tss aud Labor 



S6i 



two dcvados, as in previous divados, luit tliov have t^onc up Adams and 
less rapidly than prices have risen since 1SQ5. This means ^^"'>'i^''". /-"'""' 

111' 11 1 • 1 • II VrobUms, 

that laborers were able constantly to unprove their staiulanl .^, .^, 

of living before 1895 '^^'^^ have been unable to iiuj)rove it Taussig', /Vm- 

since that time. One of the problems of the future is so tt) cipu-s of 

Kcotioniics, 

11. JO I JS4. 

liulusdial 
("oinniissiDU 
Krporl, XIX, 



reform unions as to make them more rei)resentative and to 



"1 

El 


i 


Civil War 

(Heavily depreciat>-d 
currency WA-V^'A. 
Partly dejrreciated 
currency mio-lH7H) 


iliilfe 






11 IS 



S.>j-847- 



180 
170 
160 
150 
140 
ISO 
120 
110 
100 
90 
80 
70 



/ 




/ 


r/ 


<\ 


l\ t 


I it ^^ 


L L ^-'^-'^^^ 


~X v^-^^ 


± 


j 


4 


- *i 


^ V i 


^^^ ""! '^^v 


^^"^ -} N^% ^ r^^ 


*:S:^- ,-^:7 ^ t-A u^ 


I 'w-vl,'' - \ / 1 / 


4I s^v^^ ^-^ 


I jt ^7 


irai es L J \ >' 


PrhVs \7 ~^^ 


t 





isoo iv-iro isso i^'.io lyoo 

WAGES AND PRICES 1840-1913 
IN GOLD 



secure collective bargaining where labor must serve combi- 
nations of capital. 

Labor has sought to protect itself chiefly by strikes, or Arbitration 
by the threat of striking. The loss to the public where ^^^ concilia- 
strikes involve a public utility, as a railway, or a public '^'^"' 
necessity, as coal, is so great that some other way should Carlton, Or- 

,,.,_,, \ . . ^ 1,-1- ganizcd Labor, 

be devised. To have arbitration after months ot dispute, 232-243 

as in the great anthracite coal strike of 1902, is unsatisfac- 
tory. The trade agreement reached in the bituminous coal 
20 



562 



A 1)1 eric 1 1 n Histo 7j ' 



[190: 



Industrial 
warfare. 

Baker. R. S., 
in McClurc, 

43-57. 

Carlton, Or- 
gatiiu'd Labor, 
S2-S4- 

Marshall, 
Wright, and 
Field, Mdlc- 
rials for Study 
of Economics, 
700-704. 



Legislation 
during the last 
quarter of the 
nineteenth 
centur>-. 
Wright, I It Jus- 
trial Evolution, 
270-2S2. 
Stimson. Labor 
in Relation to 
LdlC, 1-16. 
Adams and 
Sumner, Labor 
Problems, 
4OO-4S0. 



controversy of 1905 without a strike was a decided improve- 
ment. Where no pubUc necessity is involved, strikes are 
less objectionable, but more peaceful methods are much 
preferable, and many of our states as well as the national 
government have sought to substitute conciliation or vol- 
untary arbitration for industrial warfare. 

Since iqoo several disputes between capital and labor 
have really resulted in warfare. In Colorado mine diffi- 
culties led to the banishment of strikers, to the use of troops 
on the one side and dynamite on the other. Dynamite 
has also been used as a means of intimidation when there 
was no strike, as in a series of dynamitings of iron struc- 
tures culminating in the destruction of the plant of the Los 
Angeles Times, an ardent enemy of the imions. The I. W, 
W. (Industrial Workers of the World), who distrust the 
labor unions, believe thoroughly in the use of warfare as a 
means of securing the rights of labor from capital. Never- 
theless, the vast majority of the workers and a still larger 
percentage of the general public prefer more peaceful means 
of settling labor problems. 

476. Labor Legislation. — In a republic which has univer- 
sal manhood suffrage, it is strange that the demands of labor 
for legislative protection have been less strenuous and have 
been granted more tardily than in either semi-republican 
England or monarchical Germany. During the period of 
formation of great national labor unions thirty years ago, 
the unions persuaded Congress to exclude not only the 
Chinese ^ but all laborers who were under contract to work 
in the United States. Comparatively few of the other 
demands of the unions were granted at that time. However, 
factory laws were passed in many states, and most of the in- 

1 Agitation against Chinese coolie immigration started soon after 1S70 
in California, where a large number had come under the Burlingame treaty, 
which encouraged trade and migration between the two countries. In 1S82 
a law forbidding the immigration of Chinese laborers was passed by Congress 
and was supplemented by later laws and by treaties. These laws have been 
enforced harshly, so that there are fewer Chinese in the United States to-day 
than there were a quarter of a centurj- ago. 



19^3] Political and Social Chaiigcs 563 

dustrial states had labor bureaus that investigated industrial 
questions, but had little power to act. 

Within recent years changes have been rapid. Laws for Changes of the 
the protection of women and children have been passed in a ^^^^ decade, 
majority of the states. A large number of states have \>xo- Stimson, Popu- 
tected employees better by requiring more sanitary condi- '^i^^i"^ 
tions for workers or by pn^hibiting the use of dangerous 247-255 
materials, as phosphorus, in the making of matches, or of Lamed (ed.), 
unprotected machinery. In case of accident, injured t^cady Rc/., 
employees can now secure either damages or compensation ' •395-4oi. 
in a majority of the states,^ whereas, ten years ago an injured ^j^^^ (^^•^' 
workman bore the entire cost of accidents. The twentieth If social Re- 
century has been called the century of the child. It has also form, 170-187, 
been called the woman's century. It is likely to be the cen- 445-448, 461- 
tury of the proletariat. The legislation of the present may 
be conservative compared with that which probably will 
come. 

Political and Social Changes 2 

477. Population and Race Problems. — At the present Elements of 

time the continental United States has nearly one hundred the population 

million inhabitants. Our dependencies add another ten Ripley, W. Z., 

millions to this number. This is an increase of twenty-five "^" 

Mo., 102 

fold since the adoption of the Constitution. When Wash- (1908), 
ington was inaugurated, even Ireland had more people than 745-759- 

1 In some cases the injured workman is allowed to sue his employer for -''^j . ^ "' 
damages and the employer is no longer allowed to escape payment unless the 

employee was to blame. In other cases the states provide a scale of compen- ^ *'' 
sation for death, or for different degrees of injury', the compensation being ^ ^ /> 34 4 • 
paid chiefly by the employer, but presumably by the public, which must pay 
more for the commodities which the emploj'ers produce. 

2 An important social problem is that connected with marriage and divorce. 
The increase of divorce has been one of the most conspicuous social changes 
of the last quarter century. A phase of the marriage question that has 
entered into our historj- is represented by the plural marriages of Mormonism. 
Mormonism was founded by Joseph Smith nearly a century ago. Having 
been driven from Illinois and ISIissouri, the Mormons settled in Utah in 1846. 
Although there was a national law against polygamy in the territories after 
1862, no persons were punished until a new law was passed in 1882. Later 
(1887) the Mormon Church was dissolved, although it was restored as soon 
as the leaders agreed that all Mormons would obey the law. 



564 



American History 



[1913 



The negro 
problem. 

Washington, 
B. T., in 

Indcpeyident, 
74 (1913), 
695-697. 

Commons, 
Races and 
Immigrants in 
America, 22-62. 

Annals Am. 
Acad., 49 
(1913), 47-66. 

Foreign 
Immigration. 

Carlton, Hist, 
and Problems 
of Organized 
Labor, 322- 
35^- 

Adams and 
Sumner, Labor 
Problems, 68- 
75, 107-111. 



the entire United States. To-day only Russia has a larger 
white population. Of this great number, only a little more 
than haK are native-born whites whose parents were natives 
of the United States. More than one fifth are the children 
of European immigrants, and more than one seventh were 
born in Europe. About one in ten is a negro, and a few are 
Asiatics. 

This mixture of races is no new thing in American history. 
The percentage of colonials of the English race was hardly 
higher in 1750 than that of native-born Americans of native 
parentage at present, while there were proportionally twice 
as many negroes a century and a half ago. Yet the race 
problems of the present are very much more complicated 
than those of the past. The negro is no longer a subject 
and a slave, but he is a citizen, with legal rights and the 
power of the vote except in a few states.^ The economic 
problems of the negro and the question of his education, his 
social status, and his future place in our great country are 
problems of the first magnitude. 

478. Foreign Immigration. — Hardly less important are 
the problems of assimilating the great numbers of immigrants 
from southern and eastern Europe that are pouring into our 
cities. These people are of different races, ideals, and 
capacities from those Teutonic and Celtic races that founded 
and developed this republic. As their standard of living is 
lower than ours, and as they are inexperienced in political 
affairs, we may be compelled either to restrict further immi- 
gration of this character or to change radically our standard 
of living ; we may be forced to abandon many of our older 



1 In the South, the whites have struggled with the problem of how to 
disfranchise the negroes without \-iolating the fifteenth amendment of the 
United States Constitution. ^Mississippi was the first state to pass a law 
with this in view, when in 1S90 she prescribed an educational test for voters 
which disfranchised many more blacks than whites. South CaroUna does 
not deprive those intellectually unfit if they own property assessed at $300. 
Virginia, North Carohna, Alabama, and Louisiana have special qualifications 
but exempt those who voted or whose ancestors were voters or soldiers before 
1867. The operation of these ''grandfather clauses" is the practical dis- 
franchisement of the negroes without debarring the whites from voting. 



I9I3] 



Political and Social Changes 



565 



political methods and our new devices which give more 
power to the people.^ 

Thirty years ago the majority of the foreigners who 
came to America were Germans or Irish, people with ideas 
and customs which differed somewhat from our own, but 
capable of assimilation with the native stock. Since 1890 
a much larger percentage of Italians, Hungarians, and 
Russians have come to America. Instead of settling, as 
most of their prede- 
cessors did a half cen- 
tury ago, on small 
farms (§ 296), they 
have congregated in 
cities, forming race 
clusters which retain 
their old language and 
customs and often 
threaten the unity of 
our national life. A 
large proportion of 
these people from 
eastern and southern 
Europe are illiterate 

and incapable of performing a high grade of work. Their 
children are usually anxious to learn, so that they fre- 
quently adopt American ways and show pride in their 
American citizenship. 

The immigration laws of the past have debarred from 

1 A problem which involves a much smaller number of people, but which 
may be quite as serious in the future, is that of the Chinese, who will not be 
abused in the future as they have been in the past (§ 476, note i), and that of 
the Japanese (§ 447). As these people belong to a radically different race 
from that of Americans, and have standards of living very much lower than 
ours, their admission to the United States in large numbers will cause social 
and economic crises of great magnitule. Absolute prohibition of immigra- 
tion of Chinese and Japanese laborers may seem unfair and contrary to the 
spirit of American institutions ; but it certainly is the simplest solution of a 
great problem, and perhaps the only solution that it is wise for America to 
attempt. 













I 
























.'-! t 




































I J- 




/T 






rl 














^ 
















'^ ' -Vfl ' 










'" 


^ -1^ -1 <f 


i.L 




1 




T^ 


\ J 












v" 














1 1 



lS6i 1870 



1880 1890 1900 

IMMIGRATION 
(1864- 1914) 



1910 



Extent and 
character of 
recent 
immigration. 

Hall, Immi- 
gration, 36-66. 

Commons, 
Races and 
Immigrants, 
63-106. 

Fairchild, 

Immigration, 

123-143. 



s66 



American History 



[1913 




LuwKR i\E\\ York 



Immigration 
laws. 
Marshall, 
Wright, and 
Field, Mate- 
rials for Study 
of Economics, 
152-156. 
Fairchild, 
Immigration, 
iob-122. 
Extent of 
urban 
development. 

Beard, Am. 
City Govt, 
3-6. 



the United States Chinamen, paupers, insane people, people 
with certain contagious diseases, and persons under contract 
to labor. In order to restrict the immigration from southern 
and eastern Europe a literacy test has been considered care- 
fully in Congress. Many people believe that a literacy test 
is a poor test, and that we should have either a better physi- 
cal test, since we need laborers, or a character test. 

479. Growth of 
Cities. — One of the 
most significant 
changes of our history 
has been the growth of 
our cities. x\t the be- 
ginning of the Civil 
War only one sixth 
of the people of the 
United States dwelt in 
iToo isui i^i-M<LMis;o is*ii<yi i3,v)i,-37oisso iswi'wiyio citics, the largest city 

TOTAL AND URBAN POPULATION ° -^ 

(1790 TO 7910 ) being New York, which 

Total population Urban population . 1 o /r 

{Cities include places of more than 2,S(X>) boaSted 805,657 m- 



1 




' 








/ 


1 




1 ^ 


/ 






•'^ / 


^'' ^ ^^ 


' it ^ 


1 -riT , y^ 


± ^ 





I9I3] 



Political and Social CJianges 



567 





Skv-i.ink, 1914 



habitants. Only eight other cities contained 100,000 people Marshall, 

each. At the present time nearly 50 per cent of our popula- Wnght, and 

1 ^ . T».T ^r 1 • 1 1 Field, Mate- 

tion IS urban. Greater JNew York, with more than 5,000,000, y^^i^ (^y 5^^^^^ 

is second only to London in numbers, and forty-nine other oj Economics, 

cities had reached the 100,000 mark in 1910. Chicago, 134-136. 
which in i860 was a straggling western town of barely 




568 



A merican His to ry 



[1913 



Commons, 
Races and 
Immigrants, 
160-168. 



Changes in 
standards of 
living. 

The Nineteenth 

Century, 

417-430. 

Munro, Gov't 
of Am. Cities, 
29-52. 



100,000, is now the great commercial center of the 
interior, with more than 2,500,000. The concentration 
of population is more marked 
in the northeastern states than 
elsewhere, nearly two thirds of 
those in that section living in 
cities of more than 8000 inhabit- 
ants. Even the Pacific coast 
has developed fairly large cities, 
seven having attained 100,000 in 
1914. 

The movement from country to 
city is due principally to the social 
and business advantages w^iich cities 
offer. It indicates the growing tendency of the nation 
to obtain wealth, and to use that wealth extravagantly 
in the satisfaction of social desires. The simple stand- 
ards of a half century ago no longer satisfy. Every one 
lives on a grander scale. The luxuries of yesterday be- 
come the necessaries of to-day. With the cheapening 
of articles manufactured by improved machinery, material 




Thomas A. Edison 



. 




m 


K^riTj 




^ 


i 


^BEr^*'€^ 


i 


1 


1 


1 



Main Building, Centennial Exposition, 1876 



Beard, Am. 
City Gov't, 
6-30. 



comforts are brought within the reach of all. Telephones 
are found in a large proportion of city homes and in 
many well-settled rural districts. Electric lights reach the 
majority of the people in the United States. Electric rail- 
ways penetrate in every direction the territory adjacent to 
our cities and towns. Truly the last century has been an 



I9I3] 



Political and Social Changes 



569 



era of material advancement unequaled before in the his- 
tory of the world. ^ 

480. City Problems. — This rapid development has The slum 

not been unaccompanied by dangers. The segregation of problem, 

people gives opportunities for crime unknown in rural dis- Riis, Battle 

tricts. The problem of preserving order is one of the most ^^ "^' 

serious confronting our city governments. The large 

!■ r. . . . . . r . ., Riis, Ten 

proportion 01 loreigners m cities is oiten a menace to civil 7^^^^' nr^j, 

1-29. 



.. -^ < 




Court of Honor, Chicago (1893) 



City Gov' 
287-310. 



progress, and one of the chief problems in securing good Beard, Am. 
government. The growth of the slum is the greatest of the 
specific problems of the city, and represents the worst form 
of congestion. Legislation in favor of good tenements, the 
demand for more air-shafts and light-shafts, the limiting of 
the percentage of the land area that shall be covered with 
buildings, provisions for fire escapes, for clean streets, for 
parks and playgrounds near congested districts, the pro- 
hibition of sweatshop work, the opening of trade schools; 



iThe holding of the "Centennial exposition" at Philadelphia in 1876 
was an important means of uniting the people and breaking down the 
barriers of provincialism. Later expositions have had a broadening effect 
on our social and industrial life. 



570 



A 1)1 e7'ica u History 



[1913 



these and many others are but surface measures that at 
best can afford slight relief, for they do not cure the real 
disease. 
Protests There has been a strong movement during the last two 

against misrule decades to remove the worst evils of city government, 
in cities. Many of our larger cities have been controlled by bosses or 

Ford. H. J., in j.jj^grs which have not governed them in the public interest. 

Pol.Sc.Quar., ^, * ,. . . , * „ , ,, ^ . . , . 

19 (1904), These politicians have usually been able to maintain their 

673-6S4. control because of the large number of positions which they 




Grand Basin, St. Louis (1904) 



Munro, Gov't 
of A m . Cities, 
35S-3S0. 



may fill with their appointees and the immense sums of 
public money that they handle, because also men of busi- 
ness have not been interested sufficiently to insist upon 
reform. At times the public has rebelled, and, for a time 
it may have abolished the worst features of ring rule, but 
organization is necessary in the successful administration 
of any government, and the forces of reform usually fail to 
remain united. In general, however, our cities are governed 
better than formerly. As an illustration of the old state of 
affairs we may note the prevalence of corruption in and black- 
mail by the police department of New York unearthed dur- 
ing the Lexow investigation (1894), and the victories of Cir- 



I9I3] 



Political and Social Changes 



571 



cuit Attorney Folk in St. Louis (1903) and of Mayor Weaver 
of Philadelphia. 

The most recent movement for reform has been the 
change from the mayor-council type to the commission 
form of government, which was used first in Galveston, 
Texas, after the great disaster of 1900. The commission 
consists of from three to nine members who are elected from 
the city at large and are heads of different administrative 
departments as well as commissioners. The commission 
form of government has been adopted by most of our smaller 
cities and by many of medium size. In 1914 more than 



Commission 
form of gov- 
ernment. 

Beard, Am. 
City Gov't, 
92-07. 

Munro, GovH 
of Am. Cities, 
294-320. 




Copyright Panama Pacific Intern. Exp. 

General View, San Francisco, 19 15 



20 per cent of our urban population lived under the com- 
mission form. It seemed to be quite successful at that 
time. 

481. Legal Rights of Women. — The first half of the 
nineteenth century was notable for the rapid increase in the 
number of political and legal rights of men (§ 292). The 
last half century marks almost as complete a change in the 
legal status of women. In 1850 women did not vote for can- 
didates for public office anywhere. In many states married 
women did not have the right to hold property. Both law 
and custom prevented them from engaging in any of the pro- 
fessions except that ol teaching. About the middle of the 
century a few earnest women sought to arouse interest 



Women's 
rights a half 
century ago. 

Bliss (ed.), 
New Encyc. of 
Social Reform, 
1290-1291, 
1301-1303. 

Hecker, Hist. 
of Women's 
Rights, 
157-174. 



572 



American History 



[1913 



Increase in 
number of 
political and 
civil rights. 

Abbot, L., in 
World's Work, 
8 (1904), 
5033-5042. 

The Nineteenth 

Century, 

179-204. 

Harper, J., 
in Rei). of 
Revs., 46 
(1912), 700- 
704. 

Cleveland, 
Organized 
Democracy, 
151-168. 



Results of the 
changes. 

Giddings, 
Democracy and 
Empire, 
165-176. 

Nearing, 
Woman and 
Social Prog- 
ress, 217-239, 
256-264. 



in the legal disabilities of women, especially of those who 
were married. Because many of them believed that woman's 
rights were to be obtained only through woman's suffrage, 
they devoted most of their attention to securing the ballot 
for women. This attempt was not particularly successful, 
but the desire to improve the legal position of women has 
produced remarkable results. 

In 1913 women voted, on the same terms as men, in nine 
states, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Idaho, Washington, 
California, Kansas, Oregon and Arizona.^ In several states 
women who own property may vote on all questions directly 
involving taxation. In about one half of the states in the 
Union all women over twenty-one years of age are allowed 
to vote at school elections. Married women are now 
allowed to own separate property, and in most of the states 
have complete control of its disposal. In many states all 
that is earned and saved after marriage becomes the joint 
property of husband and wife, who are supposed to have 
contributed equally in bearing the family burdens. Many 
civil rights which were denied to women formerly now enable 
them to protect themselves. Unfortunate as many of the 
results of our lenient divorce laws have been, these laws 
have been an important factor in freeing women from the 
unequal and unjust burdens which marriage formerly 
placed upon many of them. 

The so-called emancipation of women has been aided 
by the new occupations opened to them. They have 
entered all the professions. Several colleges are devoted 
exclusively to women, and most of the others admit men and 
women on the same terms. Certain occupations are filled 
almost exclusively by women, and in several others they 
have compelled men to work for lower wages, this being one 
of the serious disadvantages of a movement which has 
made women " independent." As ordinary wage earners, 
moreover, women, and children as well, are protected by the 
laws which limit the number of hours per week that they 
1 In Illinois women vote for presidential electors and for local officers. 



1 91 3] Political and Social Changes 573 

may be employed, and in some cases the laws have provided Barnes, E., in 

for a minimum wage (§ 459). Atlantic Mo., 

482. The Distribution of Wealth. — It has seemed neces- ^^°^^T \ 

1 10 — 1 24» 200 — 

sary to protect labor because our wealth has increased 265. 

rapidly, and it has not been distributed as evenly as in plutocracy. 

former years. On account of the organization of great Bliss (ed.), 

corporations which the laws have created and protected, New Encyc. of 

and sometimes aided as well, great fortunes have been S<^<^^<^^ Reform, 

J 1 11- IT'. I278-I28I. 

amassed by a number of people. It is estimated that i per 

cent of the people of the United States hold more than one /g^a^/j^LT 

one half of the wealth. mocracy, 28-57. 

At the same time poverty has increased, largely on account Poverty. 

of the congestion of population in our large cities, where Wages. 

the people frequently cannot get employment. Unemploy- Bliss (ed.), 

ment is much more common to-day than it was two genera- ^^"'^ Encyc. of 
mi r . Social Reform, 

tions ago. I he lact is not generally understood, however, 933-941, 

that the ordinary wage earner has nearly doubled his wages 1 266-1 271. 

in the last seventy-five years. This is not only true of the Divine, Misery 

money wage, that is, the wage in dollars and cents ; it is ^^^ ^^^ Causes, 

true also of the purchasing power of the wage, for general „ °^ 

prices have not increased materially during the last three Poverty, 1-65. 
quarters of a century.^ The high wages in the United States 
have been due to our boundless natural resources, to improve- 
ments in our machines and in the organization of our busi- 
nesses, to the efficiency of the American laborer and to the 
organization of labor. 

The wages would be still higher and our great wealth would Conservation 

be more evenly distributed had we not parted with our ^^"^ ^^^ ^^^~ 

valuable timber and coal lands, our iron deposits and supplies J^^ltii^^ ° 

of oil, fine water power sites, valuable water rights and termi- ,, „ . . 
... . . . Howe, Pnvt- 

nal facilities, for little or nothing. By keeping for the public lege and 

the immense resources which still belong to the people, by Democracy, 

adopting corporation, inheritance, and income taxes that will ^ ^'^' 

make those wealthy citizens contribute more nearly accord- 

1 Prices of food and some other necessaries have increased, however, and 
the laborer is not twice as well oflf as he was in 1840, although his standard of 
living has improved. 



5/4 



Afucricafi History' 



[1913 



Advantages of 
our land policy 
in the past. 

Bullock. 
Rtddings in 
PtiblU' Finamc, 
04-72. 



Disadvantages 
in general. 

Humphrey. 
L. K.. in 
Atlantic Mo., 
102 UqoS), 
1-9. 



Human life. 

Van Hise. 
Coftsen'alioH. 



ing to their ability instead of leaving the burden of taxation 
on the poorer members of society, and by placing upon 
society the burden of industrial accidents, much has already 
been accomplished toward a better distribution of wealth. 

483. The Past and the Future. — Xothing has affected 
more vitally the political development of the United States, as 
well as the economic progress and the social life of the peo- 
ple, than the disposal of our agricultural lands. During 
the closing years of the Revolution the public lands in the 
West produced the chief bond of union among the states. 
In the West the possibility of acquiring title to public lands 
was a very important factor in the rapid development of 
the section east of the Mississippi between 18 15 and 1S60. 
and west of the Mississippi after the War for the I'nion. Our 
public land policy helped to keep us a nation of small farmers. 
It aided in the development of a real democracy, not simply 
political, but economic and social. It helped us to absorb as 
true American citizens multitudes of foreigners who have 
come to us. 

Just as the establishment of small farms, three quarters 
of a century ago, created a West in which political equality 
was the rule and great distinctions the exception, so in later 
years the liberal grants of agricultural, mineral, and forest 
lands helped to develop a class which, througli the misappli- 
cation or maladministration of these land laws, grew rich and 
powerful at public expense. In parting with its greatest 
natural asset, its rich agricultural lands, the United States 
has made a great blunder, so far as the lands did not become 
the permanent homes of a numerous and thrifty class of 
small farmers. 

A more important subject, little, as yet, under the super- 
vision of our governments, is the conservation of human 
life. When we notice the appalling losses due to our haste 
in the search for wealth, to our carelessness or indiffeience, 
we must recognize the need of remedial action to ward off 
accidents, disease, and death. We must expect in the future 
a much greater amount of governmental supervision, pos- 



1783] TJic Xation and its Goz'cnDfunt 575 

sibly of direct interference, for the conservation of life and Marsluill. 

health. What shall it nrotit our nation, if it shall con- ^^'"-l^^- -^"^^ 

, , . - , ,. . . Fiold. Matc- 

serv'e its natural resources and sacntice the lives ol its ^-^^^^ f^^^ »^^^^^j^, 

people ? of Ecotiomks, 



I-M-I34- 



The Nation and Its Government — A Comparison 



484. Changes of a Century and a Third. — As we U)ok The American 
back over the years since the United States lirst declared i>^-^n>lo of 1770. 
themselves independent of Great Britain, we cannot fail to 
be im{)ressed with the great changes that have taken jWace. 
It is not simply the fact that the America of that day con- 
sisted of only thirteen states with but two millions and a 
half inhabitants. The peoi)le then lived really in a different 
world from that which we know. Before the days of steam 
and electricity and machinery, life was simple and narrow. 
Their political ideas and ideals im[)ress us as being con- 
servative and provincial. One standard of life, its purpose 
and its methods, prevailed in the North ; others, elsewhere. 
Their political standards were alike only in their intense 
hatred for monarchy, their equal distrust of real democracy. 

Ditficult as it is to measure and compare views and Territorial and 
abstract qualities, we must content ourselves with the con- iiulustrial ex- 

1 1 • • • 1 r ^1 ^ 1 < ]• 1 pansion since 

trast presented by institutions and iorces that can be studied 
easily. We can see how the territory of the United States, 
which in 1776 covered only the Atlantic slope, with vague 
claims to the interior, expanded in 1783 to the Mississippi 
then extended to the Rockies, the Gulf of Mexico, and finally 
the Pacific, stretching across the finest part of the continent 
and washed by the waters of the two great oceans of the 
globe. We can note the acquisition of outposts in different 
parts of the world that bind us closer to the rest of the human 
family. The two millions and a half have grown to nearly 
one hundred millions, excluding those living in our insular 
possessions. Our total wealth, measured then by the 
hundred millions, is now estimated at much more than one 
hundred billions. Our foreign commerce has expanded 



5/6 



America7i History 



[1913 



Three great 
political con- 
tributions to 
the world. 



Changes in 

American 

government. 



fifty-fold. Then we had no manufactures except the humble 
shops that employed but few hands. Now single corpora- 
tions employ almost as many men as there were in any 
state in those days. We can cross the continent in less 
time than our ancestors could go from New York to 
Boston and with less discomfort than they could go from 
town to town. But we need not multiply illustrations. 
Certainly it must be clear to every one that the material 
progress since 1776 has revolutionized the world of that 
day. 

485. Important Characteristics of American Political 
Development. — Yet it is not in material development 
but in the political field that we must look for those char- 
acteristics which distinguish the United States from other 
nations. We have developed certain political ideas and 
influenced the world by persuading other nations to adopt 
the principles which we have proved satisfactory in practice. 
Of these, three deserve especial attention : (i) The United 
States has proved not simply that a republic of a really dem- 
ocratic nature may be developed, but that it may be devel- 
oped on a large scale. The republics of history were small 
and aristocratic. (2) The United States has furnished the 
first example of a nation governed in accordance with a 
written constitution, an example which most of the other 
nations have followed. (3) The United States was the 
first nation to prove that a federal system of government can be 
used to advantage, combining complete autonomy of the 
states in matters of local interest with the supremacy of the 
national government in public questions of national im- 
portance.^ 

The political success of the American nation has been due 
in a great degree to the combination of these three princi- 
ples : democracy, the written constitution, and a federal 
system. But the development of the nation, as we have 
noticed in detail elsewhere, was a process completed only 

1 On the nature of federalism in America, see the author's American 
Government, or for a fuller account, his American Federal State, Chapter X. 



'913] The Nation and Its Goveimment 577 

after a long, bitter struggle. Although there have been but 
seventeen amendments to the written Constitution, that 
great document has been modified constantly through a 
liberal construction of its provisions, through the enactment 
of laws on new subjects, and the adoption of new methods. 
These important court decisions, statutes, and customs that 
have supplemented the written Constitution are called the 
unwritten constitution.^ 

Popular government in the United States under a written Political 
constitution involves a system of representation, as practi- P^^'^ies and our 
cally all people in the United States are citizens and most ^°^^™^^^ • 
men and women are voters. As the people cannot act q^J^^'^ ^^^ 
directly in the conduct of many public affairs, they must 204-213. 
depend on political parties. These parties not only are 
the means through which the American people govern them- 
selves, but the political party has done an inestimable serv- 
ice in uniting the people. The parties are largely respon- 
sible for the harmonious working, not only of different 
branches of any one government, but of our two great sets 
of government, state and national. 

486. The People, the Nation, and the Government. — Class rule in 

In 1780 the United States was governed by classes. People eighteenth 
11 11 1 . r century. 

could not vote unless they owned a certam amount of prop- 
erty and had been for a long time residents of the state and 
district. Officials were by law usually required to own a 
much greater amount of property, and by custom they were 
ordinarily drawn from certain families. Except in the New 
England townships the local government was by no means 
popular, for elsewhere the town, parish, and county officers 
were either appointed by the state governments or chosen 
by a few persons. 

To-day manhood suffrage is practically universal and The democracy 
woman suffrage is gaining ground. Religious qualifications °^ to-day. 
were abolished long ago, when State and Church were 
separated, but the nation has become more rather than less 

1 On the unwritten constitutions and the changes in government which it 
supports, see Ashley, American Government, §§ 206-211. 
2 P 



5/8 American History [191 3 

religious. The few restrictions of time, residence, and 
citizenship for electors are essentials of good government. 
Officeholding is open to any one who has the personal quali- 
ties needed for winning popular favor. All of the chief 
positions in national, state, and local governments are filled 
by popular election, and changes in fundamental law must 
meet with the approval of voters. The people may propose 
laws in a great many states and may insist that the proposed 
laws be ratified by them. The people cooperate in govern- 
ment largely through parties, but the control of those parties 
belongs to them ; for no one that seeks to become a party 
dictator or " boss " can maintain his position in the long 
run ^^'ithout popular support. We have now as truly a 
government '' of the people, by the people, for the people " 
as ever existed, with most of the benefits and most of the 
faults inherent in democratic rule. 
The nation Although our governments respond rather slowly to the 

popular will, a situation not without many advantages in 
a democracy, in the long run~our laws and our constitutions 
register the sober second thought of the nation. The adop- 
tion of new political devices to make more real the rule of the 
people and the enactment of laws for social betterment are 
but signs of the times. The twentieth century is certain to 
bring us epoch-making social changes. If we consider the 
new position of woman, or the better provision for those that 
labor \vith their hands, or the control by the public through 
its government of great resources and businesses, we see 
that the nation is trying to adjust itself to the newer need 
of a society which cannot exist under eighteenth-century 
conditions, and will not follow the models of the nineteenth. 
Since nationality and democracy were the great products of 
the century that is just past, in America and in Europe, 
we can no longer look forward to them as goals ; but we must 
look forward to a new national democracy that demands 
social progress and seeks to work out better ideas of social 
welfare. 



and its social 
problems. 



19' 4] TJic Nation and Its Govcriimoit 



579 



TOPICS 

1. Industrial Arbitration: Bliss (ed.), "New Encyclopedia of 
Social Reform," pp. 58-64; National Industrial Commission, "Final 
Report," XIX, pp. 833-862; Carlton, "History and Problems of 
Organized Labor,"' 228-262. 

2. Child Labor: Adams and Sumner, "Labor Problems," pp. 2q- 
37, 58-67; Bliss, "New Encyclopedia of Social Reform," pp. 170- 
181; Lovejoy, O. R., in Annals of Amer. Academy, 38 (191 2), sup, 
31-38; Carlton, "History and Problems of Organized Labor," pp. 
389-398; Mangold, "Child Problems," 159-217; Nearing, " Child 
Labor." 

3. Employers' Liability: Carlton, "History and Problems of 
Organized Labor," pp. 292-310; Seager, "Social Insurance," pp. 24- 
83 ; Eastman, "Work Accidents and the Law," pp. 169-220; Annals 
of Amer. Academy, 38 (191 1), 144-229; Campbell, "Industrial 
Liability," Rubinow, "Social Insurance," pp. 28-45, 86-107. 

4. Commission Form of City Government : Bru^re, "New City 
Government," pp. 16—99; Bradford, "Commission Gov't in Amer. 
Cities," pp. 127—146, 181-213, 291—306; Hamilton, "Dethronement 
of the City Boss," pp. 9-25, 169-181 ; Annals of Amer. Academy, 38 
(1911), pp. 671-943.) 

5. Protection of the Public Health: Bruere, "New City 
Government," pp. 401-413; Beard, "Amer. City Government," 
pp. 261-286; McGrath, W. M., in Survey, 27 (1912), 1501-1514; 
Annals of Amer. Academy, 37 (1911), 3-12, 123-126, 192—220, 250- 
260; Allen, "Civics and Health." 

STUDIES 

1. Growth of manufactures in the U. S. (Rogers, "Development of 
the North" ( North America, XVIII), pp. 235-250.) 

2. Development of the South since the Civil War. (Bruce, "Rise 
of the New South" (North Amerka, XXVII), pp. 455-472.) 

3. The Mann-Elkins Railway Act of 1910. (Ripley. " Railroads : 
Rates and Regulation," 557-580.) 

4. Control of railways by a state (Texas). (Haney, L. H., in Jour. 
Pol. Economy, 19 (1911), 437-455-) 

5. The relation of state to interstate railway regulation. {Literary 

Digest, 46 (1913). 1361-1363-) 

6. The anti-trust policies of the Taft administration. (Wicker- 
sham, G. W., in Century, ?>7, (1912), 616-622.) 

7. Our "Bumper" crops. 

8. Commercial invasion of Europe. (Vanderlip, F., in Scribner's 
Magazine, 31 (1902).) 

9. The American Federation of Labor. (Carlton, "History and 
Problems of Organized Labor," 74-82.) 



58o American History [191 4 

10. The need of a minimum wage. ("O. Henry," in McClure, 
35 (1910), 688-690.) 

11. The problem of the African. (Shaler, " The Neighbor," pp. 
126-191.) 

12. The new problem of immigration. (Fairchild, "Immigra- 
tion," 369-380.) 

13. Five American contributions to civilization. (Eliot, "Amer- 
ican Contributions to Civilization," pp. 1-38.) 

14. Some reasons why the American republic may endure. (Eliot, 
''American Contributions to Civilization," pp. 39-7°-) 

15. Geographic distribution of immigration. (Semple, " American 
History and its Geographic Influences," pp. 310-336.) 

16. The American intellect. (Wendell, Barrett, in "Cambridge 
Modern History," pp. 723-751.) 

QUESTIONS 

1. Place in your notebook a complete summary of the following 
topics, showing the sections of the text in which details may be ob- 
tained: territorial growth, railway development and control, foreign 
relations in general, social changes after the (i) Revolutionary War, 
(2) during the first half of the nineteenth century, (3) during the last 
half century. 

2. What are the chief advantages of economic consoHdation ? 
What are the disadvantages of the policy ? Why do not trusts raise 
prices indefinitely if they have no competition ? 

3. Should there be more restraint of corporations than at present ? 
What are the chief difiiculties in railway regulation ? How does our 
federal system of government complicate the railway problem? 
What are the advantages and disadvantages of government ownership 
of railways ? 

4. What has been gained through organization of labor ? Should 
there be compulsory arbitration of some, or all, labor disputes ? How 
does labor legislation affect industry ? the workers ? society ? 

5. Compare the immigration of to-day with that of former years, 
noting races represented, places where immigrants settle, immigra- 
tion problems to be solved. If present non-Teutonic immigration 
continues, how long before the United States will cease to be an 
"Anglo-Saxon" nation? 

6. What are the advantages of universal suffrage? the disad- 
vantages ? Is the franchise of to-day likely to become more or less 
restricted ? Was the fifteenth amendment a mistake ? Give argu- 
ments for and against woman suffrage. 

7. What are the chief problems for the nation to solve? What 
solutions have been suggested for each ? 



APPENDIX 

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

(^Adopted by the Continental Congress^ July 4///, 1776.) 

|n C#i:(i^@.§§, |ulg 4, 1776. %\t unanimous bwlHration of i\% 
thirteen unit«b states of gimcrita. 

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary 
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- 
nected them with another, and to assume among the powers of 
the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of 
Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes 
which impel them to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created 
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain un- 
alienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pur- 
suit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are 
instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government 
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People 
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying 
its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in 
such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety 
and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments 
long established should not be changed for light and transient 
causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind 
are more disposed to suifer, while evils are suiferable, than to 
right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are 
accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, 
pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce 
them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, 
to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for 
their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of 
these Colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains 
them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history 
of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated 
injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish- 



ii The Declaration of Independe^ice 

ment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, 
let Facts be submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most w^holesome and 
necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate 
and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till 
his Assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has 
utterly neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of 
large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the 
right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to 
them and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, 
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public 
Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance 
with his measures. 

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for oppos- 
ing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause 
others to be elected ; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable 
of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their 
exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all 
the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; 
for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreign- 
ers ; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, 
and raising the conditions of new^ Appropriations of Lands. 

He has obstioicted the Administration of Justice, by refusing 
his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers. 

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the 
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their sala- 
ries. 

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither 
swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their sub- 
stance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies 
without the Consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the Military independent of and 
superior to the Civil power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction 
foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; 
giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation : 



The Declaration of Indepeitdence iii 

For quartering large bodies ot armed troops among us: 

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment, for 
any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of 
these States : 

For cutting oft our Trade with all parts of the world : 

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent : 

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by 
Jury: 

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended 
oftences : 

For abolishing the free System ol English Laws in a neigh- 
bouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, 
and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an exam- 
ple and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute nile into 
these Colonies : 

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable 
Laws, and altering fundamentally the P^orms of our Govern- 
ments : 

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves 
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his 
Protection and waging War against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our 
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Merce- 
naries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, 
already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely 
parallel in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the 
Head of a civilized nation 

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the 
high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the 
executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves 
by their Hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections among us, and has 
endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the 
merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an 
undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. 

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for 
Redress in the most humble terms : Our repeated Petitions have 
been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose char- 
acter is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is 
unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 



iv TJie Declaration of hidependence 

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish 
brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts 
by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over 
us. W^e have reminded them of the circumstances of our emi- 
gration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native 
justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties 
of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which 
would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. 
They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of con- 
sanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which 
denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of 
mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. 

®lr. tbrrrforc, the Representatives of the ^Inileb .StatES of 
America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the 
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, 
do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these 
Colonies solemnly publish and declare, That these United 
Colonies are, and of Right ought to be free anir |nbfpE«bcttt 
^tatts ; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British 
Crown, and that all political connection between them and the 
State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved ; and 
that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power 
to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Com- 
merce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent 
States may of right do. And for the support of this Declara- 
tion, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, 
we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and 
our sacred Honor. 

JOHN HANCOCK. 

1 \_New Hampshire.'] \Rhode Island.'] 

JosiAH Bartlett, Stephen Hopkins, 

William Whipple, William Ellery. 
Matthew Thornton. 

\_Massac/iusetts Bay.] {Connecticut.] 

Samuel Adams, Roger Sherman, 

John Adams, Samuel Huntington, 

Robert Treat Paine, William Williams, 

Elbridge Gerry. Oliver Wolcott. 

1 This arrangement of the names is made for convenience. The States 
are not mentioned in the original. 



The Declaratio7i of Independence 



\JVew Vork.'] 
William Floyd, 
Philip Livingston, 
Francis Lewis, 
Lewis Morris. 

[^ATeuf Jersey.'] 
Richard Stockton, 
John Witherspoon, 
Francis Hopkinson, 
John Hart, 
Abraham Clark. 

[Pennsylvania.'] 
Robert Morris, 
Benjamin Rush, - 
Benjamin Franklin, 
John Morton, 
George Clymer, 
James Smith, 
George Taylor, 
James Wilson, 
George Ross. 

[Delaware.] 

CiESAR Rodney, 
George Read, 
Thomas M'Kean. 

[Maryland.] 
Samuel Chase, 
William Paca, 



Thomas Stone, 
Charles Carroll of 
Carrollton. 



[ Virgima.] 

George Wythe, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Thomas Jefferson, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Carter Braxton. 

[North Carolina.] 

William Hooper, 
Joseph Hewes, 
John Penn. 

[South Carolina.] 

Edward Rutledge, 
Thomas Heyward, Jr., 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., 
Arthur Middleton. 

[Georgia.] 

Button Gwinnett, 
Lyman Hall, 
Geo. Walton. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 



We the people of the United States, in Order to form a more 
perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, pro- 
vide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and 
secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, 
do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States 
of America. 

Akticle. I. 

Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested 
in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate 
and House of Representatives. 

Section 2. [1] The House of Representatives shall be composed 
of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several 
States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications 
requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State 
Legislature. 

[2] No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have at- 
tained to the age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a 
Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 

[3] [Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned 
among the several States which may be included within this 
Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be 
determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, 
including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and exclud- 
ing Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons.] The 
actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after 
the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and 
within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as 
they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall 



Pream- 
ble. Ob- 
jects of the 
Constitu- 
tion. 



Congress. 

Two 

houses. 



House of 
Represent 
tatives. 
Term and 
election. 

Qualifica- 
tions — 
age, citi- 
zenship, 
residence. 
Method of 
apportion- 
ing repre- 
sentatives. 
(Part in 
brackets 
super- 
seded by 
Sec. 2 of 
Amend- 
ment 
XIV.) 
Census 



Vlll 



Constitution of tJic United States 



Tempo- 

appor- 
tionment 



Vacancies. 



Ofl&cers. 



not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall 
have at least one Representative ; and until such enumeration 
shall be made, the State of Xew Hampshire shall be entitled to 
chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence 
Plantations one, Connecticut five, Xew York six, Xew Jersey four, 
Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, 
Xorth Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

[■i] When vacancies happen in the Representation from any 
State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue AA'rits of Elec- 
tion to fill such Vacancies. 

[5] The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and 
other Oflicers ; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. 



Senate. 
Election 
and term. 

Division of 
Senators 
into three 
classes. 



Vacancies. 

r 



Qualifica- 
tions — 
age, citi- 
zenship, 
residence. 
Vice-presi- 
dent. 

Officers. 



Trial of 
impeach- 
ments. 



Section 3. [1] The Senate of the United States shall be com- 
posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature 
thereof, for six Years ; and each Senator shall have one Vote. 

[2] Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence 
of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into 
three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be 
vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class 
at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the 
Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one-third may be chosen 
every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or 
otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the 
Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the 
next INIeeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Va- 
cancies. 

[3] Xo Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to 
the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United 
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that 
State for which he shall be chosen. 

[4] The Vice President of the United States shall be President 
of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally 
divided. 

[5] The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a Presi- 
dent pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when 
he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States. 

[6] The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeach- 
ments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or 
Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, 



Constitution of the United States 



IX 



the Chief Justice shall preside : And no Person shall be convicted 
without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present. 

[7] Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further Judgment 
than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy !" ^'^.^^^ ^' 
any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States : but meut?^ ' 
the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to 
Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law. 

Section 4. [1] The Times, Places and Manner of holding P^lec- Both 

tions for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each ;^^""*'<^^- 

State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any piaces'and 

time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the method of 

Places of chusing Senators. electing 

[2] The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and "^^"'^*^^'^- 

such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they meetiug. 
shall by Law appoint a different Day. 

Section 5. [1] Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Member- 
Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of ^^"P ^•^^u- 
each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business ; but a smaller Num- Quorum, 
ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel 
the attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under 
such Penalties as each House may provide. 

[2] Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, Rules of 
punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Con- ^^^^ 
currence of two thirds, expel a Member. ouse. 

[3] Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and Journals, 
from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may 
in their Judgment require Secrecy ; and the Yeas and Nays of the 
Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of 
one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. 

[4] Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without Special 
the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to adjourn- 
any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. [1] The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Members. 

Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by law, and paid Compen- 

out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, s^l^i^^^ ^'^^ 

except Treason, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be privileged Q^^^g^f 

from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respec- -bers. 
tive Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for 



CoHstifi/tion of tJie United States 



Disabili- 
ties of 
members. 



B'dU and 
resolu- 
tions. 
Revenue 
bills. 
Veto of 
President 
on bills. 



any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned 
iu any other Place. 

[2] No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for 
which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the 
Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or 
the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such 
time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, 
shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office. 

Section 7. [1] All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in 
the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or 
concur with Amendments as on other Bills. 

[2] Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Represen- 
tatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented 
to the President of the United States ; If he approve he shall sign 
it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House 
in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at 
large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such 
Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the 
Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other 
House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved 
by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all 
such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be deteimined by Yeas 
and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against 
the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. 
If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days 
(Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the 
Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless 
the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which 
Case it shall not be a Law. 

[3] Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence 
of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary 
(except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the 
President of the United States and before the Same shall take 
Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, 
shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Rep- 
resentatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in 
the Case of a Bill. 

Poicers of Section 8. The Congress shall have Power [1] To lay and 
Congress, collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and 



Veto on 
resolu- 
tions. 



Co7istitution of the United States 



XI 



provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the Taxation. 
United States ; but all duties, Imposts and Excises shall be 

uniform throughout the United States ; Borrow- 

[2] To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; '^^' 

[3] To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among .^f^ ^ 

the several States, and with the Indian Tribes; commerce 

[4] To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and Natural- 
uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the i^^ation 
United States; and bank- 
' ruptcy. 

[5] To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coins 

Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; weights, 

[6] To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the ^"'^ 

Securities and current Coin of the United States; measure 

[7] To establish Post Offices and post Roads; feitin^. 

[8] To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts by Post 

securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive offices. 

Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries ; Patents 

[9] To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court; ^P. ^^^^P^" 

[10] To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on inferior 

the high Seas, and (J)ffences against the Law of Nations; courts. 

[11] To declare AV^ar, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, Piracies. 

and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; ^^'^r. 

[12] To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Army. 
Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years; 

[13] To provide and maintain a Navy; Navy. 

[14] To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of ^^^^'^ ^°^ 

the land and naval Forces; forces 

[15] To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Militia, in 

Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions; service. 

[16] To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, 

Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed ^.^saniza- 
in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respec- 
tively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of 
training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by 
Congress. 

[17] To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, Seat of 

over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by govern- 

Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress become stations 
the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise 
like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the 



Xll 



Constitution of the United States 



Supple- 
mentary 
legisla- 
tion. 



Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erec- 
tion of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful 
Buildings ; — And 

[18] To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Pow- 
ers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United 
States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. 



Limita- 
tio7is on 
powers of 
Congress. 

Slave 
trade. 

Habeas 
corpus. 
Bills of 
attainder 
and ex 
post facto 
laws. 
Direct tax. 



Tax on 

exports. 

Uniform 
commer- 
cial regu- 
lations. 

Finance. 



Titles of 
nobility 
and 
presents. 



Limita- 
tions on 
powers of 
States. 



Section 9. [1] The Migration or Importation of such Persons 
as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, 
shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one 
thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be 
imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
Person. 

[2] The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be 
suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the 
public Safety may require it. 

[3] No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be 



[4] No Capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in 
Proportion to the Census or Enumeration hereinbefore directed to 
be taken. 

[5] No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any 
State. 

[6] No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Com- 
merce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another : 
nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
clear, or pay Duties in another. 

[7] No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Conse- 
quence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement 
and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money 
shall be published from time to time. 

[8] No title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States : 
And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, 
shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present. 
Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, 
Prince, or foreign State. 

Section 10. [1] No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, 
or Confederation ; grant Letters of Marque and Rej)risal ; coin 



Constitution of the U7iited States xiii 

Money; emit Bills of Credit, make any Thing but gold and silver Specific 

Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts ; pass any Bill of Attainder, Probibi- 

ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the obligation of Contracts, ^^^^^' 
or grant any Title of Nobility. 

[2] No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Limita- 

Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be ^ions on 

absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the ^"^P^^^^* 
net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on 
Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the 
United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision 
and Controul of the Congress. 

[3] No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Prohibi- 
Duty of tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, tions re- 
enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with "^py^^^® 

* • 15 -1X7 1 ^ 11 • 1 J • witbcon- 

a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or m ge^t of 

such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay. Congress. 

Article. II. 

Section 1. [1] The executive Power shall be vested in a Presi- Presi- 

dent of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office i^^^^t. 

during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice Presi- Presiden- 

dent, chosen for the same term, be elected, as follows : tial elec- 

[2] Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature tors and 

thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Num- ™®^ ? ^ 

- ^ choosing 

ber of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be president 

entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or 

Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, 

shall be appointed an Elector. [The electors shall meet in their (Part in 

respective States, and vote by ballot for two Persons, of whom one brackets 

at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with them- g^ded by 

selves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, XII 

and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign amend- 

and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of 

the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The 

President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and 

House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes 

shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of 

Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the 

whole Number of Electors appointed ; and if there be more than 



XIV 



Constitutio7i of the United States 



Dates of 
elections. 



Qualifica- 
tions, citi- 
zenship, 
age, and 
residence. 



Presiden- 
tial suc- 
cession. 



Compensa- 
tion. 



Oath of 
ofl&ce. 



one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, 
then the House of flepresentatives shall immediately chuse by 
Ballot one of them for President ; and if no Person have a Major- 
ity, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in 
like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, 
the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation fi'om each 
State having one Vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist 
of a Member or Members from two-thirds of the States, and a 
Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every 
Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the 
greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice Presi- 
dent. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, 
the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.] 

[3] The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Elec- 
tors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day 
shall be the same throughout the United States. 

[4] No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a citizen of the 
United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, 
shall be eligible to the Office of President ; neither shall any Per- 
son be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the 
Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident 
within the United States. 

[5] In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or 
of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers 
and Duties of the said Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice 
President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of 
Removal, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of the President 
and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as Presi- 
dent, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until tlie Disability 
be removed, or a President shall be elected. 

[6] The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Ser- 
vices, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor dimin- 
ished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and 
he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from 
the United States, or any of them. 

[7] Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take 
the following Oath or Affirmation: — "I do solemnly swear (or 
affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the 
United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect 
and defend the Constitution of the United States.'* 



Cojistitutioii of the United States 



XV 



Section 2. [1] The President shall be Commander in Chief of lowers of 
the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the -P''6«*^en«. 
several States, when called into the actual Service of the United 
States ; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Military, 
Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject super- 
relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have judicial. 
Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the 
United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. 

[2] He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent In treaties 
of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two-thirds of the Sena- ^"^ ^"^ 
tors present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the ments. 
Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, 
other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, 
and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments 
are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 
lished by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment 
of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President 
alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. 

[3] The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that Tempo- 
may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Com- ^'"^^y. 
missions which shall expire at the End of their next Session. ments. 

Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Legisla- 
In formation of the State of the Union, and recommend to their 
Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and 
expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both 
Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between 
them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn 
them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive 
Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that 
the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the 
Officers of the United States. 



tive 
powers. 



Section 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers Liability 
of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeach- 1"^ 
ment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high 
Crimes and Misdemeanors. 



impeach- 
ment. 



Article. III. 

JUDICI- 

Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be ary. 
vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Courts. 



XVI 



Constitution of tJie Unitai States 



Judges : 
term aud 
eonipen- 
sation. 



Jurisdic- 
tion. 



Original 
aud 

appellate 
jurisdic- 
tion of 
Supreme 
Court. 

Jury trial. 
Place of 
trial. 



Treason: 
definition, 



punish- 
ment. 



Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The 
Judges, both of the supreme aud inferior Courts, shall hold their 
Otfices during good BehaTioiir, and shall, at stated Times, receive 
for their Services, a Compensiition, which shall not be diminished 
during their Continuance in Otfice. 

Section 2. [1] The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in 
Law and Equity, arishig under this Constitution, the Laws of the 
United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under 
their Authority ; — to all cases affecting Ambassadors, other pub- 
lic Ministers and Consuls; — to all cases of admiralty and maritime 
Jurisdiction ; — to Controversies to which the Ignited States shall 
be a party ; — to controversies between two or more States ; — be- 
tween a State and Citizens of another State; — between Citizens 
of different States — between Citizens of the same State claiming 
Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or 
the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or snbject-s. 

[2] In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers 
and Consnls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the 
supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other 
Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate 
Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and 
under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. 

[3] The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, 
shall be by Jury ; and such Trial shall be held in the State where 
the said Crimes shall have been committed ; but when not com- 
mitted within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or 
Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. 

Section 3. [1] Treason against the United States, shall con- 
sist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their 
Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. Xo Person shall be 
convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses 
to tlie same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. 

[2] The CongTess shall have Power to declare the Rmishment of 
Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, 
or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. 



Nation 

AXD 

States. 



Article. IV. 

Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State 
to the public Acts, Recoras, and judicial Proceedings of every 



Constitution of the United States 



xvii 



other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe 
the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be 
proved, and the Effect thereof. 

Section 2. [1] The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to 
all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. 

[2] A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony or 
other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another 
State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State 
from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State 
having Jurisdiction of the Crime. 

[3] No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under 
the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of 
any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or 
Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom 
such Service or Labour may be due. 

Section 3. [1] New States may be admitted by the Congress 
into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected 
within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be 
formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, 
without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as 
well as of the Congress. 

[2] The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all 
needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other 
Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Con- 
stitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the 
United States, or of any particular State. 

Section 4. The LTnited States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect 
each of them against Invasion ; and on Application of the Legis- 
lature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be con- 
vened) against domestic Violence. 



Interstate 
comity. 



Interstate 
citizen- 
ship. 
Extradi- 
tion of 
criminals. 



Fugitive 
slaves. 



Admission 
of new 
States. 



Govern- 
ment of 
national 
territory. 



Protection 
of States. 



Article. Y, 
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it '^'*^^"'- 

1 11 1 ' r^ ■ • MENT OF 

necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on Constitu- 
the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several tion. 
States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, 
in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes as Part of 



XVlll 



Lonstitulioii of tJic Uiiitcd States 



this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths 
of the several States, or by Conyeiitions iu three fourths thereof, 
as the one or the other Mode of Katilicatiou may be proposed by 
the Congress; Provided that no Amendment vrliich may be made 
prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in 
any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Xinth Sec- 
tion of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, 
shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. 



Miscel- 
laneous. 
Preexist- 
ing nation- 
al debt. 
Suprem- 
acy of 
Constitu- 
tion, 
treaties, 
and na- 
tional law. 

Oaths of 

national 
and state 
officials. 



Article. YI. 

[1] All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before 
the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the 
United States under this Constitution, as under tlie Confederation. 

[2] This Constitution, and the Laws of tiie United States which 
shall be made in Pursuance thereof ; and all Treaties made, or 
which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, 
shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every 
State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or 
Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 

[3] The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and 
the Members of the several St^ate Legislatures, and all executive 
and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several 
States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Con- 
stitution ; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Quali- 
fication to any Office or public Trust under the United States. 



Article. YII. 

Ratifica- The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be suffi- 
TioN. cient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States 

so ratifying the Same. 

Done in Convention by the I^nanimons Consent of the States 
present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our 
Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the 
Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth 
In Witness whereof "We have hereunto subscribed our Kames, 

G° Washington- 
Presidt. and Deputy from Yirginia 
[and thirty eight members from all the States except Rhode Island.] 



CoNStitiUioN of tJw United States xix 



ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO, AND AINIENDMENT OF, 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF 
AMERICA, PROPOSED BY CONGRESS, AND RATIFIED 
BY THE LEGISLATURES OF THE SEVERAL STATES 
PURSUANT TO THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE ORIGI- 
NAL CONSTITUTION. 

[Article I^] Prohibi- 

Congress shall nuike no law respecting an establishment of reli- 1'^*"^^"", 

gion. or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the resi^i'ting 

freedom of speech, or of. the press ; or the right of the people religion, 

peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress spooch, 

. . ' ami 

of grievances. ^j^^ p^e^g^ 

[Article II '] 

A well regnlated Militia, being necessary to the security of a Rijrht to 
free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not bear arras, 
be infringed. 

[Article IIP] 

No Soldier shall, in time of }ieace be qnartered in any house, Quarter- 
without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a Iusj: of 
manner to be prescribed by law. soldiers. 

[Article IV '] 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, Rijrht of 
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, search, 
shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon 
probable cause, supported by Oath or atlirmation, and particularly 
describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to 
be seized. 

[Article V^] 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise Protection 

infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand of accused 

in criminal 
1 First ten amendments proposed by Congress, Sept. 25, 1789. Pro- eases- 
claimed to be in force Dec. 15, 1791. 



XX 



Coiistitutio7i of the United States 



Rights of 
accused 
regarding 
trial. 



Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; 
nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice 
put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any 
Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of 
life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall 
private property be taken for public use, without just compensa- 
tion. 

[Article VI ^] 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to 
a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and 
district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which dis- 
trict shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be 
informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be con- 
fronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory 
process for obtaining Witnesses in his favor, and to have the 
Assistance of Counsel for his defence. 



Jury trial 
iu law- 
suits. 



Bail and 
punish- 
ment. 



Unenu- 
merated 
rights. 



Undelega- 
ted pow- 
ers. 



[Article VII ^] 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall 
exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, 
and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherw^ise re-examined in any 
Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the 
common law. 

[Article VIII i] 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, 
nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

[Article IX ^] 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall 
not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the 
people. 

[Article X^] 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu- 
tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
respectively, or to the people. 

1 First ten amendments proposed by Congress, Sept. 25, 1789. Pro- 
claimed to be in force Dec. 15, 1791. 



Co7istitiitioji of the United States xxi 



Article XI ^ 

The Judicial power of the United States shall not he cotistrued Exemp- 

to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted ^ion of 

against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or ^^^^^^ . 
by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State. 

Article XII 

The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by New 
ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, method of 
shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves ; they electing 
shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and ^^^^^^nt. 
in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and tiiey ^^ super- 
shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and ^f ^^^ jj 
of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of Sec. I, 
votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit ^^' 2-) 
sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed (Proposed 
to the President of the Senate ; — The President of the Senate ^^^- ^2' 
shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open glared in * 
all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted ; — The force Sept. 
person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be ^^» 1804.) 
the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number 
of Electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then 
from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three 
on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Represen- 
tatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in 
choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the repre- 
sentation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this 
purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of 
the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a 
choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a 
President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-Presi- 
dent shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other 
constitutional disability of the President. • The person having the 
greatest -number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-Presi- 
dent, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors 
appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two 

1 Proposed September 5, 1794. Declared in force January 8, 1798. 



xxii Const it utiofi of tJic United States 

highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-Presi- 
dent; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the 
vrhole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number 
shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally 
ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice- 
President of the United States. 

Article XIII 

Abolition Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as 

of slavery, a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly 

(Proposed (.^5J^yj^,^^^(J gjiall exist witliin the United States, or any place sub- 

1865. De- j^ct to their jurisdiction. 

f ^^^ ^ ^^*^^^on 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 

IS, 18t>5.) appropriate legishxtion. 

Article XIV 



Citizens of 
the Uuited 
States — 



Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United 
protection States and of the State wherein they reside. Xo State shall make 
of. (Pro- Qj. enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or imniuni- 
K^lW^^^ ties of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive 
Declared any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; 
in force nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec- 
f;!^;'^' tion of the laws." 

New basis Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several 

of repre- States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole 

sentation number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. 

in Con- -g^^^ when the right to vote at any election for the choice of elec- 

(Supersed- t<^r^ ^0^' President and Vice President of the United States, Repre- 

ing part of sentatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a 

Art. I. sec. State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any 

' ^ ' "^ of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of 

age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, 

except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of 

representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which 

the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number 

of male citizens twentj'-one years of age in such State. 

. Section 3. Xo person shall be a Senator or Representative in 
Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any 



CoustiiKtioH of t/ii! Vniti-ii States xxiii 

office, civil or military, under the United States, or nndei!' iiuy Disabili- 
State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a membeii' O'f Con- t'csof oflft 
gresE, or as an officer of the United States, or as a meinbeV 6f ^nV ^^"^ ^ T)' . 
State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, rebelliott.' 
to support the Constitution of the United States, sluiU liave 
engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid 
or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by two- 
thirds vote of each House, remove such disability. 

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, Validity of 
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pen- ^'^^ debt, 
sions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or re- 
bellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States 
nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred 
in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or 
any claim for the loss or- emancipation of any slave; but all such 
debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appro- 
priate legislation, the provisions of this article. 

Article XV* 

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote Voting 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any ^\^}^^^ of 
State on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. ^^^^ ^ g 

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
by appropriate legislation. 

Article XVI 

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on in- Income 
comes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment *'*^- 
among the several states, and without regard to any census or 
enumeration. 

Article XVII 

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Sena- Direct 
tors from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; ("lection 
and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State 
1 Proposed February 27, 18();» Dochired in force IMarch liO, 1870. 



xxiv Constitution of the United States 

shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 

numerous branch of the State legislatures. 

Method of When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in 

election. ^^ Senate, the executive authority of each State shall issue writs 

Temporary of election to fill such vacancies : Provided that the legislature of 

appoint- j^^jy State may empower the executiv^e thereof to make temporary 

appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election as the 

legislature may direct. 

This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the elec- 
tion or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part 
of the Constitution. 



ments. 



Table of Presidents 



XXV 



TABLE I. PRESIDENTS 



Name 


State 


Party 


Year in 
Office 


ViCE President 


I George Washington 


Va. 


(Fed.) 


1789-1797 


John Adams 


2 John Adams 


Mass. 


Fed. 


1797-1801 


Thomas Jefferson 


3 Thomas Jefferson 


Va. 


Rep. 


I 801-1809 


Aaron Burr 
George Clinton 


4 James Madison 


Va. 


Rep. 


1809-1S17 


George Clinton 
Elbridge Gerrv 


5 James Monroe 


Va. 


Rep. 


1817-1825 


Daniel D. Tompkins 


6 John Q. Adams 


Mass. 


Rep. 


1825-1829 


John C. Calhoun 


7 Andrew Jackson 


Tenn. 


Dem. 


1829-1837 


John C. Calhoun 
Martin Van Buren 


8 Martin Van Buren 


N.Y. 


Dem. 


1837-1841 


Richard M. Johnson 


g Wm. H. Harrison 


Ohio 


Whig 


1841-1841 


John Tyler 


lo John Tyler i 


Va. 


(Whig) 


1841-1845 




II James K. Polk 


Tenn. 


Dem. 


1 845-1 849 


George M. Dallas 


1 2 Zachary Taylor 


La. 


Whig 


I 849-1 850 


Millard Fillmore 


13 Millard Fillmore i 


N.Y. - 


Whig 


1 850- 1 853 




14 Franklin Pierce 


N.H. 


Dem. 


1853-1857 


William R. King 


IS James Buchanan 


Pa. 


Dem. 


1857-1861 


J. C. Breckenridge 


16 Abraham Lincoln 


111. 


Rep. 


1861-1865 


Hannibal Hamlin 
Andrew Johnson 


1 7 Andrew Johnson 1 


Tenn. 


(Rep.) 


1865-1869 




18 Ulysses S. Grant 


111. 


Rep. 


I 869- I 87 7 


Schuyler Colfax 
Henry Wilson 


19 Rutherford B. Hayes 


Ohio 


Rep. 


1877-1881 


Wm. A. Wheeler 


20 James A. Garfield 


Ohio 


Rep. 


1881-1881 


Chester A. Arthur 


21 Chester A. Arthur 1 


N.Y. 


Rep. 


1881-1885 




22 Grover Cleveland 


N.Y. 


Dem. 


1 885-1 889 


Thomas A. Hendricks 


23 Benjamin Harrison 


Ind. 


Rep. 


I 889-1 893 


Levi P. Morton 


24 Grover Cleveland 


N.Y. 


Dem. 


1893-1897 


Adlai E. Stevenson 


25 William McKinley 


Ohio 


Rep. 


1897-1901 


Garrett A. Hobart 
Theodore Roosevelt 


26 Theodore Roosevelt 


N.Y. 


Rep. 


I 901-1909 


Chas. W. Fairbanks 


27 William H. Taft 


Ohio 


Rep. 


I 909-1913 


James S. Sherman 


28 Woodrow Wilson 


N.J. 


Dem. 


1913- 


Thomas R. Marshall 



TABLE II. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 



Year 


Successful 


Chief 




Electoral 




CANOmATE 


Opponent 




Vote 


1789 


Washington 






Unanimous 


1792 


Washington 






Unanimous 


1796 


Adams 


Jefferson 




71 to 68 


1800 


Jefferson 


Adams 




73 to 65 2 


1804 


Jefferson 


C. C. Pinckney 




162 to 14 


1808 


Madison 


C. C. Pinckney 




122 to 47 


1812 


Madison 


De W. Clinton 




1 28 to 89 


1816 


Monroe 


King 




183 to 34 


1820 


Monroe 






231 to I 


1824 


Adams 


Jackson 


105,321 to 155.872 


84 of 2612 


1828 


Jackson 


Adams 


647,231 to 509,097 


178 to 83 


1832 


Jackson 


Clay 


687,502 to 530,189 


219 to 49 



1 Raised from the vice presidency. 2 Elected by House of Representatives. 



XXVI 



Table of Congress since 1865 





PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. — Continued 




Year 


Successful 


Chief 


Popular Vote 


Electoral 




Candidate 


Opponent 




Vote 


i8s6 


Van Buren 


Harrison 


761,549 to 736,6561 


170 to 73 


1840 


Harrison 


\'an Buren 


1,275,017 to 1,128,702 


234 to 60 


1844 


Polk 


Clav 


1,337.243 to 1,299,068 


170 to 105 


1848 


Tavlor 


Cass 


1,360,101 to 1,220,544 


163 to 127 


1852 Pierce 


Scott 


1,601,474 to 1,380,576 


254 to 42 


i8s6 


Buchanan 


Fremont 


1,838,169 to 1,341,264'- 


174 to 114 


i860 


Lincoln 


Douglas 


1,866,352 to 1,375.157 ^ 


i8g to 123^ 


1864 


Lincoln 


McClellan 


2,216,067 to 1,808,725 


212 to 21 


1868 


Grant 


Sevmour 


3,015,071 to 2,709,615 


214 to 80 


1872 


Grant 


Greeley 


3,597,070 to 2,834,079 


286 to 63 ' 


1876 


Hayes 


Tilden 


4,033.950 to 4,284,885 


185 to 184 


1880 


Garfield 


Hancock 


4,449,053 to 4,442,035 


214 to 155 


1884 


Cleveland 


Blaine 


4,911,017 to 4,848,334 


219 to 182 


t88S 


Harrison 


Cleveland 


5,440,216 to 5,538,233 


233 to 168 


i8q2 


Cleveland 


Harrison 


5,556,918 to 5,176,108 5 


277 to 145 


i8q6 


McKinley 


Bryan 


7,104,779 to 6,502,925 


271 to 176 


IQOO 


McKinley 


Brvan 


7,207,923 to 6,358,133 


292 to 155 


1904 


Roosevelt 


Parker 


7,623,486 to 5,077,971 


336 to 140 


1908 


Taft 


Brj-an 


7,678,908 to 6,409,104 


321 to 162 


I9I2 


Wilson 


Roosevelt 


6,293,019 to 4,119,507 


435 to 88 



TABLE III. CONGRESS SINCE 1865 



Number 




Senate 


House 






Years 










Speaker 


Congress 


Rep. 


Dem. 


Rep. 


Dem. 


39 


1865-1867 


41 


II 


145 


40 


Schuyler Colfax 


40 


I 867-1 869 


42 


II 


143 


49 


Schuvler Colfax 


41 


I 869-1 87 I 


58 


II 


151 


78 


James G. Blaine 


42 


1871-1873 


57 


17 


138 


103 


James G. Blaine 


43 


1873-1875 


47 


20 


194 


92 


James G. Blaine 


44 


1875-1877 


43 


29 


107 


168 


Michael C. Kerr 
Samuel J. Randall 


45 


1877-1879 


36 


39 


142 


151 


Samuel j. Randall 


46 


1879-1881 


32 


44 


129 


148 


Samuel j. Randall 


47 


1881-1883 


37 


38 


146 


138 


John W. Keifer 


48 


I 883-1 885 


40 


36 


124 


198 


John G. CarUsle 


49 


I 885-1 887 


42 


34 


120 


204 


John G. Carhsle 


50 


I 887-1 889 


39 


37 


153 


168 


John G. Carlisle 


51 


I 889-1 891 


39 


37 


166 


159 


Thomas B. Reed 


52 


1891-1893 


47 


39 


88 


236 


Charies F. Crisp 


53 


I 893-1 895 


38 


44 


126 


220 


Charies F. Crisp 


54 


I 895-1 897 


42 


39 


246 


104 


Thomas B. Reed 


55 


I 897-1 899 


46 


34 


206 


134 


Thomas B. Reed 


56 


I 899-1 901 


53 


26 


185 


163 


David B. Henderson 


57 


I 901-1903 


56 


29 


198 


1,53 


David B. Henderson 


58 


I 903-1 905 


58 


32 


206 


174 


Joseph G. Cannon 


59 


1905-1907 


58 


32 


250 


136 


Joseph G. Cannon 


60 


I 907-1 909 


61 


29 


222 


164 


Joseph G. Cannon 


61 


1909-1911 


60 


32 


219 


172 


Joseph G. Cannon 


62 


1911-1913 


51 


41 


162 


228 


Champ Clark 


63 


1913-191S 


45 


51 


I27« 


290 


Champ Clark 



1 Entire Whig opposition, 4 candidates. 
3 Breckenridge, 845,763, Bel), 589-581. 
5 Weaver, 1,041,028. 



2 Fillmore, 874,538. 

■* Total opposition vote. 

•> 18 Progressives. 



Tabic of Chief Justices xxvii 

TABLE IV. CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT 



Name 


State 


Appointed by 


Years 
IN Office 


I John Jay 


New York 


Washington 


1789-1795 


2 John Rutledge 


South Carolina 


Washington 


1795-1795 


3 Oliver Ellsworth 


Connecticut 


Washington 


1796-1800 


4 John Marshall 


Virginia 


Adams 


1801-1835 


5 Roger B. Taney 


Maryland 


Jackson 


1836-1864 


6 Salmon P. Chase 


Ohio 


Lincoln 


1 864-1873 


7 Morrison R. Waite 


Ohio 


Grant 


1874-1888 


8 Melville W. Fuller 


Illinois 


Cleveland 


1888-1910 


9 Edward D. White 


Louisiana 


Taft 


1910- 



TABLE V. THE STATES 





Became 


Land 




1 




Rank in 


1910 






c 










Member 


Area. 


Population 


I-] 


.2 


■§ 


^ 
3 


d 


c 


State 










42 




+^ 


_o 


j= 




or 
Union 


Square 
Miles 


1910 


i 


J2 


3 


"3 


3 


1 










w 





c 


W) 


Ti 










^ 


^ 


03 


< 


W 




^ Alabama 


1819 


51,279 


2,138,093 


12 


18 


30 


17 


48 


27 


Arizona 
^Arkansas 


1912 


113,354 


204,354 


3 


45 


42 


47 


30 


46 


1836 


52,525 


1,574,449 


9 


25 


35 


32 


43 


31 


California 


1850 


155,652 


2,377,549 


13 


12 


II 


25 


4 


6 


. Colorado 
^Connecticut 


1876 


103,658 


799,024 


6 


32 


31 


29 


9 


21 


1788 


4,820 


1,114,756 


7 


31 


12 


40 


5 


19 


v' Delaware 


1787 


1,965 


202,322 


3 


46 


41 


44 


35 


47 


Florida 


184s 


54,861 


752,619 


6 


2>2> 


37 


38 


34 


41 


v7 Georgia 


1788 


58,725 


2,609,121 


14 


10 


24 


5 


44 


22 


Idaho 


1890 


83,354 


325,594 


4 


44 


43 


34 


19 


43 


j Illinois 
^ Indiana 


1818 


56,043 


5,638,591 


29 


3 


3 


I 


8 


3 


1816 


36,045 


2,700,876 


15 


9 


9 


8 


10 


12 


Iowa 


1846 


55,586 


2,224,771 


13 


15 


18 


2 


21 


7 


I Kansas 
^i Kentvicky 
^. Louisiana 


1861 


81,774 


1,690,949 


10 


22 


14 


6 


24 


15 


1792 


40,181 


2,289,905 


II 


14 


20 


21 


42 


17 


1812 


45,409 


1,656,388 


10 


24 


19 


27 


39 


26 


> Maine 


1820 


29,895 


742,371 


6 


34 


27 


35 


22 


33 


^ Maryland 


1788 


9,941 


1,295,346 


8 


27 


15 


31 


36 


18 


"i Massachusetts 
^ Michigan 


1788 


8,039 


3,366,416 


18 


6 


4 


37 


2 


5 


1837 


57,480 


2,810,173 


15 


8 


7 


14 


17 


10 


Minnesota 


1858 


80,858 


2,075,708 


12 


19 


13 


10 


20 


9 


>i Mississippi 


1817 


46,362 


1,797,114 


10 


21 


34 


15 


45 


36 


n] Missouri 


1821 


68,727 


3,293,335 


18 


7 


10 


7 


32 


8 


Montana 


1889 


146,201 


376,053 


4 


40 


36 


36 


16 


34 


Nebraska 


1867 


76,808 


1,192,214 


8 


29 


25 


9 


25 


16 


( Nevada 


1864 


109,821 


81,875 


3 


48 


46 


46 


27 


48 


^ New Hampshire 


1788 


9,031 


430,572 


4 


39 


28 


41 


13 


39 


4 New Jersey 


1787 


7,514 


2,537,167 


14 


II 


6 


32 


7 


II 


New Mexico 


1912 


122,503 


327,301 


3 


43 


47 


45 


40 


44 


- New York 


1788 


47,654 


9,113,614 


45 


I 


I 


12 


3 


I 


"■ North Carolina 


1789 


48,740 


2,206,287 


12 


16 


23 


20 


46 


29 


North Dakota 


18S9 


70,183 


577,056 


5 


37 


44 


II 


18 


35 


•1 Ohio 


1S03 


40,740 


4,767,121 


24 


4 


5 


4 


6 


4 



XXVlll 



Tabic of the Territories 



THE STATES.— Co«//«z*:'(f 





Became 


Land 




H 




Rank in 


1910 






q 








State 


Member 

OF 


Area, 
Square 


Population 
1910 


I 


1 


3 
u 


3 
3 


1 


A 
"S 




Union 


Miles 




1 





C3 


'I 


3 


^ 










W 




1 


< 


W 


i 


Oklahoma 


1907 


69,414 


1,657,155 


10 


23 


40 


19 


31 


24 


Oregon 


1859 


95,607 


672,765 


5 


35 


?,?, 


30 


15 


28 


'^ Pennsylvania 


1787 


44,832 


7,665,711 


38 


2 


2 


13 


23 


2 


Rhode Island 


1790 


1,067 


542,610 


5 


38 


16 


48 


II 


32 


"'' South CaroHna 


1788 


30,495 


1,515,400 





26 


32 


16 


47 


38 


.South Dakota 
"^ Tennessee 


1889 


76,868 


583,888 


5 


36 


45 


22 


26 


37 


1796 


41,687 


2,184,789 


12 


17 


26 


24 


37 


23 


Texas 


1845 


262,398 


3,896,542 


20 


5 


17 


3 


38 


14 


/ Utah 


1896 


82,184 


373,351 


4 


41 


39 


41 


14 


40 


\ Vermont 


1791 


9,124 


355,956 


4 


42 


38 


39 


12 


42 


^ Virginia 


1788 


40,262 


2,061,612 


12 


20 


22 


26 


41 


20 


Washington 


1889 


66,836 


1,141,990 


7 


30 


21 


28 


I 


25 


West Virginia 


1863 


24,022 


1,221,119 


8 


28 


29 


}>?, 


?,?> 


30 


Wisconsin 


1848 


55,256 


2,333,860 


13 


13 


8 


18 


28 


13 


Wyoming 


1890 


97,594 


145,965 


3 


47 


48 


43 


29 


45 






2,973,830 


91,641,197 


531 







1 Report of Russell Sage Eoundation. 

2 Census report for 1904. 

TABLE VI. THE TERRITORIES 



Territory 


Area, 
Square Miles 


Population 


1910 


1900 


Alaska 
Hawaii 
Porto Rico 
Philippine Islands 


590,884 
6,449 

3,435 
115,026 


64,356 

191,909 

1,118,012 


63,590 

154,001 

953,243 

7,635,4261 



1 1903. 
TABLE VII. THE SECTIONS (1790-1860) 





Population 


Senate 


House ^ 


Date 










Free States Slave States 


Free 


Slave 


Free 


Slave 


1790 


1,968,455 


1,961,372 


14 


12 


55 


46 


1800 


2,684,616 


2,621,316 


16 


16 


76 


65 


1910 


3,758,910 


3,480,902 


18 


16 


103 


78 


1820 


5,152,372 


4,485,819 


24 


24 


123 


90 


1830 


7,006,399 


5,848,312 


24 


24 


141 


99 


1840 


9,733,922 


7,334,433 


26 


26 


135 


88 


1850 


13,599,488 


9,663,997 


32 


30 


144 


90 


i860 


19,128,418 


12,315,372 


36 


30 


155 


91 



1 The representation in the House is that based on the census of the year 
mentioned, including only states in the Union in that year. 



INDEX 



Abolitionists, the, 335-336, 342, 

367 ; see also Slavery. 
Acadia, 87, 90, 94, 98. 
Acts of trade, see Navigation acts. 
Adams, C. F., 391, 420. 
Adams, John: before 1797, 135, 146, 
158, 183, 185, 223. 
biography of, 243. 
portrait of, 242. 
president, 242-247. 
Adams, John Q. : before 1824, 261, 
275, 288, 290. 
portrait of, 296. 

president, 295, 296, 297, 298, 305. 
Adams, Samuel, 146, 147. 
Admission of new states, 220, 334, 

map opposite page 538. 
Agriculture: in colonial times, iio- 
III. 
after Civil War, 458-460. 
chart of, 458. 

exports of products of, 460, 556. 
Aguinaldo, 507. 
Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of (1748), 

94, 95- 
Alabama, 285, 375, 418, 419, 439, 

541- 
Alabama, the, 420. 

Claims, 420. 
Alaska, 509. 

boundary, 484. 
Albany Congress, 97. 
Alexander of Russia, 275. 
Alexander VI, Pope, 26. 
.\lger, Russell A., 507. 
Algonquin Indians, 12, 44, 55, 78, 

269. 
Alien acts (1798), 244- 
Allegheny River, French forts on, 

95- 
Alliance, French (1778), 174-175, 
244. 

Farmers', 462-463. 

Holy, 289-290. 
Altgeld, Governor, 560. 
Amendments, see Constitution. 
America, naming of, 29 (maps). 



American Association, 150. 
American Federation of Labor, 559. 
American party, 358. 
Ames, Fisher, 236. 

Amnesty, after Civil War, 433, 435. 
Anderson, Major Robert, 381-382. 
Andre, Major John, 180. 
Andros, Sir Edmund, 79, 80, 81. 
Anglo-Saxons, in colonies, see Col- 
onies, Enghsh, people of. 
AnnapoHs Conference (1786), 200. 
Annexations of territory, 183-186, 
253-256, 288-289, 331-332, 
341-344, 502, 509. 
.Antietam, battle of, 410-41 1, 413. 
Anti-Federalists, 203. 
Anti-Masonic party, 300. 
Anti-rebate laws, 556 n. 
Anti-trust laws, of the states, 551 ; 

of the U.S., 529, 552-554, 555 «• 
Appalachian mountains, 7, 9. 
Appointments to public office, 301- 

302, 467-469. 
Appomattox, 425. 
Apportionment of representatives, 

202. 
Arbitration, industrial, 561. 

national, 488-490, 535. 

treaties, 515. 
Aristotle, views of, 21. 
Arkansas, 334, 384, 417, 435, 439. 
Armada, Spanish, S3, 34, 36. 
Armstrong, John, 262. 
Army: after 1 801, 250. 

American dread of, 138, 192. 

in 1763, 137. 

in Civil War, 382-383, 387-389, 
429. 

in Revolutionary War, 162-164, 
175, 192-193. 

in War of 181 2, 270, 277. 

since 1898, 498, 503, 504. 
Arnold, Benedict, 155, 163, 172. 

treason of, 179-180. 
Arthur, Chester A. 

portrait of, 465. 

president, 465, 476. 



XXX 



Index 



Articles of Confederation, see Con- 
federation. 

Ashburton treaty (1S42), 313-314. 

Asia, trade with, 19-20, 225, 514, 
557- 

Assemblies: beginnings of, 43, 49, 
52, 60. 
development of, 92-93, 144. 

Assistance, writs of, 134-135, 145. 

Assumption of state debts, 234-235. 

Atlanta, capture of, 421-422. 

Atlantic slope, 7, 8, 9, 161 ; see also 
England, colonies of. 

Austerlitz, battle of, 260. 

Australian ballot, 469-470. 

Austria, 289. 

Ayllon, Lucas de, 31. - 

Bacon's rebellion, 74. 
Bahama Islands, 26, 389. 
Balboa, Vasco de, 30. 
Ballinger, 510, 529, 535. 
Ballot, reform of, 469-470, 533. 
Baltimore, city of, 219, 274, 382, 538. 
Baltimore, Lords, 59, 60-61, 82-83. 
Bank: first U.S., 236-237, 279-280. 

second U.S., 279-280, 307-310. 
Banks, colonial, 114. 

present national, 391, 485. 

Western state, 280, 309, 328. 
Baptists, see Churches. 
Barbar>' war, 276-277. 
Bear Flag RepubUc (1846), 346. 
Beauregard, Gen. P. G. T., 385- 
Beef, embalmed, 503. 
Belknap, W. W., 445. 
Bell, John, 372-373- 
Bemis Heights, battles of, 172-173. 
Bennington, battle of, 171. 
Bering Sea controversy, 484. 
Berkeley, Sir John, 69. 
Berkeley, Sir WiUiam, 73-75- 
Berlin Decree (1806), 264. 
Bermuda Islands, 389. 
Bill of rights (1689), 81. 

national, 208. 

state, 160. 
Black Hawk War (1832), 303. 
Black Hills, gold in, 457. 
Blaine, James G. : character of, 466. 

poUtical leader, 464-466. 

portrait of, 466. 
Blair, Montgomerj', 384. 
Bland- Allison Silver Act (1878), 
457, 479- 



Blockade : in Civil War, 5S3, 38^- 

393- 
in War of 1812, 272, 282. 
Blockade rimners, 389, 420. 
Blount, James H., 486. 
Blue laws of Connecticut, 57. 
Board of Trade, 84, 12S, 130. 
"Body of Liberties," 53. 
Bonds, sale of: in Civil War, 391- 

392. _ 
in war with Spain, 502. 
Bonne Homme Richard, the, 177. 
Bonus Bill, 282. 
Border states, 354, 377-378, 383- 

384-412. 
Boss, political, 301, 570. 
Boston: city, 81, loS, 135, 140, 146, 

148, 149, 219. 
in Revolution, 154-155, 156. 
map of, 154. 
massacre, 146. 
port bill, 148. 
tea party, 148. 
Boston News Letter, 1 20. 
Boundaries of U.S., 185, 255-256, 

289, 343-344. 347, 502, 509- 
Bounties: paid by England, 132, 

134, 138. 
paid on sugar (1890), 476. 
Boxer movement in China (1900), 

515, 519- 
Braddock's defeat, 98. 
Bradford, Governor William, 49. 
Bragg, General Braxton, 411, 418- 

419. 
Brandy wine, battle of, 1 70-171. 
Brazil, Portuguese in, 27. 
Breckenridge, John C, 372-373- 
Brewster, William, 48. 
Bristow, B. H., 445. 
Brooklyn Heights, battle of, 167. 
Brooks, Preston, 360. 
BrowTi, General Jacob, 273. 
Brown, John, 360. 
Br>-an, WilUam J., 481-482, 507, 516, 

538. 
Buchanan, President James, 358, 

360, 366, 372, 374-375, 377, 

382, 395- 
Buell, General D. C, 404, 411. 
Buena Vista, battle of, 345. 
Buffalo, Pan-American exposition at, 

526, 569. 
Bull Run, battles of, 384-385, 396,' 

410. 



Index 



XXXI 



Bulwer (Clayton) treaty (1850), 

S10-511. 
Bunker Hill, battle of, 154-155. 
Burgoyne's expedition (1777), i6g, 

171-173- 
Burlingame treaty (1869), 562 n. 
Burnside, General A. E., 411. 
Burr, Aaron, 246, 256-257. 
Business, see Commerce, Industry, 

Panics, Prosperity, Tariff. 

Cabinet, the president's, 213. 

Cable, submarine, 323. 

Cabots, the, 28. 

Cabral, 27. 

Cabrillo, 31. 

Calhoun, John C. : 279, 288. 

and extension of slaverj^ 341, 351. 

and nullification, 305, 306. 

portrait of, 351. 
California: admission of, 349-352. 

conquest of, 325, 334, 346-347. 
Calverts, the, 59-61, 82-83. 
Camden, battle of, 179. 
Campos, General, 495. 
Canada: attempted conquest of 
(1812), 271, 272. 

conquest and government of, 
99-101, 137, 149, 155-156. 

disputes with, 483, 484, 485- w. 

reciprocity with, 535. 

settlement of, 87-88, 93. 
Canals: Erie, 318, 321. 

other state, 318-319, 321. 

proposed national, see Isthmian 
Canal. 
Canary Islands, 25. 
Canning, George, 290. 
Cape Verde Islands, 26, 27. 
Capital of the U.S., 234-235 ; see 

also Washington. 
Caravel of Columbus (picture), 26. 
Carleton, Sir Guy, 156. 
Carolina, 75-76 ; see North Carolina, 

and South Carolina. 
Caroline, Ft., 34-35- 
Carpet baggers, 441-442. 
Cars, private, and the public, 554, 

556 n. 2. 
Cartier, explorations of, 32. 
Cass, Lewis, 348. 
Catholics, see Churches. 
Caucus, use of, 295, 300. 
Cavite, 409- 
Cemetery Ridge, Gettysburg, 416. 



Census, 202 ; see Population. 

Centennial exposition, 548. 

Central America, 28, 30, 355, 487, 

510-514- 
Cervera, Admiral, 500-501. 
Champlain : Samuel de, 87-88. 

portrait of, 87. 
Champlain, Lake, 94, 155, 156, 161, 

169, 171, 273. 
Chancellorsville, battle of, 414. 
Channing, Edward, 354. 
Charles I, and the Puritans, 46, 50- 

51- 
Charles II, 63, 74, 77, 79. 
Charles V, of Spain, :i2>- 
Charleston, 76, 108, 148, 156, 178, 

371, 375. 381, 389, 424- 
Charlestown, Mass., 154-155. 
Charter colonies: control of, 128- 
129. 

map of, opp. 82.' 
Charter of Privileges, Pa. (1701), 71. 
Charters: of 1606, 40, 44. 

revocation of, 44, 78-79, 128-129. 

sea-to-sea, 42, 50, 56, 75. 
Chase, Salmon P., 206, 356, 373, 
381, 440. 

impeachment of, 251-252. 
Chatham, Lord (\Vm. Pitt), 98, 

99, 142. 
Chattanooga, campaigns around, 
418-419. 

map of, 418. 
Checks and balances in U.S. gov- 
ernment, 205-207. 
Cherokee Indians, 302. 
Cherry Valley massacre, 178. 
Chesapeake, the, 259, 269. 
Chicago: exposition at (1893), 569. 

strike in (1894), 560. 

see also, 372, 481, 536, 538, 567. 
Chickamauga, battle of, 419. 
Children's Bureau, 537. 
China: Boxer movement in, 515, 519. 

loan, and "dollar diplomacy," 
542 and n. 2. 

integrity of, 519. 

republic of, 520. 

trade with, 19, 225. 

treaties with, 519 n. 
Chinese exclusion, ^2 n. 
Churches: Anglican, 77, 80, 115, 
116. 

before Civil War, 367. 

Catholic, 60, 81, 116, 223, 224. 



XXXll 



Index 



Churches: early national, 223, 225. 
other colonial, 53, 116. 
Puritan, 46, 50-Si, 53-54, 8°, 
114-116, 224. 
Cibola, seven cities of, 31. 
Cincinnati, 220. 
Cincinnati, Society of, 193. 
Cities: colonial, 108. 
diagram of, 566. 
government of, 331, 442-443, 

569. 
growth of, 219, 331, 566. 
Citizenship, 190, 240, 361, 448. 
Civil Rights acts, (1866) 437, (i 87 5) 

450 n. 
Civil Service reform, 444, 467-469, 

527- 
Civil War: causes of, 378-380. 
changes during, 447-451. 
conditions affecting, 386-395. 
cost and results of, 425, 428-429, 

447-451- 
prosecution of, 399-429. 
summary of campaigns of, 427- 
428. 
Clarendon, Earl of, 63, 75. 
Clark, expedition of Lewis and, 255. 
Clark, George R., 178. 
Clay, Henry : as political leader, 
275, 279, 288, 296, 297, 305, 
307, 308, 342, 351- 
character of, 270. 
compromises of , 287, 307, 35o-35i- 
portrait of, 351. 
Clayton-Bulwer treaty (1850), 510. 
Clermont, the, 317. 
Cleveland, President Grover : first 
term of, 465-467, 468, 470- 
471, 475, 486. 
portrait of, 467. 

second term of, 478, 479, 480-482, 
486, 489-490, 495-496, 560. 
Climate, 3, 4 (map). 
Clinton, De Witt, 318. 
Clinton, Sir Henry, 156, 173, 177, 

178, 182. 
Coaches, 121, 228-229. 
Coal: labor controversies, 561. 

production of, 458. 
Cod fisheries, see Fisheries. 
Coinage, see Silver. 

free, 227-228, 457, 481. 
Cold Harbor, battle of, 422. 
Coligny, Gasper de, 34. 
Colleges, 1 19-120, 572. 



Colombia, negotiations with (1903). 

511, 527- 
Colonial policy, American, 507-508. 
Colonies: American, 508-509. 
Dutch, 65-68. 

English, government of, 92-93, 
124. 
industry in, 110-114. 
other conditions in, 1 15-122. 
people of, 1 04-1 10. 
relations of, to Great Britain, 

70, 83, 127-152. 
settlement of, 36, 41, 48-50, 
56-57, 59, 64-65, 70, 91. 
French, 32, 34, 86-89, 93, 100. 
Spanish, 31, 35, 289. 
Colonists and Indians, see Indians. 
Colorado, 562, 572. 
Columbia, District of, see District. 
Columbia river, 343, 344. 
Columbia, S.C., 424. 
Columbian exposition (1893), 569. 
Columbus, Christopher, 21, 24-28. 

portrait of, 25. 
Columbus, Ky., 401. 
Commerce, Dep't of, 554. 
Commerce: colonial, 110-112, 131- 
135- 
diagrams of, 258, 458. 
early national, 202, 232, 325. 
interstate, 199, 317-322, 463-464, 

552-553. 
interstate commerce act, 463-464, 

528, 553, 556. 
later national, 450, 457-458, 556. 
neutral, 240, 257-266. 
under Confederation, 197 -198, 225. 
see also Panics, Railways. 
Commission government, 571. 
Commission, 552. 

Committees of Correspondence, 147. 
Committee on Rules, 532. 
Common carriers, see Railways. 
Commons, house of, 143-144. 
Communism in colonies, 41, 49. 
Compact theory of the Constitution, 

205, 245, 303, 374. 
Compromises : in Constitutional 
Convention, 201-203. 
Missouri (1820), 286-288. 
over nullification (1833), 306-307. 
over slavery, (1850) 350-353. 
(1861) 375, 377- 
Comstock Lode, 457. 
I Concord, battle of, 154. 



Index 



XXXlll 



Conestoga wagons, 121, 122. 
Confederacy, Southern : character 
of, 376, 3S3, 386, 387, 390, 
393-394- 
failure of, 425, 447-448. 
formation of, 375-376. 
leaders of, after 1865, 433, 439. 
restriction of territory of, map 
opp. 427- 
Confederation: Articles of, 158, i8g- 
192. 
character of, 190-192. 
critical conditions under, 192-199. 
formation of, 159, 189. 
Confederation, New England, 57-59. 
Congregationalists, see Churches, 

Puritan. 
Congress: Albany (1754), 97-98 
during Confederation, 183, 1S9- 
190, 191, 192, 195, 196, 198, 
200, 204. 
First Continental (1774), 149. 
Second Continental (1775), 157" 

160, 163, 165, 176. 
Stamp Act (1765), 141. 
Congress, under Constitution : Ap- 
pendix, 
and colonies, 512. 
and reconstruction, 434-441, 445- 

447. 450- 
creation and organization of, 201- 

202. 206, 210-212, appendix, 

table III. 
increase of powers of, 227, 279- 

281, 447, 450, 506, 553, 554- 
powers of, over slavery, 287, 336, 

356, 361, 371-372, 412, 450. 
Conkling, Roscoe, 464-465. 
Connecticut: colony of, 16, 55-56, 

58, 64, 73, 77, 80, 83. 
state of, 160, 193, 195, 199. 
Connecticut Compromise, 201-202. 
Conservation: Policy, 529; and the 

Distribution of wealth, 573 ; 

of Human Life, 574. 
Constitution of the United States: 

first twelve amendments of, 

208, 247. 
formation of, 200-203. 
implied powers of, 237, 281, 449" 

450. 
later amendments of, (13th) 436, 

448; (14th) 438, 448-449; 

(15th) 439, 448; (i6th) 541; 

(17th) 541. 



method of amendment of, 207-208. 

ratification of, 203-204. 

sources of, 208-209. 

theories concerning, 204-206, 303, 
304, 314-315, 447. 

see also Unwritten constitution. 
Constitution, the, 272. 
Constitution, written, 160, 189, 

204-209, 448, 576. 
Constitutional Union party (i860), 

371- 
Constitutions of the states, 160, 328, 

534 «• 2. 
Continental congresses, see Congress. 
" Continental line," 163. 
Continental money, 165-166. 
Contraband of war, 240, 257, 412. 
Convention: nominating, 300, 342, 
371-372. 

of 1787, 201-203. 

state, 160. 
Convicts in colonial times, 106. 
Conway cabal, 176. 
Cooke, Jay, 558. 
Corinth, Miss., 401, 404. 
Corn, see Maize. 
Cornwallis, General C, 169, 179, 

180-182. 
Coronado, F. V. de, 31. 
Corporations : bureau of, 554. 

control of, 551-555- 

development of, 550-551, and n. 2. 

tax, 544. 
Correspondence, see Committees. 
Corruption, 530-531, 570- 
Cortez, Hernando, 32. 
Cosmographie Introductio, 29. 
Cotton, importance of, 339-340> 

386, 390, 556 n. 3. 
Cotton gin, 222, 339. 
Councils of the colonies, 123. 
County government, 122-123. 
Courts, colonial, 123. 

national, see Supreme Court. 

state, 251. 
Cowpens, battle of, 181. 
Crater, at Petersburg, 423. 
Crawford, W. H., 288, 296. 
Credit Mobilier, 444-445. 
Creek Indians, 274, 302. 
Criminals, 117. 
Crittenden compromise, 377. 
Cuba: American protectorate over, 
516-517- 

insurrections in, 494-496. 



XXXIV 



Index 



Cuba : other relations A^-ith, 26. 
proposed annexation of, 354-355- 
recent relations with, 502, 505, 

516-517. 
war in, 498-502. 
Cumberland Road, 282-283, 318. 
Currency: before Civil War, 113- 
114, 227-228, 280. 
since Cival War, 392-393. 455- 
456, 479. 483- 
Currency Act (1913). 546. 
Customs, collection of, 132-135, 
145 ; see also Tariff. 

Daguerreotype, 323. 
Dartmouth College case, 281. 
Davis (explorer), 35. 
Davis, Jefferson : as president of Con- 
federac3% 376, 387, 394, 422. 

biography of, 376-377. 

portrait of, 376. 
Day, WiUiam R., 483- 
Debt : imprisonment for, 329. 

national, 232, 233-235, 391-392, 

454- 
Debtors' laws, 329. 
Declaration of Independence, 157- 

160. 
Declaration of Rights, (1661) 77, 

(1765) 141, (1774)149-150. 
Declarator\' Act (1766), 142. 
Delaware, 67, 72, 204, 384. 
Demarcation, line of, 27. 
Democracy: in colonial times, 52- 

53, 56, 92, 122-123, 129. 
in early national period, 284, 292, 

299, 326-329. 
in recent times, 563-565, 577- 
Democratic party, see Parties. 
Deposit of public moneys, 309. 
De Soto, F., 32. 
Detroit, 94. 
Dewey, Admiral George, 499-500. 

portrait of, 500. 
Diaz, 518. 

Dickinson, John, 189. 
Dingley Tariff (1897), 478. 
Dinwiddle, Governor, 95. 
Diplomacy: after 1820, 289-291, 

341, 347, 354-355, 483-491. 
before 1820, 184-185, 240-243, 

252-255, 263, 275. 
Direct primar>', 532-533, constitu- 
tional amendment, 541. 
Direct taxes, 202, 236. 



Discovery of America, 24-30, 37. 
District of Columbia, 234-235, 273- 

274,336,350-353,412. 
Disunion, see Secession. 
Doctors, colonial, 114. 
"Dollar diplomacy." 520 n. 
Dollars, see Silver and Currency. 
Dominion of New England, 79. 
Donelson, Fort, 402-403. 
Dongan, Governor, 69. 
Dorchester Heights, 156. 
Dorchester venture, 49. 
Douglas, Stephen A., 355-356, 360, 

368-369, 372-373, 426. 
portrait of, 356. 
Drafts, 388, 394, 395- 
Drake, Sir Francis, 34, 35, 36. 
Dred Scott decision, 360-361, 363, 

366-367, 369, 371, 395- 
Duane, W. J., 309. 
Duquesne, Ft., 95, 97, 98. 
Dutch : commercial rivalrj- of, with 

England, 34, 63-64. 67. 
in Connecticut, 55. 
in Delaware, 67. 
in New York, 65-68. 
Dutch West India companies, 65. 

Early, General Jubal, 423. 

East, trade with, 19. 

East India Company, 34, 148. 

Edison, Thomas A., portrait of, 568. 

Education: after 1800, 329-330. 
in colonial times, 11 8-1 20. 

Educational land grants, 330, 

El Caney, battle of, 501. 

Elections: qualifications for, 123, 
327-328; see also Suffrage, 
reform of, 469-470. 

Elections, presidential, appendix, 
(1789) 209, (1796) 242, (iSoo- 
1801) 246-247 (map), (1824- 
1825) 295-297 (map), (1828) 
298-300, (1832) 308, (1836) 
311, (1840) 311-313, (1844) 
342 (map), ('1848) 348, (1852) 
353, (1856) 358, (i860) 371- 
373 (map), (1864) 426, (1868) 
443, (1872) 444, (1876) 445- 
447 (map), (1880) 464-465, 
(1884) 465-467, (1888) 475, 
(1892) 476, (1896) 481-482 
(map), (1900) 507, (1904) 527, 
(190S) 530, (1912) 538, and 
map, 539- 



Index 



XXXV 



Electoral ''college," 207, 209. 
Electoral Commission (1876), 445- 

446. 
Electoral Count Act (1886), 471. 
Electricity, use of, 322, 568. 
Elizabeth, Queen, 33, 47. 
Elkins Anti-Rebate law, 556 ». 
Emancipation: after 1829, 335, 411, 
413- 
before 1829, 221. 
completion of, 433. 
proclamation of (1863), 413. 
Embargoes: 260-262. 
results of, 262-263. 
Emigrant aid companies, 359. 
Emigration, see Immigration. 
England: after 1760, 135-137, 143- 
144, 150-151, 183, 240, 391. 
colonies of, 9, 36, 40-159; see 

Colonies, 
conditions in, before 1760, 19, 

IZ, 63-64, 80-81, 127. 
contests of, with France, 86, 88, 

89-90, 94-101. 
dispute of, with colonies, 135-15 1. 
first war of, withU.S., 154-186. 
government of colonies of, 92, 

122-123. 
minor controversies of, with U.S., 
before War of 1812, 198, 226, 
232, 239-242, 257-265. 
second war of, with U.S., 269- 

275- 
since i860, 343-344, 390-39i, 420, 
455, 483-484, 488-490, 510. 
treaties of, with U.S., 183-186, 
240-242, 275. 
Enlistments, 163, 387, 388. 
Enumerated articles, colonial, 64, 

132, 133- 
Eratosthenes, views of, 21. 
Ericsson, John, 317. 
Erie Canal, 318, 321. 
Erie, Lake, battle of, 271. 
Erskine treaty, 263. 
Essex, the, 272. 
Europe, see names of dif event 

countries. 
Eutaw springs, battle of, 182. 
Excise taxes, 235, 250, 393, 455, 502. 
Executive departments, 212-214. 
Expansion, 575-578; see also Ter- 
ritorial growth. 
Exploration, in America, 30-36, 
37, 87-89, 255. 



Expositions, 569 n. ; see also Pictures, 

568, 569, 570, 571. 
Expunging resolution (1835), 309. 

Factory system after 1810, 323. 
Farmers' Alliance, 462-463. 
Farms, number of, see Agriculture. 
Farragut, Admiral David G., 405, 

419. 
Federalist, the, 204. 
Federalists, 204, 237-238; see 

Parties. 
Federal system of government, 205- 

206, 447-450, 576. 
Ferdinand I of Spain, 25. 
Ferguson, Major, 180. 
Field, Cyrus W., 323. 
Filibustering in Congress, 476. 
Filibusters, in Cuba, etc., 354-355. 
Fillmore, President Millard, 348, 

352, 358. 
Finance: in Civil War, 383, 391- 

394, 428-429. 
in Spanish war, 502. 
in times of peace, 212, 233-237, 

454-457, 478-483. 
in war of 181 2, 280. 
Revolutionary, 164-166. 
under Confederation, 191, 198- 

199, 236. 
see also Debts, Paper money 

Tariff, Taxation. 
Fiscal bank bill, 313. 
Fiscal corporation, 313. 
Fish, Hamilton, 443. 
Fisher, Ft., 419-420. 
Fisheries, northeastern, 6, 49, 90, 

III, 183, 184, 185, 483-484- 
Fiske, John, quoted, 99. 
Five Forks, 425. 

Five Nations, see Iroquois Indians. 
Flag, first American, 159. 
Florida: exploration in, 30, 31, 32. 
state of, 303, 334, 439, 445. 
territorial changes of, 100, 196- 

197, 253, 255, 288-289, 332. 
Folk, and corruption, 571. 
Foote, Admiral A. H., 404. 
Force Acts, (1808) 261, (1833) 307, 

(1870) 441. 
Foreign affairs, see Diplomacy. 
Forts, French, in West, 88, 94. 
Forty-niners, 349. 
Fox, Charles, 183. 
Fox, George, 69. 



XXXVl 



htdex 



France: ally during Revolution, 
173-175. 182, 183, 185. 
Civil War and since, 390, 391, 488. 
colonization by, 87-89, 93. 
during early national period, 225, 
238-239, 243-244, 253-254, 
260, 265, 2S9. 
European, 18, t^T), 86, 93, 96, 173, 

238. 
explorations by, 10, 16, 87-89. 
wars of, with England, 86, 89-90, 
94-101, 136. 
Franklin, Benjamin: after 1775, 158, 
173-175, 183-185, 201, 229. 
before Revolutionary War, 98, 

139, T42. 
biography of, 173-174. 
portrait of, 174. 
Franklin, "state" of, 196. 
Fredericksburg, battle of, 411. 
Frederick the Great, 169. 
Free coinage, see Silver, 475. 
Freedmen's Bureau, 436-437, 439. 
Freeport debate, 369. 
Free silver movement, 480. 
Free Soil party, see Parties. 
Free trade, 305-306, 324-325. 
Fremont, John C, 346, 359, 412. 
French and Indian wars, 89-90, 94- 

100. 
Friars' lands, control of, 509. 
Friends, see Quakers. 
Frobisher, Martin, 35. 
Frontenac, Count of, 90. 
Frontier, 219-220, 326-327. 
Fugitive Slave Act (1850), 350, 352- 

354- 
Fulton's steamboat, 317. 
Fur trade, 6, 88, 94. 

Gage, General, 154-155. 

"Gag resolutions," 336. 

Gallatin, Albert: 250, 275, 283, 318. 

portrait of, 250. 
Galveston, commission government, 

571. 
Gama, Vasco da, 20. 
Garfield, President James A., 464- 
465- 

portrait of, 464. 
Garrison, William Lloyd, 335. 

portrait of, 335. 
Gaspee affair (1773), 147. 
Gates, General Horatio, 172, 176, 
179. 



Genet, Edward, 239. 
Geneva award, 420 n. 
Genoa, commerce of, 19. 
Geography, influence of, 2-1 1, 161, 
399, 405-407. 
maps showing, i, 4, 5, 11. 
George III, loo, 136-137, 150, 159, 
162. 
portrait of, 136. 
Georgia, 91, 178, 194-195, 302-303, 
375- 
Civil War and Reconstruction in, 
421-422, 424, 439. 
Germans, immigration of, 355. 
Germantown, battle of, 171. 
Germany, 19, 457. 
Gerry, Elbridge, 243. 
Gettysburg, battle of, 415-416 (map). 
Ghent, treaty of (1814), 274-275. 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 36. 
Gin, cotton, 339. 
Goethals, Col. G. W., 513, 514. 
Gold, mining of, 325, 457, 510, 542 

n 2. 
Gold Democrats (1896), 481. 
Gold reserve, 479. 
Gorges's lands, 57, 78-79. 
Gorman- Wilson tariff act (1894), 477- 
Gourgues, de, 35. 

Government : development of na- 
tional, since 1787, 447-450, 
484-486; see also Congress, 
President, and Courts, 
during the Revolution, 160-161. 
local, 122-123, 328. 
national, in 1787, 206-207. 
of the colonies, 92-93, 123. 
present colonial, 508. 
state, since 1787, 328, 533, 534 «., 

563. 
territorial, 195-196, 348, 354, 356. 
under the Confederation, 190-191. 
Governors: colonial, 92-93, 122, 
129, 144. 
French colonial, 93. 
state, 160, 328. 
"Graft," see Corruption. 
Grand Army of the RepubHc, 429. 
"Grandfather" clauses for voters, 

564 n. 
Granger railway laws, 462-463, 551. 
Grant, President Ulysses S. : biog- 
raphy of, 402. 
campaigns of, 401-404, 416-419, 
422-425, 431. 



Index 



xxxvii 



Grant, President Ulysses S. : politi- 
cal career of, 443-445, 464, 
467. 
portrait of, 402. 
Grasse, de, Admiral, 182. 
Great Britain, sec England. 
Great Lakes, 8. 

Greeley, Horace, 330, 412, 444. 
Greenback party, see Parties. 
Greenbacks : constitutionality of, 
455-456. 
issuance of, 392-393, 455, 483- 
see also Paper money. 
Greene, General Nathanael, 163, 
181-182. 
portrait of, 181. 
Green Mountain Boys, 155. 
Grenville, George, 137, 138, 139, 

142. 
Gresham, Walter Q., 479. 
Guilford Court House, battle of, 181. 

Habeas Corpus, writ of, 83, 394, 

395, 426. 
Hague Peace Conference, 516. 
Halifax award, 4S4 n. 
Halleck, General Henry, 404, 410. 
Hamilton, Alexander : biography 

of, 213. 
general, 200, 201, 204, 237, 241, 

242, 256. 
portrait of, 213. 
secretary of the treasury, 213, 

226, 233-237, 265. 
Hamilton, Andrew, 120. 
Hamilton, General (British), 178. 
Hancock, General Winfield S., 464. 
Hanna, Mark, 527. 
Harper's Ferry, 406. 
Harper's Weekly, 443. 
Harrison, President Benjamin, 475, 

485, 486. 
Harrison, President William Henry, 

17, 269, 271, 311-313. 
Hartford Convention, 277-278. 
Harvard College, 119. 

view of, 119. 
Havana, 100, 496, 522. 
Hawaiian Islands, 486, 508. 
Hawkins, Sir John, 35. 
Hay, John, 482, 505, 520, 528. 
Hayes, President Rutherford B., 

445-447. 
Haymarket riot, Chicago, 560. 
Haynes, Senator Robert, 303-304. 



Hay-Pauncefote treaty (1901), 511, 

514- 
Helper's Impending Crisis, 368. 
Hendricks, Thomas, 470. 
Henry, Ft., 402. 
Henry, Patrick, 131, 140. 

portrait of, 140. 
Henry, Prince, of Portugal, 20. 
Henry IV of France, 86. 
Henry letters, 269. 
Hessians, in Revolutionary War, 

158, 162, 168, 171. 
High cost of living, 545. 
Hobkirk's Hill, battle of, 181. 
Holding company, 551 n. 2. 
Holland : colonies of, 6, 65-68. 

general, 48, 177, 183, 225. 
Holy Alliance, 289-290. 
Homestead Act of 1862, 459-460. 
Hong Kong, 499. 

Hood, General John, 422, 423-424. 
Hooker, General Joseph, 414. 
House of Representatives, 202, 206, 

285-286, 296. 
Houses, colonial, 108-110. 
Houston, General Sam, 341. 
Howe, Admiral, 167, 175. 
Howe, General William, 155, 156, 

167, 168, 169, 170, 171. 
Howe's sewing machine, 323. 
Hudson Bay Co., 65, 343, 344. 
Hudson Bay territory, 90. 
Hudson, Henry, 65, 87. 
Hudson, Port, 418. 
Hudson river, 65, 161, 167-168, 

169, 179. 
Huerta, 518. 

Huguenots in America, 76, 105. 
Hull, General, 271. 
Hunter, General, 412. 
Huron-Iroquois Indians, 87. 
Hutchinson, Governor Thomas, 140, 

146. 
Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 54. 

Idaho, 540, 543. 
Illinois, 284, 368, 475. 
Imago Mundi, 21. 
Immigration: diagram of, 565. 

during colonial times, 52, 92, 
104-105. 

early nineteenth century, 333. 

recent, 521, 564-566. 
Impeachment of President Johnson, 
439-441. 



XXXVlll 



hidex 



Impeachments, 251-252, 533 n. 
Impending Crisis, 368. 
Imperialism, 497-498, 507. 
Implied powers of Congress, 237, 255, 
263, 281, 449, 45°, 508, 553- 
Impressment of seamen, 240, 259, 

270. 
Inaugurations, (1789) 210, (1801) 
247-248, (1861) 380, (1893) 
(cut) 479- 
Income taxes, 393, 455, 477, S4i, 545- 
Indented servants, 106. 
Independence: achieved, 184-185. 
Declaration of, 157-160. 
results of, 221-225. 
second war of, 269-275. 
Independent treasury, 309, 311. 
India, contest for, 96, 100. 
Indian territory, 303. 
Indiana, 282, 284. 

Indians: and Whites, 14-17, 36, 
302-303. 
important conflicts with, 16-17. 

77-78, 100, 220, 269, 274. 
location of tribes of (map), 12. 
minor wars with, 16-17, 55, 87, 

303- 
numbers and character of, 11-14. 
removal of, 17, 303. 
see also under names of tribes. 
Indies, trade with, 19. 
Indigo, III. 

Industrial Workers of the World, 562. 
Industries: colonial, 11 2-1 13. 

early national, 226-227, 262, 278, 

304, 323-325, 378. 
recent, 450-451, 453-454, 457. 
460, 550, 558-563, 572. 
Inheritance, laws of, 124, 224, 329. 
Inheritance taxes, 502. 
Initiative, 533. 
Insular cases, 507. 
Insurgent movement, 531. 
Intendants, French, 93. 
Intercolonial wars, 89-90, 94-100. 
Interlocking directorates, 546, 555 n. 
Internal improvements, 282-283, 

328. 
Internal revenue, see Excise taxes. 
Interstate commerce: 199, 317-322. 
Acts regulating, (1887) 463-464, 
556; (1890) 556; (1906) 
528, 555-556. 
Commission, 528, 556 n. 
Intolerable Acts (1774), 148-149. 



Inventions, 322-323, 568. 

Iowa, 334. 

Irish, immigration of, S33- 

Iron, manufacture of, 133, 323, 458, 

551, 556 n.4. 
Iroquois Indians, 12, 15, 67, 69, 87, 

90, 97, 193. ^ 
Irrepressible conflict speech, Sew- 
ard's, 370. 
Irrigation, national law (1902), 527. 
Isabella, Queen, 25. 
Island No. 10, capture of, 403. 
Isthmian canal, 510-514, 527. 

diagrams of, 513. 

tolls, 514. 

view of, 512. 
Italy, dispute with (1891), 521 n. 2. 

Jackson, President xA.ndrew, mili- 
tary career of, 17, 274, 282, 
288. 
political career of, 296, 297, 298- 

302, 306-310, 314. 
portrait of, 299. 
views of, 297. 
Jackson, General T. J. ("Stone- 
wall"), 408-410. 
Jackson, Governor, of Missouri, 

quoted, 383. 
James I, 40, 43, 47. 
James II (Duke of York), 68, 69- 

70, 79, 81. 
Jamestown, 41-42, 74. 
Japan, relations with, 520-522, 

565 n. 
Jay, John, 183, 184, 197, 204, 214. 
portrait of, 241. 
treaty by, 240-242. 
Jefferson, Thomas: biography of, 
248-249. 
general, 147, 158, 159, 195, 213, 

222, 224, 227, 237. 
party leader, 237-238, 242, 245. 
portrait of, 249. 

president, 246-249, 253, 254, 257, 
259, 261, 263. 
Jena, battle of, 260. 
Jesuits, 88, 93. 
Jews, 223. 

Johnson, President Andrew : and 
Congress, 431, 432, 433, 434" 
441. 
character of, 432. 
impeachment of, 439-441. 
portrait of, 432. 



Index 



xxxix 



Johnston, General A. S., 403. 
Johnston, General Joseph E., 385, 

408, 417-418, 421-422, 424, 

425- 
portrait of, 385. 
Joliet, Louis, 88. 
Jones, Commodore Paul, 177. 
Judges, 123, 130, 144, 207. 
Judiciarj^, national, see Supreme 

Court. 
Judiciary act of 1789, 214; of 1801, 

247, 250. 

Kalb, Baron de, 179. 
Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), 356- 

358, 363. 
Kansas: struggle for, 359-360. 

trusts in, 552. 
Kaskaskia, Ft.. 178. 
Kearsarge, the, 420. 
Kenesaw mountain, battle of, 421. 
Kentucky: in Civil War, 384, 411. 

resolutions of (1798-1799), 246. 

settlement of, 178, 220-221. 
Kidd, Captain, 112. 
King, English: and colonies, 53. 

and parliament, 50-51, 81. 

and Puritans, 43-44, 47, 50-51. 
King George's War, 94. 
King William's War, 89-90. 
King's friends, 137. 
Kings Mountain, battle of, 181. 
Kitchen cabinet, Jackson's, 302. 
Kitchen, colonial, 109. 
Klondike, see Alaska. 
Knights of Labor, 559. 
"Know-nothing" party, 358; see 

Parties, political. 
Kosciusko, 163. 
" Ku Klux Klan," 441. 

Labor: Department of. 537, 554. 

Disputes of, with capital, 559-563. 

in colonial times, 113. 

legislation regarding, 562-563. 
Labor party, platform of (1872), 

444. 
Labor unions, 559-560. 
LaFayette, Marquis de, 163, 182. 

portrait of, 182. 
LaFoUette, R., 531. 
Lake Erie, battle of, 271. 
Land cessions of the states, 194-195. 

map of, opp. 185. 
Land laws of colonies, 124. 



Lands, public, 124, 282, 309-310, 
315, 320, 325-326, 529, 535 
and n. 2, 573. 
Lane, Ralph, 36. 
La Salle, R. C, Sieur de, 88-89. 
Laud, Archbishop, 51. 
Law: colonial, 123-124. 

early state, 222, 223, 224, 327-329. 

recent state, 532-534> 54i, 55i. 
563. 
Lawrence, Kan., 360. 
Law's Mississippi Bubble, 89. 
Lawyers, colonial, 114. 
Leadville, Col., 458. 
Lecompton constitution (1857), 360. 
Lee, General Charles, 177. 
Lee, General Robert E., biography 
of, 409 n. 

campaigns of, 385, 409-411, 414- 
416, 422-425. 

portrait of, 409. 
Lee, R. H., 158, 203. 
Legal Tender Cases, 455-456. 
Legislature: colonial, 92, 123, 141. 

state, 160, 328. 
Leisler's rebellion (1689), 82. 
Leon, Ponce de, 30. 
Leopard, the, 259. 
Lewis and Clark expedition (1805) 

343- 
Lexington, battle of, 154. 
Lexow investigation, 570. 
Libby prison, view of, 425. 
Liberal Repubhcans (1872), 444. 
Liberator, the, 335. 
Liberty: civil, 53, 83, 120. 

political, see Suffrage. 

religious, see Religious freedom. 
Liberty party, see Parties. 
Liberty, seizure of the, 146. 
Liliuokalani, Queen of Hawaii, 486. 
Lincoln, General Benjamin, 178, 

199. 
Lincoln, President Abraham : biog- 
raphy of, 368-369. 

death of, 426-427. 

debates of, with Douglas, 369. 

emancipation by, 411-413. 

portrait oi, frontispiece, 381. 

president, 373, 380-381, 382, 383, 
395, 396, 408, 411-413, 426- 
427. 

views of, on union and slaverj', 
369-370, 380, 412-413. 
Little Belt affair, 269. 



xl 



Indc\ 



Livingston, Edward, 307. 
Livingston, R. R.. 158, 253-254. 
Loans, government, see Finance. 
Local government, sec Cities and 

Government. 
Locke's Fundamental Constitutions, 

75- 
London Company (1606), 40, 41, 43- 

44. 
Long Island, battle of, 167-168. 
Lookout Mountain, battle of, 418, 

419. 
"Loose construction" of the Con- 
stitution, see Implied powers. 
"Lords of Trade," 84, 128. 
Louisburg, 94, 98. 
Louisiana: changes in (i 763-1 802), 

100, 232, 253, 274. 
French colony of, 89. 
purchase of, 253-256, 286-288, 

332, 361. 
state of, 375, 435, 439, 442, 445, 

564 n. 
Louis XIV of France, 89, 90. 
Louis XV of France, 94. 
Louis XVI of France, 238. 
Lovejoy, Elijah, 335. 
Lowell, J. R., quoted, 427. 
Loyalists, revolutionary, 164, 17 8, 

179, 180, 184, 1S5, 197-198. 
Lundy's Lane, battle of, 273. 
Lyon, Capt. N., 384. 
Lyon, Matthew, 245. 

MacDonough. Captain Thomas, 

273- 
Machine, political, 300, 532-533, 570 ; 

see also Spoils system. 
Macon Bill, No. 2, 264. 
Madero, 518. 
Madison, President James, before 

1809, 200, 201, 204, 212, 224, 

234, 236, 249. 
president, 263, 264, 270, 274, 

288. 
Magellan, Fernando, 30. 
Mails, 122, 229, 330. 
Maine: boundary dispute of (map). 
colony of, 57, 58, 78-79- 
state of, 286, 313-314. 
Maine, destruction of the, 522. 
Maize, Indian, 5-6, 15, no. 
Manassas Junction, Va., 385. 
Manila, 499, 500, 502. 
Mann, Horace, 330. 



^lanufactures : chart of, 458. 

colonial, 11 2-1 13, 133. 

earl.v national, 262, 324. 

protection of, 279, 304-305; see 
also Tariff, after 1S60. 

recent, 451, 453, 45S, 556-557- 

taxes on, 393. 
March to sea, Sherman's, 424. 
Maria Theresa, 96. 
Marion, General Francis, 179. 
Marquette, Father, 88. 
Marshall, John, C.J., 243, 247, 
251, 281, 302. 

portrait of, 251. 

work of, 251. 
Mary, Queen, see William III. 
Maryland: in Civil War, 384, 411, 
433- 

settlement of, 59-61, 72, 82-83, 
189, 200, 209, 224. 
Mason, John, 57. 
Mason and Dixon's line, 72. 
Massachusetts: colony of, 56, 57, 
59, 76-82. 

in revolutionary period, 141, 146, 
148-149, 150, 151, 154-156. 

settlement of, 50-54. 

state of, 160, 193, 195, 199, 204, 
219. 
Massachusetts Government Act, 

148. 
Massacre, Boston, 146. 
Matches, friction, 323. 
Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 

488, 518. 
Mayflower, 48. 
Mayflower compact, 48. 
McClellan, General George B., 
385, 408-411, 426. 

portrait of, 410. 
McCuUock vs. Maryland, 281, 308. 
McDowell, General Irvin, 385, 408. 
McHenry, Ft., 274. 
McKinley, President William, 469, 
481-483, 507-509. 

character of, 526. 

portrait of, 483. 
McKinley Tariff (1890), 476. 
McMaster, John B., quoted, 219 n. 
Meade, General G. G., 414, 415. 
Memphis, Tenn., capture of, 404. 
Menendez, Pedro, 34-35. 
Merchant adventurers, 48. 
Merchant marine, see Shipping. 
Merrimac, the (1898), 500. 



Index 



xli 



Merrimac and Monitor (1862), 407. 
Merritt, General Wesley A., 500. 
Mexican War, 344-347. 
Mexico, 341, 343, 344-347, 487, 518, 

542. 
Michigan, 271, 320, 334, 458. 
Midnight judges, 247. 
Milan Decree (1806), 260, 264. 
Miles, General N. A., 501. 
Military Reconstruction Acts, 438- 

439- 
Militia, use of, 138, 151, 154, 235, 

382. 
Mills Tariff Bill, 475. 
Mining, 457-458; see also Gold, etc. 
Ministers, colonial, 114. 
Ministries, English (1660-1782), 137, 

142, 145, 183. 
Minnesota, 360. 
Minute men, 154. 
Missionary Ridge, battle of, 418. 
Missions among Indians, 32, 88. 
Mississippi basin : contest over, in 

colonial times, Q4-95, 100. 
during early national period, 178, 

184, 232, 252-257, 274. 
French in, 10, 88-89. 
geography of, 4, 5. 7-8, 32. 
in Civil War, 399-405, 4it)-4i9 

(maps). 
Mississippi Bubble, 89. 
Mississippi River, navigation of, 

184, 185, 196. 
Mississippi (state), 284, 375, 404, 

416-418, 439. 
Missouri, 284-286, 334, 383-384, 

433, 529- 
Missouri Compromise line, 287, 348, 

355-357, 362, 377- 
Missouri compromises, 286-288 

(map). 
Mobile, battle of, 419. 
Molasses Act (1733), i33- 
Money, see Currency, Paper money, 

and Silver. 
"Money trust," see Trust. 
Monitor and Merrimac, 407. 
Monmouth, battle of, 177. 
Monopohes, see Trusts. 
Monroe, President James, 253, 254, 

289-291. 
portrait of, 290. 
Monroe Doctrine: original, 277, 

289-291. 
present, 488-491, 509. 



Montcalm, Marquis de, 98, 99. 

Monterey, Cal., 346. 

Montgomery, Ala., 376. 

Montgomery, General Richard, 155, 

^Montreal, So- 

Monts, de, 87. 

Morgan, General Daniel, 163, 173, 

181. 
Mormons, 563 n. 
Morrill tariff (i860), 391, 393. 
Morris, Gouvemeur, 201, 203. 
Morris, Robert, 201, 227. 

portrait of, 191. 
Morse, S. F. B., 322 (portrait). 
"Mugwumps," 466. 
Murfreesboro, battle of, 411. 
]\Iusk.hogean Indians, 13. 

Napoleon I, 244, 253-254, 264, 266, 

273, 289. 
Napoleon III, 488. 
Narragansett Indians, 78. 
Naivaez, P. de, 31. 
Nashville, battle of, 423-424. 
Nast, Thomas, 443 (cartoon). 
Nation, American: 2, 205, 576-578. 
after Civil War,. 447-451. 
relation of, to states, 205-206, 

578. 
National Banking Act, (1863) 392, 

(1913) 546. 
Nationality : contest of, with state 

sovereignty, 204-205, 340, 

378, 379-380, 447. 
increase of, after 1815, 275-284, 

292, 298-300. 
National road, 282-283, 321. 
Naturalization Act (1798), 244. 
Natural resources of the United 

States, 3, 6-7 ; see Mining, 

Agriculture, etc. 
Navigation Acts, colonial, 63-64, 74, 

78, 131-135, 157- 
Navy: in Civil War, 389-390, 402, 

404-405, 407, 419-420. 
in Revolutionary War, 176-177, 

182. 
in Spanish War, 496-502. 
in War of 1812, 271, 272-273. 
Nebraska Bill, 355. 
Negroes, 432-433, 436-437, 438, 

441—442, 448; see also 

Slavery. 
Negro suffrage, 439, 564 n. 
Netherlands, see Holland. 



xlii 



Index 



Neutrality : proclamation of, 239. 

rights of, 240, 257-265, 276. 
Nevada, 457. 
New Amsterdam, 66, 67-68. 

view of, 66. 
New England: colonial conditions 
in, 104, 105, 110-113, 115, 
116, 119, 122—123. 
during national period, 221, 224, 

261, 277-278, 345. 
during revolutionary period, 150, 

158, 160, i6g. 
first settlement of, 44-59- 
map, 58. 

political problems of (i 660-1 691), 
76-83. 
New England Confederation, 57-59- 
New France, 87-88, 93, 100; see also 

Canada. 
New Hampshire, 57, 79, 160, 308. 
New Haven, 56. 
New Jersey, 69, 130, 168-169, 178, 

199, 210. 
New Mexico, 334, 347, 350, 352, 

534 » 2. 
New Netherland, 65-68. 
New Orleans, 89, 100, 253, 274 
(map), 521 n 2. 
capture of, 404-405. 
New Sweden, 67. 

New York: colony of, 65-69, 73, 82, 
83, 114, 120, 122, 130, 145. 
since 1783, 191, 193-194, 199, 209, 

224, 318, 319, 466. 
state of, in Revolution, 160, 167- 
168, 169, 171-173, 179; map 
of, 167. 
New York City: before 1775, 108, 
112, 141, 148. 
corruption in, 442-443, 570. 
in Revolution, 161, 167-168, 169. 
since 1783, 210, 331, 566-567, 
570. 
New York Sim, 330; Tribune, 330, 

408,412; Times, 44i. 
Newburgh address, 193. 
Newfoundland, 90, 484; see also 

Fisheries. 
Newport, R. I., 177. 
Newspapers, 229, 329-330. 
Niagara, 94, 273. 

Nicaragua canal, see Isthmian canal. 
Nicholson, Governor, 82. 
Nicollet, Jean, 88. 
Nobel Peace Prize, 516 n., 528. 



Nominating conventions, 300. 
Non-importation agreements, 142, 

146. 
Non-intercourse acts, 263-264. 
North : and state sovereignty, 255, 
278, 303-304- 
border wars of, 89-90, 94-100. 
colonial problems of, 76-84. 
comparison of, with South (1861), 

386-395. 
industrial development of, since 

1865, 457-460, 550. 
industrj' in (colonial), 110-114. 
opposition of, to slavery exten- 
sion, 285-288, 347, 352, 357, 
359. 366-367. 
Revolutionary War in, 154-157, 

167-173, 177- 
settlement of, 44-59, 65-73. 
transportation problems of, 461- 

464. 
war in (1812-1814), 270-273; 
map, 271. 
North, Lord, 145, 151, 175, 183. 
North CaroHna, 28, 181, 193, 195, 

196, 204, 234, 439. 
Njorthern Securities Case (1904), 

529, 553- 
statistics of (1790-1860), ap- 
pendix. Table VII. 

Northwest territory, 195-196. 

Nueces River, 341. 

Nullification, (1799) 246, (1814) 
27S, (1828) 306-307, (1832) 
315, (after 1850) 354. 

Officeholders, 129-130, 223, 328. 

Oglethorpe, James E., 91. 

Ohio, 220, 271. 

Ohio valley, struggle for, 94, 95, 98. 

178. 
Oil, see Petroleum. 
Olney, Richard, 489. 
Ontario, Lake, 94, 272. 
Orders in Council, English (1806- 

1807), 260. 
Ordinance of 1787, 195-196, 223. 
Oregon : state of, 445. 

territory of, 343-344, 348. 
Oregon, the, 499 n. 

view of, 499. 
Orinoco River, 28, 490, 492. 
Orleans, Isle of, 100, 253. ^ 

Ostend Manifesto, 354-355- 
Oswald, Richard, 184. 



Index 



xliii 



Oswego, Q4. 
Otis, James, 135. 
portrait of, 135. 

Pacific Ocean: commerce of, 514. 
control of coasts of, 35, 291, 343- 

344, 346. 
in colonial times, 30, 35. 
recent political problem of, 521, 
522. 
Pacific railways, 444, 460-461. 
Paducah, Ky., 401. 
Paine's Comwo» 5c;z5e, 158. 
Pakenham, General, 274. 
Palma, President of Cuba, 517. 
Panama, Republic of, 511-512, 527. 
Panama Canal, see Isthmian canal. 
Pan American Congresses, 487. 
Panics, (1819) 324, (1837) 310-311, 
324, (1857) 325, (187.5) 454, 
558, (1893) 558, (1907) 530, 
5S8. 
Paper money : Civil War, 392-3Q3, 
455- 
colonial, 114, 131. 
Confederation, 198-199. 
present, 455-456, 481, 483. 
Revolutionary, 165-166. 
Parcel post, 537. 
Pardon, see Amnesty. 
Paris, treaties of, (1763) 99-100, 

(1783) 183-186, (1898) 505. 
Parker, Judge Alton B., 528. 
Parkman, Francis, quoted, 13-14. 
Parliament: and the colonies, 83- 
84, 131-133, 138, 139-140, 
144-145, 148-149- 
and the king, 50-51, 81. 
Parson's Cause, 130-131. 
Parties, political : Anti-FederaUst 
(1787-1788), 203. 
Anti-Masonic, 300. 
Constitutional Union, 372-373. 
Democratic (1828-1854) : his- 
tory of, 298, 301, 308, 311- 
313, 314, 342, 348, 353, 357- 
principles of, 297-298. 
Democratic, since 1854: general 
history of, 359, 371-373, 426, 
444, 445-447, 454, 464-467, 
476-480, 481-482, 507, 528, 
538, 544- 
on slavery, 358, 360, 371. 
position of, on tariff, 464-465, 
474, 544- 



Federalist: fall of, 277-278 
formation of, 237-238. 
history of, 242-243, 245, 246- 
247, 254, 261. 
Free Soil, 348, 353, 358. 
Greenback, 456. 
Know-nothing, 358. 
Labor, 444. 
Liberty, 342. 
"Mugwumps," 456. 
National Republican, 297, 298; 

see also Whig. 
Old Republican (to 1828) : forma- 
tion of, 237-238. 
history of, 242-243, 245, 246- 
252, 255, 263, 270, 279, 295- 
297. 
People's (PopuHst), 481. 
Prohibition, 466. 
Republican : formation of, 358. 
general history of, 359, 371-373, 
426, 443, 444, 445-447, 464- 
467, 474, 481-484, 507-509, 
534-539- 
position of, on slavery, 358-359, 

371, 372. 
position of, on tariff, 464-465, 
476-478. 
Whig: principles of, 297. 

history of, 308, 311-313, 314, 
342, 348, 353, 358. 
see also Elections, presidential. 
Parties and the government, 577. 
Patroon system, 65-66. 
Paulus Hook, capture of, 178. 
Payne-Aldrich tariff, 535, 542. 
Peace Congress (i 861), 377; see also 

Hague Peace Conference. 
Pea Ridge, battle of, 384. 
Pemberton, General J. C, 417-418. 
Pendleton Act, 468. 
Peninsular campaign (1862), 408- 

409- 
map of, 408. 
Pensacola, Fla., 89, 288. 
Penn, William, 70-71. 

portrait of, 70. 
Pennsylvania: boundaries of, 72-73 
(map), 
colony of, 70-73, 105, 114, 116, 

117, 120. 
rebellion in (1794), 235- 
state of, 221, 235, 319, 415-416, 
458. 
"Pennsylvania Dutch," 105. 



xliv 



Index 



People of colonies, 104-106. 

People's Party, sec Parties. 

Pepperell, William, 94. 

Pequod Indians, 55. 

Perdido River, 2SS. 

Perry, Commodore, and Japan, 521. 

Perry's victory on Lake Erie, 271. 

Perryville. battle of, 411. 

Personal liberty laws, 354, 374. 

Pet banks, 309-310. 

Petersburg, siege of, 424-425. 

Petitions, slavery, 336. 

Petroleum, 456, 556 n. 4; see also 

Standard Oil Company. 
Philadelphia, 71, 148, 149, 219, 235. 

during Revolutionary War, 157, 
169-171, 177. 

exposition in, 569 n. i. 
Philip II of Spain, 33, 34, 3S- 
Philip, King (Indian), 16, 77-7S. 
Philippine Islands: acquisition of. 
503-504, 506-508, 509. 

discovery of, 30. 

government of, 508-509. 
Pierce, President Franklin, 353. 
Pilgrims, 48-49. 
Pinchot, 538 and n. 2. 
Pinckney. C. C, 201, 243, 246, 247. 
Pinckney, Thomas, 242, 252. 
Pine tree shiUings, 77. 
Piracy in colonial times, 112. 
Pitt, William, see Chatham. 
Pittsburg, 220, 559. 
Pittsburg Landing, 403. 
Pizarros, 32. 

Plassey, battle of (India), 100. 
Piatt Amendment (Cuba, 1901), 

519 »• 
Plattsburg, battle of, 273. 
Plymouth colony, 48-49, 78, 82. 
Plymouth Company, 40, 44. 
Polk, President James K., 342, 345, 
347, 354- 

portrait of, 346. 
Polygamy, 563 «. 2. 
Pontiac, conspiracj' of, 16, 100, 138. 
Pools, railway, 551 n. 2. 
Pope, the, and America, 26. 
Pope, General John, 403, 410. 
Popham colony, 44. 
Popular sovereignty, 348, 355^356, 

359. 360, 369. 
Population: (1750) 104, (1800) 218, 
32s, 326, (1850) 331-333. 
(1861)386,(1910)566-567. 



Population, density of (maps), (1750) 
104, (1800) 218, (1850) 332, 
567. 
Port Hudson, 418. 
Port Royal, S.C, 404. 
Portages, Indian, 10, 11. 
Porter, Commodore David D., 405. 
Porto Rico, 505, 506, 507-508. 
Portugal, 20, 26, 27. 
Postal savings bank, 537. 
Post Office: administration of, 122, 
229, 330. 
corruption in, 445, 546. 
extended service, 466, 537. 
Potomac River, 200. 
Poverty, 573. 

Prescott, Colonel William, 154. 
President : election of. 206, Appen- 
dix, Tables I, II. 
powers of, 207, 300, 395, 449- 
450. 
President, the, 269. 
Presidential dictatorship, 395. 
Presidential elections, sec Elections, 

presidential. 
Presidential Election Act, 470. 
Press, free. 120. 
Prices, 545 n. i. 
Primary reform, 532-533- 
Princeton, battle of, 169. 
Princeton college, 120. 
Printing press, 323, 330. 
Prisons, 329. 

Privateering, 272. 389, 419-420. 
Proclamation line (1763). 100, 193, 

219. 
Proclamation of Emancipation, 413. 
Professions, 114-115. 
Proprietary government, 59, 70, 75- 
Prosperity, 324-325, 5 5 8. 
Providence, colony of, 54-55 ; ^c^ 

Rhode Island. 
Prussia, 96, 225, 289. 
Ptolemy, views of, 21. 
Public debt, see Debt, pubHc. 
Public lands, see Lands, public. 
Public Occurrences, 120. 
Public schools, see Education. 
Puget Sound boundary, 484 n. 2. 
Pullman strike (1S94), 560. 
Puritans: in England, 43, 46-47, 
50-51- 
in New England, 50-59. 76-79, 
104. 
Pythagoreans, views of, 21. 



Index 



xlv. 



Quakers, 69-71, 76, 222, 336. 
Quartering Act, (1765) 140, (1774) 

149. 
Quebec Act (1774), 149, 193. 
Quebec (city), capture of (1759), 99- 
Queen Anne's War, 90. 

Railways: consolidation of, 320, 

551,555, map opp. 556. 
control of interstate, 463-464, 471, 

553, 555- 
control of state, 461-463, 471, 553. 
earliest, 319-320, 386, 400. 
importance of, 322. 
West and, 444, 460-461. 
Rainfall, 4. 

Raisin River, massacre at, 271. 
Ralegh, Sir Walter, 36 (portrait). 
Randall, Samuel J., 476. 
Randolph, Edward, 79. 
Randolph, John, 252. 
Rates, railway, diagram of, 462 ; 

see also Railways, control of. 
Reapers, first, 323. 
Rebates, railway, 461, 556 and n. 
Recall, 534. 

"Reciprocity," 478, 480, 517, 535. 
Reconcentrado policy, 495. 
Reconstruction : and Congress, 436- 

438. 
military, 438-439. 
presidential, 434-436. 
problems of, 432-434. 
results of, 441-442, 447-451. 
Redemptioners, 106. 
Reed, Thomas B., 532. 
Referendum, 534. 
"Regulators" (1774), i47 '^• 
Religious freedom, 54-55, 60, 71, 

76, 91, 116, 196, 224-225, 

329- 
Religious intolerance, colonial, 53- 

54, 76, 81, 91, 116. 
Removals from office, 249, 301-302, 

440, 470-471- 
Representation and taxation, 141, 

143-144- 
Repressive acts (1774), 148-149. 
Republican party, see Parties, polit- 
ical. 
Requisitions on states, 165, 191. 
Resolutions, Kentucky, 245-246. 
Restoration (1660), 63-65, 73. 
Resumption of specie payment, 

455-456- 



Revenue, see Finance, Tariff, Taxa- 
tion. 
Revolution, American : causes of, 
135-152. 
chief military events of, 167-173, 

178-182. 
conditions affecting, 161-166, 173- 

175- 
results of, 223-225. 
treaty concluding, 183-186. 
Revolution of 1688, English, 81. 
Revolutions of 1689, American, 80, 

81-84. 
Rhode Island : colony of, 54-55, 
58,64,77,78,80,83,147. 
state of, 160, 198-199, 203, 204. 
Ribaut, Jean, 34, 35. 
Rice, 6, 133. 
Richeheu, Cardinal, 88. 
Richmond, campaigns against, 407- 

409, 422-425. 
Rivers in Civil War, 399-401, (map) 

400. 
Roads, local, 121, 228, 320, 321. 

national, 321. 
Roberval's colony, a- 
Rockingham ministries, 142, 183. 
Rocky Mountains, the, 7, 255, map 

and n. 
Roosevelt, Theodore : character of, 
526-527. 
portrait of, 526. 
president, 507, 526-530. 
presidential candidate, 538. 
Root, Elihu, 504, 528. 

portrait of, 503. 
Rosecrans, General William S., 385, 

418-419. 
"Rough Riders," 505. 
Round Top, Gettysburg, 415. 
Royal colonies, control of, 92, 129. 
"Rule of 1756," 240, 258. 
Rum, III, 139. 

Russia, 289, 343, 391, 509-510. 
Russo-Japanese War, 528. 
Ryswick, treaty of (1697), 90. 

Salem, witchcraft, 117. 
Salisbury, Lord, 489. 
Samoa, 485. 
Sampson, Admiral W. T., 499. 

portrait of, 498. 
San Domingo, 26, 254, 444. 
San Francisco, 19 15, exposition view, 
571- 



xlvi 



Index 



San Jacinto, battle of, 341. 

San Juan, battle of, 501. 

Sandford vs. Scott, 360-362 ; see 

also Scott, Dred. 
Sandys, Sir Edwin, 43. 
Sanitary Commission, 389. 
Santa Anna, President of Mexico, 

340, 341, 346. 
Santiago de Cuba, 500 (map). 
Santo Domingo, 490. 
Saratoga, surrender at, 173. 
Savannah, 178, 424. 
Savannah, the, 317. 
Schley, Admiral W. S., 499. 
Schools, see Education. 
Schuyler, General P., 171, 172. 
Scotch in America, 76. 
Scotch-Irish in America, 105. 
Scott, Dred, case of, 360-362, 363, 

366-367. 
Scott, General Winfield, 345, 346, 

353, 374- 
Seal fishery, Alaskan, 484. 
Sea to sea charters, 42, 50, 64, 75, 

91, 193- 
Search, right of, 240, 259-260. 
Secession, causes of, 339-340, 378- 
380. 
early suggestions of, 255, 307. 
failure of, 433-434. 
progress of, 373-377, 383-384- 
Sections, Appendix, Table VHI. 
Sedition Act (1798), 245. 
Seminole Indians, 303. 
Senate : organization of the, 202, 
206. 
powers of, in appointments, 440, 

471. 
powers of, in treaty, 285, 286. 
Senators, direct election of, 541 . 
Separatists, 46, 47, 48-49. 
Seven Years' War, 95-100. 
Seward, William H. : political leader, 
373, 380-382, 391, 431, 488. 
speeches of, on slavery, 351-352, 
370. 
Sewing machine, 328. 
Shays's Rebellion, 199. 
Shelburne, Lord, 183, 184. 
Shenandoah Valley, in Civil War, 

405-407, 408, 423. 
Sheridan, General P. H., 423, 425, 

488. 
Sherman John, 421 n., 456, 483. 
Sherman, Roger, 158, 201. 



Sherman, William T., character of, 

421. 
campaigns of, 404, 421-422, 423- 

425- 
Sherman Anti-Trust Act (1890), 

552-554- 
Sherman Silver Act (1890), 478-479. 
Sherman's march to the sea, 424. 
Shiloh, battle of, 403-404. 
Ship-building, colonial, 111-112, 113, 

132. 
Ship-money, 51. 
Shipping, 111-112, 420, 556-557, 

and n. 
Short ballot, 533. 
Silver: Act of 1873, 456, 457. 

Bland-Allison Act (1878), 457, 

479- 
coins before Civil War, 228. 
first coinage act, 227. 
Free Silver movement. 480-482. 
law of 1900, 483. 
mining of, 457. 

Sherman Act (1890), 478-480, 
558. 
Six Nations, see Iroquois. 
Slave trade, 35°, 353- 
Slaver>': aboHtionists and, 335- 
336, 367- 
aboHtion of (1865), 432-433. 
colonial, 107-108. 
discussion over, in convention, 

202-203. 
during Civil War, 411-413. 
emancipation, after 1776, 221- 

222, 335. 
extension of (1844-185 7) (maps), 

362. 
importance of, to South, 339~ 

340- 
in compromise of 1850, 350-353. 
in connection with Civil War, 369- 

370, 377-380. 
in Dred Scott case, 360-362, 363, 

366-367. 
in Kansas-Nebraska Act, 355- 

358. 
in Missouri discussion, 284-288. 
introduced, 42, 91. 
question of extension of, to ter- 
ritories, 195, 196, 340, 345, 
347-363- 
see Fugitive slaves. Emancipation. 
Sloat, Commodore, 346. 
Slum problem, 569. 



Index 



xlvii 



Smith, Captain John, 41-42. 

portrait of, 41. 
Smith, Joseph, 475. 
SmuggHng, colonial, 134, 146, 148. 
Social conditions, (1750) 105-107, 
(1800) 218-223, (1850) 329- 
334, (later) 563-575, 5^3 
n. I. 
Social reforms, 221-225, 329, 537. 
Soldiers: American, 163,^ 192. 
British, 162. 
Northern, 388-389, 429. 
Southern, 387, 429. 
Sons of Liberty, 141. 
Soto, Hernando de, 32. 
South: and secession, 307, 373-376, 
378-380, 447-448. 
and slavery, 335-336, 339-340, 
347, 351, 354-355, 357, 359, 
361-363, 367-368, 371-373, 
378-379, 448. _ 
and state sovereignty, 245-246, 

303-307, 379-380, 447. 
and the tariff, 305-306. 
conditions in, no, 119, 121, 123. 
railway map of, 400. 
recent progress of, 459. 
reconstruction in, 431-442, 445- 

447- 
resources of, in war, 386-391, 393- 

394- 
Revolutionary War in, 156, 178- 

182 ; map, 180. 
settlement of, 34-37, 40-44, 59- 

_ 61, 73-76, 91. 
social classes in, 105-107. 
statistics of (1790-1860), Ap- 
pendix, Table VII. 
war in, 381-429. 

war maps of, 401, 403, 406, 417, 
418, 428. 
South America, 27, 28, 29, 487, 489, 
490, 557 ; see also Monroe 
Doctrine. 
South CaroHna, colony of, 76, 107, 
108, III. 
in Revolutionary War, 156, 164, 

178-179, 180-182. 
nullification in, 305-307. 
general, 193, 195, 382, 439, 445, 

564 n. 
secession of, 373-374, 395- 
South CaroHna Exposition, 305. 
South Dakota, 458. 
South Sea, see Pacific. 



Sovereignty, disputed between na- 
tional and state, see Nation. 
Spain: colonies of, 31, 289. 

controversy with, over Florida, 

197, 232, 288, 289. 
discoveries by, 24-30. 
dispute with, over Mississippi 

River, 196, 252-253. 
European, 18, 25, 33, 343. 
explorations by, 30-32. 
treaties with, (1795) 252, (1819) 

289, (1898) 502. 
wars of, with England, 90, 91, 94, 

100, 177. 
war with, 494-504. 
Spanish-American Republics, 290, 

487. 
Speaker of the House, Appendix, 

Table III. 
Specie circular, 310. 
Specie payments, resumption of, 456. 
Spoils system, 301, 314, 467. 
Spottsylvania, battle of, 424. 
Stage coaches, 122, 229. 
Stamp Act (1765), 139-143. 
Stamp Act Congress, 141. 
Siar of the. West, the, 382. 
St. Augustine, 35. 
St. Clair, General, 220. 
St. Lawrence Basin, 8, 10, 87, 99, 

100. 
St. Leger, Colonel, 1 71-172. 
St. Louis, 384, 571, 570 (view of 

exposition) . 
Standard Oil Company, 461, 551 n. 

J and 2, 552. 
Standish, Captain Miles, 49. 
Stanton, Edwin M., 381, 440. 
Stanwix, Ft., seizure of, 172. 
Stark, General John, 171. 
" Star- Spangled Banner," 274. 
State sovereignty, 190, 204-205, 
245-246, 303-304, 376, 379- 
380, 447. 
States: admission of new, 220-221, 
334, 534 n. 
constitutions and governments of, 

160-161, 328, 534 n., 551. 
first organized, 160. 
local governments of, 328. 
political and social changes in, 
221-225, 326-329, 551, 533- 

534, 541- 
position of, under Confederation, 
190-191, 199. 



xlviii 



Index 



States : reconstruction of southern, 
432-439. 
relation of, to nation, 205, 447- 

448. 
statistics of, at present. Appendix, 
Table V. 
Steamboats, 317, 31 8, 321. 
Steel trust, 551 ; see also Iron. 
Stephens, Alexander H., 375, 376, 

377- 
Steuben, Baron, 163, 176. 
Stevens, Thaddeus, 434 (portrait). 
Stevenson's engine, 319. 
Stocks, punishment by, 116. 
Stockton, Commodore, 346. 
Stone River, battle of, 411. 
Stony Point, capture of, 178. 
Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, 354. 
"Strict Construction," see Constitu- 
tion. 
Strikes, 559-562. 
Stump speaking, 312. 
Stuyvesant, Governor Peter, 67, 68. 
Subsidies, proposed ship, 556-557. 
Suffrage: in colonies, 52, 56, 77, 
123, 144. 
in England, 143. 

movement toward universal, 223, 
327, 328, 331, 439; map of, 
327-. 
recent restrictions on, 438, 439, 

577-578. 
woman, 572. 
Sugar Act (1764), 138-139. 
Sullivan, General John, 168. 
Sulzer, Governor, 533 n. 
Sumner, Charles, 359 n., 434. 

portrait of, 359. 
Sumter, Ft., 375, 381-382, 396. 
Sumter, General Thomas, 179. 
Superstition, 116. 

Supreme Court: chief justices of. 

Appendix, Table IV. 

creation of, 207, 214. 

during war and reconstruction, 

395, 434, 435, 446, 449, 450. 

early decisions of, 214, 280. 281, 

361. 
photograph of, 536. 
recent decisions of, 476, 479, 507, 

553. 
Taft appointments, 537. 
Surplus, distribution of, 310. 
Survey of public lands, 326. 
Swedes in America, 67. 



"Swinging round the circle," John- 
son's, 439. 

Taft, William H., 534-537 and n., 
538. 
portrait of, 535. 
Talleyrand (French minister), 254 
Tallmadge Amendment, 285. 
Tammany, 300, 442. 
Taney, Roger B., C. J.. 309, 361. 
Tariff: Board, 544, n. 2. 

changes, 455, (1882-1888) 474. 
compromise tariff (1833), 474. 
Custom Court of Appeal, 544.^ 
Dingley tariff (1897), 478, 
double tariff, 544 n. 
earliest, (1789) 212., (1812) 279, 
(1816) 278-279, (1824) 304, 
(1828) 304-305, (1832) 305, 
(1842) 324. 
general, 494. 

Gorman-Wilson tariff (1894), 478. 
McKinley tariff (1890), 476. 
Morrill tariff (1861), 391, 393. 
Payne- Aldrich tariff, 542. 
proposed (Confederation), 191. 
tariff in politics (1880-1892), 464, 

465, 475, 476. 
Underwood tariff, 544. 
Walker tariff, (1846) 325, (1857) 

325. 
war tariffs (1862-1864), 393. 
Tariffs, special, for colonies, 512. 
Tarleton, Colonel, 181. 
Taxation: early national taxes, 212, 
235-236, 265. 
England's dispute with colonies 
over, 135, 139-143, 144-146, 
147-148. 
since 1S60, 393, 454-455, 502. 
see Tariff, and under names of 
different kinds of taxes. 
Taylor, President Zachary, 345, 348, 

349, 350, 352. 
Tea, tax on, 147-148. 
Teachers, colonial, 114. 
Tecumseh, 17, 269, 271. 
Telegraph, electric, 322-323. 

marine, 323. 
Telephone, 568. 

Tennessee: 196, 220, 284, 435, 438. 
Civil War in, 399-404, 411, 418- 

419. 
map of (1862), 403. 
Tennessee River, 399-404. 



Index 



xlix 



Tenure of Office Act (1867), 44°, 

470-471. 
Territorial changes before 1783, 

67-68, 90, 100. 
Territorial growth since 1783; map 
between 508 and 509. 

Alaska (.1867), 509. 

boundaries (1783), 185 (map) 
313-314, 331. 

California, etc. (1848), 347; map 
of, 345- 

Floridas (1795-1821), 288-289. 

General, 331-332, 363, 575- 

Hawaii, 486. 

Louisiana (1803), 253-256; map 
of, 255. 

Oregon (1846), 343-344. 

Philippines, Porto Rico, etc. (i8g8), 
502, 50s, 506. 

Samoa (1899), 485. 

Texas (1845), 340-343 ; map of, 344. 
Territories: government of, 195-196, 
508. 

present statistics of, Appendix, 
Table VII. 

slavery in, see Slavery. 
Texas: controversy over, 256, 2S9, 
341, 343, 344, 350, 352. 

state of, 332, 334, 439, 552. 
Texas vs. White, 344. 
Thames, battle of, 271. 
Thomas, General George H., 402, 419. 
Three-fifths compromise, 202. 
Ticonderoga, Ft., 155-157, 171- 
Tilden, Samuel J., 443, 445-447. 

portrait of, 445. 
Tippecanoe, battle of, 269. 
"Tippecanoe and Tjler too," 313. 
Tobacco: cultivation of, 42, no. 

regulations about, 64, 74, in, 132. 

trust, 555- 

use of, as currency, 113, 130- 
Toleration Act of 1649 (Md.), 61. 
Tonnage Act, 212. 
Tordesillas, treaty of, 27. 
Tories, see Loyalists. 
Toscanelli, 24. 

map of, 24. 
Towns, New England, 56, 122. 
Townshend, Charles, 137, 144, 145. 
Townshend Acts (1767), 144-146. 
Trade, see Commerce. 
Trade routes with East before 1492, 
19-20. 

map of, 20. 



Trafalgar, battle of, 260. 
Transportation, see Roads, Canals, 

Steamboats, Railways. 
Travel, 121-122, 228-229, 317-322. 
Treasury, department of, 213. 
Treasury notes, see Paper money. 
Treaty : Aix-la-Chapelle (France) 
(1748), 94- 
Arbitration (1897), (1903-1905), 

509-510. 
Chinese (1869-1894), 562 n. 
Clayton-Bulwer (England), 510- 

511- 
Colombian (1903), 511. 
Cuban reciprocity (1903), 517. 
Erskine (England) (1809), 263. 
Florida (Spain) (1891-1821), 289; 

see map, 255. 
Guadalupe-Hidalgo (Mexico) 

(1848), 347; map of, 345- 
Hawaiian (1876), (1893), 486; 

map of, 486. 
Hay-Pauncefote (England) (1901), 

511, 514- 
Jay's (England), 240-241. 
Louisiana (France) (1803), 254- 

256; map of, 255. 
of alliance with France (1778), 

174-175- 
of Ghent (England) (1814), 274- 

275- 
of Ryswick (France) (1697), 90. 
of San Ildefonso (France and 

Spain), 253. 
of Washington (England) (1870), 

484 and n. 
of Westminster (Holland) (1675), 

68. 
of 1800 (France), 244. 
Paris (France) (1763), 99-100, 

map opp. 100. 
Paris (Spain) (1898), 505; see 

map opp. 505. 
Paris (1783) (England), 183-186, 

map opp. 185. 
Pinckney's (Spain) (1795), 252. 
Texan annexation (1844), 341 ; 

map of, 344. 
Utrecht (France) (17 13), QO, 

map opp. 90. 
Webster-Ashburton (1842), 313- 

314; map, 314. 
with Panama (1903), 5ii; n^ap 

of, 513- 
Trent, affair, 390-391. 



Indtw 



Trenton, battle of. io8. 
Trevett n\ Weeden (1786). loS. 
Trusts : control of, 54^. 
"money trust," 540. 
organization of, 550, 551 and n. 1 

and J. 
see also Railways. 
Turgot (French minister), 17,^. 
Turner's insurrection, 335. 
Tweed Ring. 442-443; cartoon of, 

443- 
Tyler. President John, 300, 312, 313, 

34,^- 
''Tyranny of Andros," So. 

Uncle Tom\^ Cabin, 354. 
Unconstitutional laws, 3O2. 450 ;;., 

477. 
"Underground railroad," 354. 
Underwood Tariff, 544. 
Unemployment. 573. 
I'nion : Albany jilan of, Q7-08. 

during Revolutionary- period, 141, 
147, 140-150. 157- 

under the Confederation, iqo-ior, 

IQQ. 

under Constitution, see Nation. 

United States, see Constitution, 
Congress, Nation. President, 
Supreme Court. States, etc. 

University of Pennsylvania, 120. 

Unwritten constitution, 231, 440. 577- 

Utah, 563 «., 572. 

Utrecht, treaty of (1713), go. 

V.AC.\, Cabeza de, 31. 

Vallandigham, C. L., 426. 

Valley Forge, 171, lyb. 

Van Buren, President Martin, 208. 

311, 313. 34-^ 34S. 
portrait of, 311. 
Vancouver, explorations of. 343. 
Venezuelan boundary controversy. 

48S-4S9. 
Venice, trade of, 19, 20. 
Vera Cruz, Mexico, 340. 
Vergennes (French minister), 173, 

184. 
Vermont, 221. 
Verrazano, G. da. 3,2. 
\'espucius, Americus. 20. 
Vetoes, presidential. 308. 437. 430. 

440- 
Vicksburg. campaign against, 41D- 

418; map of, 417. 



\'incennes, 178. 

\"irginia : Civil War in. 384. 405- 
411. 42:!-4^3. 4-M-4-'5- 
colonial conditions in. 107, 110. 

113. no. 
colony of, 30, 40-44. 73-75- 05- 130. 
during Revolution and Confed- 
eration. 1 00, 1O4, i8i. 182. 
180, 103. 104- 
later state of. 200, 204, 200, 24(1, 

4o5. 43Q. 442. 
map of (18(11-1865'), 406. 
Virginia plan of union. 201. 
Viri^iitius, 405. 
Virtual representation. 143. 
Voltaire, quoted. 71. 
\"oters. see Suffrage. 

W.ai.dseemui.ler's geography, 29. 
Walker. Tariff (184(1). 3^5- 
Walpole. Horace, 134. 139. 
Wages. 545 ;/., 573. 
War: Civil, 381-429. 

Indian, .vcc under Indians. 

Revolutionary. 154-182. 

second with England. 2(19-275. 

with French, 89-90. 94-100. 

with ^Mexico, 344-347. 

with Spain, 494-504. 

,v(\' also under separate names. 
War department, defects of, S02-S04. 
"War Hawks." Clay's. 270. 
Washington: Ft.. 168. 

map of (1814). 272. 

state of. 572. 

treaty of (1871), 4S4. 
Washington, city of: creation of, 
234-235- 

capture of, 273-274. 

defense of. in Civil War, 384. 405- 
407.408.410.414. 
Washington, George: portrait of, 
211. 

character of. 163. 210. 

in convention of 1787, 201. 

military leader, 95, 156, 167-171, 
176. 179, 1S2. 

president, 210, 213. 214. 233-243. 
Waterloo, battle of. 27(1. 278. 
Wayne, General Antliony, 17, 178, 

220. 
Wealth, distribution of, 573. 
Webster, Daniel, 279. 303, 313, 331, 
351- 

portrait of, 351. 



Index 



Webster : views of, on union, 303- 

304, 351-352. 
Webster- Ashburton treaty (1842), 

313-314- 
West, the : agriculture in, 458-460. 
Chinese in, 562 n. 
Civil War in, 399-405, 416-419. 
Clark's conquest of, 178. 
democracy in, 326-328. 
disputes over navigation of Mis- 
sissippi in, 196-197, 252-253. 
early settlement of, 196, 219-220, 

281-282. 
free silver movement in, 480-482. 
government of territory in, 195- 

196, 220. 
importance of, 256, 283-284, 482. 
internal improvement in, 282-283, 

328. 
land cessions in, 193-195. . 
legislation in, 328-329. 
mining in, 349, 457-458. 
Mormons in, 563 n. 
problems in (1789), 232. 
public lands in, see Lands, pubHc. 
railway problems of, 460-463. 
settlements excluded from, 100. 
slavery controversies in, 284-288, 

341-343, 347-361. 
states formed in, 221, 334. 
strikes in, 560. 
territorial acquisitions in, see 

Territorial growth, 
transportation in, 317-322. 
war in (1812-1814), 270-271. 
West Indies: English, trade with, 

III, 133, 139, 198, 241. 
French, -lOO, 240, 258. 
Spanish, 100, 197 ; see also Cuba 

and Spain. 
West Point, 179-180. 
West Virginia, 384, 433. 
Weyler, General, 495, 496. 



Whigs, English, 137, 150. 
Whigs, see Parties. 
Whisky insurrection, 235. 
Whisky Ring, 445. 
White, Governor, 37. 
White Plains, battle of, 168. 
Whitman, Rev. Marcus, 344. 
Whitney's cotton gin, 222. 
Wilderness, battles in, 422. 
William III of England, 81. 
William and Mary College, 119. 
Williams, Roger, 53-55. 

portrait of, 54. 
Wilmington, N.C., 389, 419-420. 
Wilmot Proviso, 347-348. 
Winthrop, Governor John, 51. 
Wilson, James, 202 (portrait). 
Wilson, Woodrow, quoted, 394. 

portrait, 2. 

elected to presidency, 538. 

character and policies, 541 and n. 

party and business policies, 542. 
Wilson ("Gorman) tariflf (1894), 477, 
Wilson, W. H., quoted, 400 n. 
Wisconsin, 334. 
Witchcraft, 1x6, 117. 
Wolfe, General James, 99. 
Woman, legal position of, 329, 571. 
Woman suffrage, 571. 
Writs of assistance, 134-135, 145. 
Wyoming, 572. 
Wyoming Valley, 73, 178. 

"X.Y.Z." letters, 244. 

Yale College, 120. 
"Yazoo claims," 195. 
Yeardley, Governor, 43. 
York, Duke of, see James II. 
Yorktown, capture of, 182, 408. 
Yuan Shi Kai, 520. 

Zenger case (free press), 120." 



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